安瓦爾 他們想控製話語權，我們不再接受

馬來西亞總理稱加強與中國關係有意義，外交部：讚賞表態

www.guancha.cn 2024-06-17 

 

6月17日，外交部發言人林劍主持例行記者會。會上有記者提問，據報道，馬來西亞總理安瓦爾日前接受媒體采訪稱，馬來西亞加強與中國的關係是有意義的，因為中方願意接納和傾聽馬方建議和關切，包括助力馬方發展數字經濟、可再生能源和人工智能。外交部對此作出回應。

 

發言人林劍表示，我們注意到有關報道，讚賞安瓦爾總理的有關表態。中國和馬來西亞是隔海相望的傳統友好鄰邦，建交50年來，無論國際形勢如何變化，中馬始終是坦誠互信，守望相助的好朋友、真朋友。

 

中方期待同馬方弘揚傳統友誼，深化拓展各領域合作，推動中馬命運共同體建設走深走實。中方一貫堅定支持包括馬來西亞在內的東盟國家團結自強，維護東盟的中心地位和包容性的區域架構。中方將繼續秉持開放合作、互利共贏的理念，同東盟國家一道構建更為緊密的中國—東盟命運共同體。

馬來西亞總理安瓦爾對話李世默：他們想控製話語權，但我們不能再接受！

www.guancha.cn 2024-06-16 

 

1996年，時任馬來西亞副總理安瓦爾在其著作《亞洲複興》中，勾勒了一種願景：亞洲可以複興到與“全球北方”相媲美的程度，亞洲國家可以在求同存異中走向繁榮。

兩年後，安瓦爾因與時任總理馬哈蒂爾政見不合而被“踢”出內閣，昔日的“接班人”從此投身反對黨運動，更兩度被投入監獄。2022年，75歲的安瓦爾第三次向總理之位發起衝擊，終獲成功，於當年11月宣誓就職。

 

上任伊始，安瓦爾總理提出以“永續、繁榮、創新、尊重、信任、關懷”六大原則為基礎的“昌明大馬”執政理念，希望維護社會團結、提高人民生活水平、改善營商環境，引領馬來西亞走向昌明社會。在外交領域，他重視與東盟、中國的關係，也多次強調馬來西亞不會“選邊站”。

 

6月13日，北京對話發起人、觀察者網董事長李世默在馬來西亞總理府與安瓦爾深入交流。近一小時的對話由“亞洲複興”展開，探討在單極時代走向終結的今天，亞洲和伊斯蘭世界將在多極化的世界中扮演什麽角色？覺醒的“全球南方”要如何形成團結一致的力量，應對全球挑戰？馬來西亞如何與中、美等大國相處？

 

對話中，安瓦爾還分享了他對加沙危機、俄烏衝突、供應鏈安全、美元霸權等問題的看法，並深情回顧了他政治道路上跌落低穀的艱難歲月。

 

以下為對話全文實錄：

 

亞洲複興，不隻是經濟

 

李世默：總理先生，我仰慕你很多年了，不是幾年，而是幾十年。上世紀90年代，我還是一名研究生，那時我們生活在興奮和困惑之中。興奮是因為全球化帶來的經濟增長，困惑是因為我們被告知曆史正在“終結”，我們都將成為美國，所有國家都隻有一條路可走，我們都要放棄自己的政治、文化甚至宗教和傳統，接受西方價值觀。然後，我的一個同學把這本書遞給了我。還記得嗎？

 

安瓦爾：是的。

 

李世默：這是原書，裏麵的紙張都已經變脆了。結束采訪後，我想請你在上麵簽名。

那時，我們在朋友之間傳閱這本書，它給我帶來了思想上的震撼——我們也能有屬於自己的複興？在我的印象中，你可能是第一位以文明的語境來談論亞洲的政治領袖，對我的人生、對我這一代亞洲人都產生了影響，直到現在。

 

 The Asian renaissance《亞洲複興》，安瓦爾著

 

 

我想提的第一個問題是，在1995年或1996年，當我們看似都將不可避免地走向西方自由主義社會時，你是怎麽預見到另一種未來的？第二個問題是，30年過去了，這樣的未來就在我們眼前。展望未來，我們生活在一個動蕩的世界，一切似乎都在發生劇變，在世界曆史的這個關口，你如何看待亞洲文明圈？你使用了“昌明”（Madani）這個詞，它的含義非常豐富，有很多不同的解釋，就馬來西亞、亞洲乃至全世界而言，你所說的Madani究竟是什麽意思？

