風蕭蕭_Frank
以文會友
我對中國和中歐關係的看法
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/my-view-china-and-eu-china-relations_en
2023 年 4 月 13 日
Josep Borrell，歐盟外交與安全政策高級代表/歐盟委員會副主席, 人力資源/副總裁博客——我本應今天在北京與中國領導人會麵並討論中歐關係、地區和全球問題。 不幸的是，我不得不取消我的訪問，因為我的 COVID-19 測試呈陽性，但我在這裏發表了我周五將在中國與全球化中心發表的演講。
我第一次訪問中國是在 1987 年，當時我以西班牙財政部國務秘書的身份前來簽署第一份關於我們公司雙重征稅的協定。 當時，中國正開始令人矚目的經濟騰飛和對外開放。 我於 2006 年以歐洲議會議長的身份返回。 它已經是另一個中國，處於世界經濟重心從大西洋向太平洋轉移的核心。 與此同時，它加入了世貿組織，並正在成為全球經濟關係中的核心參與者。 我與胡錦濤主席進行了長時間的交談，然後他邀請我到中國共產黨領導學院演講。 當時，中國已經有大量外匯儲備投資於美國國債。 我記得在我的演講中我指出具有諷刺意味的是，美元匯率取決於中國共產黨的決定。 但這些決定是雙刃劍，因為美元貶值會自動降低這些儲備的價值。
後來，2019年，我還以西班牙外長的身份訪問了北京，應邀參加了“一帶一路”倡議的慶祝活動。這段時間，中國經濟持續發展，不再是簡單的低端產品生產國。 廉價勞動力成本高，技術強國在過去50年實現了數億人脫貧的曆史性壯舉。這是人類的偉大成就，也是中國當局政策選擇的結果 ，也是支持開放市場和自由貿易的時候。
中美經濟已經深入並日益交織在一起。 歐洲經濟也是如此。 我們20%的進口來自中國，而中國是我們9%出口的目的地； 我們每天的貿易額為 23 億歐元。 然而，這種不平衡在不斷擴大，我們的貿易逆差在過去兩年翻了一番。 這當然是不可持續的，需要解決，主要是通過消除歐洲公司在中國仍然麵臨的無數市場準入壁壘。 正如歐盟委員會主席一周前在北京所說，我們需要透明和互惠。 簡而言之，公平的競爭環境。
世界變了，中國也變了
然而，從那以後，世界變了，中國也變了。 “mondialisation heureuse”的時代結束了。 經濟一體化的好處正在從國家安全的角度重新評估。 我們必須麵對氣候緊急情況、大流行病的後果以及俄羅斯對烏克蘭的侵略戰爭。 這場戰爭加劇了對供應鏈的衝擊以及糧食和能源危機。 在此背景下，我們認為中國必須承擔更多責任，包括對安全與和平的責任。 它無法避免這一點。 如果我們想要一個合作勝過對抗的國際秩序，每個人都必須充分履行自己的責任，確保國際法得到尊重。
我堅信公共外交、個人和人際交流的重要性，雙方都可以從更好地了解對方中獲益。 這就是為什麽歐中之間的文化和人員交流在中斷三年後必須盡快恢複。 我們關係的主要基礎應該是相互了解和尊重。 Covid-19 危機和最近的國際緊張局勢擴大了歐洲和中國之間的知識差距。 我們必須共同努力縮小這一差距。
我知道歐盟是一種國家聯盟，其運作可能看起來很複雜。 然而，當談到外交和安全政策時，它是基於簡單的原則。 歐洲理事會匯集了成員國的國家元首和政府首腦，確定聯盟的戰略選擇，部長和歐盟委員會負責實施這些選擇，歐洲議會監督其活動。
在這個體係中，成員國保留對其外交和安全政策的責任。 作為高級代表，我的職責是製定一項共同政策，成為歐盟的對外政策，無論是針對中國還是任何其他國家，並在世界範圍內以部長級身份代表歐盟。
這一切可能看起來很複雜。 但這種複雜性有一個優勢，可以創建一個超國家和民主的歐洲體係，確保歐洲人之間的和平與繁榮。 這才是最重要的。
麵對最近的極端挑戰，歐盟在其外交和安全政策上表現出非凡的團結。 作為對俄羅斯侵略烏克蘭的回應，它立即在創紀錄的時間內采取了開創性的舉措，向烏克蘭提供軍事和財政支持，並對俄羅斯戰爭機器采取了十項製裁措施。
我們怎麽看中國？
歐盟在 2020 年獲得歐洲理事會批準的目前對中國的立場是基於已知的三重格局：合作夥伴、競爭對手和係統性競爭對手。 從那時起發生了很多事情。 近年來，由於越來越多的刺激因素（如中國對歐盟有針對性的限製措施的過度反應、中國對立陶宛的貿易措施對我們的歐盟單一市場產生直接影響，以及中國的立場），歐盟與中國之間的雙邊關係近年來惡化 關於對烏克蘭的戰爭）。 但與此同時，我們仍致力於接觸與合作，並認識到中國在解決全球和地區問題中的關鍵作用。 例如，在氣候變化問題上：盡管中國在應對二氧化碳排放方麵做出了越來越大的努力，但中國燃燒的煤炭數量仍然與世界其他地區的總和一樣多。 沒有與中國強有力的夥伴關係和參與，就沒有機會找到解決全球變暖的辦法。
話雖如此，我將談到我的主要觀點。 這歸結為兩個基本問題：我們如何看待中國？ 在什麽條件下我們可以學會一起工作？
我們怎麽看中國？ 我們認為它是一個人口眾多的大國，它的崛起是人類悠久曆史的一部分。 過去 50 年 GDP 年均增長率為 9%，並大規模消除貧困。
然而，我們從經驗中知道，一旦一個國家獲得了經濟實力，它自然也想在政治和戰略層麵上投射自己。 如果說中國取得了巨大進步，那要歸功於其勤勞和富有創造力的人民，但如果沒有市場原則的引入、經濟開放以及由世界各國規則所保障的開放多邊體係的存在，這一切就不會發生 貿易組織。
遵守這些規則符合我們所有人的利益。 但更新它們也符合我們的利益。 因為從 2000 年代初到今天，世界發生了根本性的變化。 許多問題，如出口補貼、能源轉型、數字化、網絡安全或知識產權保護，在當時並不那麽緊迫，但從那時起就變得如此緊迫。
在這個新世界中，新的力量不斷湧現。 他們要求在世界秩序中占有一席之地。 我們必須接受一個更加多極化的世界到來的現實，在這個世界中，表達的主張往往具有不同的、有時甚至是不同的含義。 因此，這一現實強加給我們和其他人，當然也包括中國。
減少失衡的必要性
我們不懼怕中國的崛起。 然而，我們知道，明天世界的曆史也將取決於中國如何運用其力量。 我們不懼怕不斷變化的世界。 更重要的是，雖然我們意識到新的現實，但作為歐洲人，我們也擁有重要的政治、工業、科學和文化資產。 我們的規範影響力很強，而且往往是原創的。 我們的社會和政治模式反映了這種原創性和力量。 它不會盲目地相信市場或國家。 它始終努力將市場效率與個人保護、善治和政治多元化結合起來。 此外，確實有歐洲的聲音和歐洲的方式。 在這方麵，仍然至關重要的是，我們都尊重我們所屬的國際體係的核心規則和規範。
正如我所說，中國和歐盟有著牢固的經濟關係，尤其是在貿易方麵。 到2022年，我們的貿易總額已達到近8500億歐元。但這些往來越來越不平衡，對我們不利。 我們的貿易逆差已達到創紀錄的 4000 億歐元，占我們 GDP 的 2.3%。
因此必須減少這種不平衡。 還必須通過允許歐洲人更好地進入中國市場來解決這些問題。 我們都有興趣維護一個開放的係統。 如果失衡得不到糾正，我們就必須做出反應。 歐洲仍將是世界上最開放的主要市場，但我們會毫不猶豫地采取措施保護自己免受我們認為不公平做法的侵害。 也不會允許危及我們成員國國家安全的有害活動。
技術武器化和相互依存是我們已經變得非常敏感的現實。 大流行病和俄羅斯的能源勒索告訴我們，我們不能依賴一個國家。 例如，我們知道，我們過度依賴某些國家，包括中國，以獲得某些原材料，如鈷、錳或鎂。 最後，我們真正的依賴源於這些產品在製成品進口中的整合。 因此，需要使我們的價值鏈多樣化，因為產品的戰略重要性不僅取決於它的生產地，還取決於它的提煉或製造地。 我們還必須防止我們的敏感技術被用於軍事目的。
我們能夠迅速擺脫對俄羅斯的能源依賴表明，當我們的切身利益受到威脅時，我們能夠迅速而強烈地做出反應。 我們成功地做到了這一點，俄羅斯認為這是不可能的。 我們實現了供應多元化，減少了消耗，增加了可再生能源的份額並支持了烏克蘭。 歐洲沒有威脅任何人。 但它不會讓任何人恐嚇它。
正如歐洲領導人在 2022 年 3 月舉行的凡爾賽非正式峰會上所商定的那樣，歐洲現在必須承擔起所有領域的責任，以通過提高防禦能力、減少依賴和設計新的增長和投資模式來維護其主權。 2030 年。
你可以隨心所欲地稱呼它：增加我們的戰略自主權或降低風險，但這都歸結為同一件事。 但我要強調，我們為保護自己而采取的這些措施並非針對某個國家，而是符合 WTO 規則的。
為共同利益而共同努力
我還相信，存在一個多邊空間，歐盟和中國可以在其中為共同利益共同努力。 比如昆明蒙特利爾框架協議保護生物多樣性和陸地和海洋生態係統，或者在G20暫停償債倡議框架下解決最不發達國家的過度債務問題。 歐盟提出的大流行病國際條約草案也是如此。 最重要的是，我們需要在氣候變化這個關鍵問題上共同努力，我們確實需要中國方麵有更高的雄心才能取得進展。 共同努力解決這些全球性問題是恢複我們之間已被侵蝕的信任的重要途徑。
但隻有當我們在重大國際政治問題上能夠相互理解並在和平解決衝突方麵取得進展時，這種信任才會恢複。 我知道從你的角度來看，一個關鍵問題是台灣。 我完全清楚這一點。 在這個問題上，你應該知道，歐盟的立場是一貫的、明確的。 它沒有改變。 我們仍然從根本上致力於歐盟的一個中國政策。 我們認為沒有理由質疑它。 我們必須降低緊張； 避免隻會助長不信任的言語爆發或挑釁。 然而，任何以武力改變現狀的企圖都是不可接受的。
就我們而言，我們有一個主要的安全問題，即烏克蘭。 歐洲國家的主權和領土完整遭到俄羅斯的粗暴和公然侵犯。 遭到141個聯合國會員國的譴責，可見俄羅斯對國際秩序的嚴重破壞。
我不是來這裏給中國上課或建議的。 我太尊重它的獨立和主權了。 然而，我想在所有的友誼中說：如果中國不為尋找做出貢獻，歐盟與中國保持信任關係將是極其困難的，如果不是不可能的話，我希望看到這種關係 尋求基於俄羅斯從烏克蘭領土撤軍的政治解決方案。 在違反國際法的情況下保持中立是不可信的。 我們不要求任何人與我們的立場保持一致。 我們隻是要求承認並承認在這種情況下嚴重違反了國際法。 這就是為什麽我認為，習主席與澤倫斯基總統通話，以及中國向受虐的烏克蘭人民提供更多實質性人道主義援助，將會有所幫助。
承擔責任，幫助俄羅斯聽話
Take on responsibility and help Russia to listen to reason
俄羅斯困難重重。 普京想象中的閃電戰以失敗告終。 而且因為它有麻煩，它顯然是想把中國拉到自己這邊。 在與中國承諾不在境外部署核武器後，又宣布在白俄羅斯部署核武器，增加了核風險。 中國拒絕封鎖心態。 我們也是。 這就是為什麽我們會特別關注中國可能采取的任何步驟，最終讓俄羅斯領導人聽從理性。 作為聯合國安理會常任理事國，中國肩負著重大責任。 我們希望它能接受更多這樣的人，例如它在中東所做的那樣，通過促進沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之間的外交關係重建。