安瓦爾：謝謝你的提問，世默。你一開始就提出了一係列非常複雜的問題。你遠道而來，這讓我很感動。我想說的是，上世紀90年代是經濟繁榮、成功的時期，以至於世界銀行出版了《東亞奇跡》（1993年）這份報告。當時，我對我的同行——國際貨幣基金組織的米歇爾·康德蘇（Michel Camdessus，1987年1月-2000年2月任國際貨幣基金組織總裁）和世界銀行的沃爾芬森（James Wolfensohn，1995年6月-2005年5月任世界銀行行長）說：“非常感謝你們，但要知道，我們仍然要努力解決城鄉之間嚴重不平等、貧富差距大、赤貧和落後的治理能力。”他們非常震驚。通常情況下，我們會正麵接受外界的稱讚。但我認為，那樣我們社會就會驕傲自滿。

當時還有一種趨勢，你必須遵循他們（西方）的“處方”，無論是經濟、文化還是政治，那是亨廷頓（Samuel P. Huntington）廣受歡迎的時代，他也得到了我們現在的朋友福山（Francis Fukuyama）的支持，他寫了《曆史的終結》。很多精英都相信這些，但對我來說，這都是胡扯。真正有思辨能力的人不會相信。隻有那些不懂亞洲曆史和偉大傳統文明的人才會相信西方的“處方”。中國人、印度人、馬來人或穆斯林，亞洲文明交相輝映，這些幾千年的文化和文明不能被暫時的經濟繁榮所抹去。我想說，為什麽我們亞洲人不能在從東方和西方獲得技術或成功的同時，保留一些我們自己的傳統、文化和知識呢？

點擊查看大圖

弗朗西斯·福山（視覺中國）

我的意思是，我在這裏和馬來人、馬來西亞華人、印度人一起成長，我看到這些族群在某些方麵可以非常現代、非常西方，但他們也堅守自己的傳統和文化。這促使我看到了改變範式的重要性。孝道也是必不可少的，這在很大程度上是孔子的價值觀、文化、道德和倫理，這將極大地幫助我們製定良治的原則。我們可以是普世的，也可以很亞洲。這就是為什麽我談到亞洲的複興，這不僅是經濟賦權，也是文化賦權。

現在轉向下一個問題，關於“Madani”。當你談論複興，談論經濟成就、談論文化和文明時，“Madani”實際上是這個問題的延伸。當我第一次見到習近平主席時，我就被他吸引了，因為習主席是為數不多談論文明的傑出領導人之一，從某種意義上說，他是獨一無二的。習主席的理念和我們的“Madani”概念可以很好地結合。

當然，經濟是根本，人民需要安居樂業，但文化也很重要，因為這是我們獨特的方式和價值觀，這些都深深根植於文明的問題中。這就是“Madani”的本質，它有伊斯蘭的根源，有它的文化根源，有亞洲根源，並且在一個多種族的社會中，我還注入了中國價值觀和印度價值觀，讓它變得更加包容。

李世默：多元、包容。

安瓦爾：是的。

The Asian Renaissance

By Anwar Ibrahim. Malaysia  1996, l 

The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 

It is not my habit to make public statements on political leaders and I usuaHy
prefer to hold my views private. But with my close friend and brother, Anwar
Ibrahim, the deputy prime minister and finance minister of Malaysia, I have no
hesitation. I have known him for over 20 years and he has always been a model
of virtue because he combines truthfulness with sincerity. Thi shows in his
actions both personally and professionally. From being an idealistic young man
he grew into one of the most important political leaders of Malaysia. The good
qualities he had when he was a promising young leader have not left him, in pite
of the whithering effect politics can have on one's character. Anwar is now just
as honest and sincere, humble and charitable as he was when I first met him over
20 year ago. Throughout this time, he has been strict with him elf and generous with others. demonstrating a true nobility. Above all, he has striven according to the dictum that "there is no right superior to the right of truth."