歐洲正在保衛烏克蘭，並準備迎接它的一天。 但今天，歐洲的安全也因烏克蘭而受到威脅。 這就是為什麽我們將繼續以各種可能的方式支持烏克蘭：軍事、財政、政治、外交和人道主義。 我們的支持絕不是表達對另一個大國的效忠或屈服，正如我聽到有人說的那樣，而是表達我們自己的意願。 請理解這一點。 我們為之奮鬥的是我們自己的命運。
來到歐洲，您會看到有多少人自發地支持烏克蘭及其人民。 例如，在我家附近，在馬德裏，四周環繞著烏克蘭國旗。 這不是政府提出的要求。 與烏克蘭人民一起自發動員起來的是人民和市政當局。
對我們來說，人權是普遍的，應該在任何地方都受到尊重
我沒有篇幅在這裏詳細討論所有相關問題，有些問題使我們走到一起，有些則使我們分開。 例如，人權問題。 我們在這裏有深刻而嚴重的分歧。 我們不能隱瞞這個事實。 但是，這也是我們必須坦誠、冷靜、堅決地發言的原因。 我們在中斷四年後恢複了歐盟與中國之間的人權對話。 對我們來說，人權是普遍的，在任何地方都應該受到尊重。
我無意詳盡地討論整個中歐關係，但我希望我已經觸及了中歐關係的一些基本要素。 歐洲尊重中國，欽佩它的曆史、文化和令人印象深刻的經濟發展軌跡。 我們知道，世界上的問題離不開中國。 作為回報，歐洲希望被認真對待，成為一個地緣政治參與者，能夠捍衛其利益和價值觀並承擔其戰略責任。
擺在我們麵前的真正挑戰是如何最好地使我們的關係發揮作用以及如何處理我們的分歧。 這符合中國的利益，也符合歐盟的利益。 我們欠世界的。
My view on China and EU-China relations
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/my-view-china-and-eu-china-relations_en?
Apr 13, 2023
Later, in 2019, I also visited Beijing as Spain's Foreign Minister, invited to the celebration ceremonies of the “Belt and Road Initiative". During all this time, China has continued its economic development. It is no longer a simple producer of low-cost goods with cheap labour, but a technological powerhouse that has achieved the historic feat of lifting hundreds of million people out of poverty over the past 50 years. This is a great achievement of mankind and was made possible by the policy choices of the Chinese authorities, being also time in favour of open markets and free trade.
The Chinese and US economies have been deeply and increasingly intertwined. So does the European economy. 20% of our imports come from China, which is the destination of 9% of our exports; our trade represents 2.3 billion euros per day. However, the imbalance is continuously getting bigger and our trade deficit has doubled in the last two years. This is of course unsustainable and needs to be addressed, principally through the removal of the myriad of market access barriers that European companies still face in China. As the president of the European Commission said in Beijing only a week ago, we need transparency, reciprocity. In short, a level playing field.
The world has changed and so has China
However, since then, the world has changed and so has China. The time of the “mondialisation heureuse” is over. The benefits of the economic integration are being re-evaluated through the lens of national security. We have to face the climate emergency, the consequences of the pandemic, and Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. This war has fuelled shocks on supply chains, and a food and energy crisis. In this context, we believe that China must exercise more responsibility, also for security and peace. It cannot avoid this. If we want an international order where cooperation prevails over confrontation, everyone must fully exercise their responsibilities to ensure respect for international law.
I strongly believe in the importance of public diplomacy, in personal and human exchanges and that both sides gain from knowing each other better. This is why cultural and personal exchanges between Europe and China must be resumed as soon as possible after three years of interruption. The primary foundation of our relations should be mutual knowledge and respect. The Covid-19 crisis and recent international tensions have widened the knowledge gap between Europe and China. We must work together to reduce this gap.
I know that the functioning of the EU, which is a kind of confederation of states, may seem complex. However, when it comes to foreign and security policy it is based on simple principles. The European Council, which brings together the heads of state and government of the member states, defines the strategic choices of the Union, The ministers and the European Commission implement them and the European Parliament monitors its activity.
In this system, the member states retain responsibility for their foreign and security policy. My role as High Representative is to build a common policy, which becomes the external policy of the Union, whether it is in relation to China or any other country, and to represent it in the world at ministerial level.
All this may seem complex. But this complexity has an advantage of creating a supranational and democratic European system that has ensured peace and proserity among Europeans. And this is what counts.
In the face of the recent extreme challenges, the EU has been able to show remarkable unity in its foreign and security policy. As a response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it immediately took ground-breaking initiatives in record time, providing military and financial support to Ukraine and adopting ten packages of sanctions against the Russian war machine.
How do we see China?