Unfortunately, too few people have striven for the truth which Anwar has pursued, leading us to the crisis in the world today. In the East, failure to think has
lead to passive decay wmle in the West, thinking too much and often wrongly 
Book Reviews 287

has lead to active decay. Anwar is neither willing to sleep over the truth, nor live
in error, and he strives against both in his new book, The Asian Renaissance. In
it, he argues for action based on wisdom and sets out many of his visions and
policy positions in a finely composed and edited collection of speeches and articles that he has delivered over the last few years. Anwar argues against replacing the passive decay of the East with another ideology that is full of errors and
leads to false activity. Anwar is unique in seeking to oppose these false ideologies with the wisdom of the East. To the proponents of dynamism for its own
sake, Anwar responds that dynamism can never be meaningful or effective outside the truth “pure and simple.” He recognizes that it is senseless to substitute
one error for another, whether it is “dynamic” or not. The first thing he does
when he arrives at any new post is intensive study and comework from both
traditional and contemporary sources, following the wisdom to “seek knowledge even if it be in China.” One must strive for the truth before strength and
efficacy, and must apply knowledge sincerely. He knows that if a truth does not
give strength, one has not really grasped it. Anwar recognizes that it is necessary to be dynamic in the light of the truth, not to change the truth to justify inaction.
In the opening chapter, Anwar argues that eternal truths guide action. He
points out that the “Renaissance” referred to in the book‘s title does not imply
imitation of the European Renaissance; rather, it refers to the spiritual reawakening of the eternal truths lying dormant in the East. In fact, the Asian
Renaissance opposes the European Renaissance, which attempted to resurrect
the Promethean man in his rebellion against Heaven “as an agent independent
of the theological and natural order” (p. 18). Anwar argues that this is an
inversion of the Islamic concept of man as God’s vicegerent on earth (khafifat
Allahfi af-ard), as well as the Confucianjen and the Christian “Imugo Dei or
Ponrifex, the bridge between Heaven and earth” (p. 18). As his broad range of
references from different religious traditions demonstrates, Anwar believes
that the theosophies of Asia, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Hinduism,
Buddhism, and the wisdom therein, as well as the impact of Islam in the region
give the Asian Renaissance a strong spiritual foundation on which to build
civilization. He recognizes that the Truth uniting all religions is God, the
Absolute, and that everything relative is attached to the Absolute--corresponding to the two fundamental witnesses in Islam: “There is no divinity but
Allah” and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah.’’ In this sense, Anwar discerns that more than one civilization has approached the “mountain of truth,”
and that it has more than one side to be seen. Some people may cynically
argue that Anwar’s position is politically motivated; however, I know that he
has held the same position since has was a young idealist when he asserted
that God has sent prophets to every nation.
According to Anwar, Asia’s spiritual foundation is intrinsic to the renaissance now underway. It stands in direct opposition to the secular view that the
Asian Renaissance is based upon a rejection of spiritual principles and that the
“mountain of truth” uniting the religions must be denied to make the East
“dynamic.” Anwar opposes this proposal for active decay by arguing that the
Asian Renaissance is sustainable only by the application of truth, not error, to
a new environment. He applies this vision to the social, political, and economic realms in the follow chapters. The guiding principle from which Anwar 
288 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 142
derives policy for all meas of life is the truth that man is homo viaror, or “a
being mated for a higher pwpose.”
In the second chapter, Anwar describes the dialogue and symbiosis between
the East and the West. In this regard, Anwar strives not to compromise the
truth in his criticism of both. Indeed, any act of criticism based on spiritual
principles is an act of charity in the profoundest sense, and Anwar seeks to
deliver it here. Some Muslims are afraid to tell the mth out of fear of appearmg discourteous, or showing pr dub. However, the Prophet had perfect
odab and asserted the Truth in a direct and open manner. He never sadiced
Truth for the sake of udab and I believe Anwar endeavors to follow the ethics
of prophethood in this matter. He points out the weaknesses of both the East
and the West and the need for one to learn from the other. Anwar suggests that
the West can benefit from the traditional wisdom of the East to replace its
false activity with a true rest. He also suggests that the East should replace its
false rest with a true activity guided by spiritual principles, and calls for a dialogue between East and West. However, a dialogue requires two parties who
believe they can learn something from the other. While many believers from
the different faiths are ready for constructive dialogue, I do not believe the
secularists are humble enough yet to learn from the people of traditional wisdom. There is little mom for dialogue when one party is full of itself.
In the third and fourth chapters, @war moves to the political and legal
domains, respectively, where he has served so admirably. Concerning politics,
Anwar maintains that one cannot postpone or avoid the question of man’s ultimate aim and purpose. Indeed, politics regulates man’s common or social life,
and man is dependent upon support from the community. It follows that either
one recognizes God as the Absolute and pursues politics mindful of the eternal destiny of man or one believes that there are no higher obligations, leading one to fall under the attraction of Machiavellianism in which politics is the
art of taking and maintaining power for private gain. There is no supportable
middle position as the secular humanists claim because there is no good-will
without God. Anwar, therefore, argues for democracy and justice based on
spiritual principles. He suggests that these principles require one to fulfill
one’s duties, not simply to insist on rights, and that the secular argument for
unconditional rights without responsibility leads to the destruction of society
and the loss of authentic democracy. “He who does not observe the rights of
God is bound to abuse the rights of the people.” Anwar envisions that a
democracy based on spiritual realities will look quite different from its sentimental, secular counterpart.
A brief cautionary note is in order here regarding Anwar’s selection of
quotes from various Western sources which are included in the English edition. The reader should not interpret Anwar’s favorable quotation of a given
individual as an endorsement of the person’s argument. For example, Anwar
quotes John Lock favorably regarding the “inviolability of human life and
property” @. 52). However, Loch was also the father British empiricism and
denied the epistemological basis of knowing the traditional mths which guide
Anwar‘s spiritual approach to policy. Starting with a passional error, Lock
pnwxeds logically to conclusions on politics that are nevertheless passional
opiniorrP and may accidentally coincide with reality. In quoting such opinions.
Anwar endorses the conclusion based on spiritual realities, not the flawed
argument leading to the quoted conclusion. In this sense, it would be pre- 
Book Reviews 289
ferrable to qualify favorable quotations from these sources to avoid confusing
readers who are not familiar with the arguments behind them.
In chapters five and six, Anwar moves to the economic domain in which he
has achieved so much success. He argues that the separation of ethics and economics is false, and that all activities should be integrated around a “Sacred
Center.” Anwar denies that economic choices can be reduced to quantitative
considerations, and that different ends exist qualitatively. Secular economics
abstracts from God and attaches all things to utility, making the relative
absolute and limiting economics to quantitative considerations of “more” or
“less” utility while denying the qualitative existence of intrinsic “good“ and
“evil.” Anwar opposes this, arguing that economics is applied ethics that
addresses the qualitative choices man must face as homo viafur, and as representative of God whose choices conform to His design for the world.
While chapter five focuses on comptive economics, chapter six focuses
on specific areas of concern for social welfare, such as productivity, taxation,
and privatization. Anwar has an impressive track record in this area. Serving
as finance minister during a period in which Malaysia grew dramatically, he
instituted policies that ensured that the poor were not left out of this prosperity. He introduced low-cost housing and worked with businesses to arrange for
interest-free loans to ensure that the needy had suitable homes. His concern
with ethics and his unwillingness to neglect those who were not powerful
enough to stand up for themselves prove his sincerity. His stellar performance
earned Anwar the confidence of Western leaders. Former prime minister of
Great Britain, Margaret Thatcher, noted, that if Britain wants a solution to its
economic problems, then Britain should borrow Anwar.
Finally, Anwar concludes his book with chapters on culture, Islam in
Southeast Asia, and Asia in the future. Throughout these chapters, he applies
the spiritual principles set forward at the beginning of the book to resolve
problems and answer questions in each area. Although believers may sincerely draw different implications from the truth that God is the Absolute and all
things are attached to God, no sincere believer can dispute that this is the right
approach to respond to the passive and active decay of both the East and the
West. Anwar argues that this is the only basis on which the Asian Renaissance
can be sustained.
Perhaps the main lesson of The Asian Renuissunce is that there should be no
activity outside the truth. Although this may not guarantee success, it is the
first principle of action. I know Anwar has always striven to fulfill his duty
without asking whether he would be successful or not-his faithfulness to
principles has its own intrinsic value. The logically and spiritually correct
activity which Anwar smves for can have incalculable effects in the spiritual
reawakening of the East. It can also provide a truly spiritual model for the
West. One of my friends said that Anwar’s book is the region’s manifesto for
the 20th century. I think he was right. Taha Jabir al-‘Alwani
President, School of Islamic and Social Sciences
Leesburg, Virginia

責任編輯: 王愷雯