The EU's current position on China, endorsed by the European Council in 2020, is based on the known triptych: partner, competitor and systemic rival. A lot has happened since then. Bilateral relations between the EU and China have deteriorated in recent years, due to a growing number of irritants (like China's disproportionate response to EU’s targeted restricted measures, China’s trade measures against Lithuania, with a direct impact on our EU single market, and China's position on the war against Ukraine). But at the same time, we have remained committed to engagement and cooperation and recognise China's crucial role in solving global and regional problems. On climate change, for example: despite China’s growing efforts in the fight against CO2 emissions, China still burns as much coal as the rest of the world combined. There is no chance of finding a solution to global warming without a strong partnership with and engagement of China.
Having said that, I will come to my main point. And this comes down to two fundamental questions: how do we see China? And under what conditions can we learn to work together?
How do we see China? We see it as a power with a large population, the rise of which is part of the long history of humanity. With an average annual GDP growth rate of 9% over the last fifty years and a massive eradication of poverty.
However, we know from experience that as soon as a country achieves economic power it also naturally wants to project itself on political and strategic levels. If China has made great progress, it is thanks to its industrious and creative people, but it would not have happened without the introduction of market principles, the economic opening and the existence of an open multilateral system guaranteed by rules such as those of the World Trade Organization.
It is in the interest of all of us to respect these rules. But it is also in our interest to update them. Because between the beginning of the 2000s and today the world has undergone fundamental changes. Many issues as important as export subsidies, energy transition, digitalisation, cyber security or intellectual property protection, which were not as pressing at the time, have become so since then.
And in this new world there are new powers emerging. They demand their place in the world order. We must accept the reality of the advent of a more multipolar world, in which claims with often different and sometimes divergent meanings are expressed. This reality is therefore imposed on us as on others, including of course China.
The need to reduce imbalances
We do not fear China's rise. However, we know that the history of tomorrow's world will also depend on how China uses its power. We do not fear the changing world. Even more because, while we are aware of the new realities, as Europeans we also have important political, industrial, scientific and cultural assets. Our normative influence is strong and often original. Our social and political model reflects this originality and strength. It does not blindly trust either the market or the state. It always strives to combine market efficiency with individual protection, good governance and political pluralism. In addition, there is indeed a European voice and a European way. In this, what remains vital is that we all respect the core rules and norms of the international system to which we belong.
As I said, China and the EU have strong economic relations, especially as to trade. The total amount of our trade has reached nearly 850 billion euros in 2022. But these exchanges are increasingly unbalanced to our disadvantage. Our trade deficit has reached a record of 400 billion euros, or 2.3% of our GDP.
This imbalance must therefore be reduced. They must also be addressed by allowing much better access to the Chinese market for Europeans. We all have an interest in maintaining an open system. If imbalances are not corrected, we have to react. Europe will remain the most open major market in the world, but we will not hesitate hesitated to take measures to protect ourselves against practices that we consider unfair. Neither will be permit harmful activities that place at risk the national security of our member states.
The weaponisation of technology and interdependence is a reality to which we have become very sensitive. The pandemic and the Russian energy blackmail have taught us that we cannot be dependent on a single country. We know, for example, that we depend excessively on certain countries, including China, for certain raw materials such as cobalt, manganese or magnesium. In the end, our real dependence stems from the integration of these products in manufactured imports. Hence, the need to diversify our value chains because the strategic importance of a product does not only depend on the place where it is produced, but also on the place where it is refined or manufactured. We must also prevent our sensitive technologies from being used for military purposes.
Our ability to quickly get rid of our energy dependence from Russia shows that we are able to react quickly and strongly when our vital interests are threatened. We have done this successfully, something Russia thought was impossible. We have diversified our supplies, reduced our consumption, increased the share of renewables and supported Ukraine. Europe is not threatening anyone. But it will not let anyone intimidate it.
As agreed by the European leaders at their Informal summit of Versailles in March 2022, Europe must now assume its responsibilities in all areas in order to assert its sovereignty by increasing its defence capabilities, reducing its dependencies and designing a new model of growth and investment by 2030.
You can call it as you prefer: increasing our strategic autonomy or de-risking, but it all comes down to the same thing. But let me emphasize that these measures that we are adopting to defend ourselves are not directed against a country and are compatible with WTO rules.
Work together for the common good
I also believe that there is a multilateral space in which the European Union and China can manage to work together for the common good. For instance with the agreement of the Kunming Montreal Framework to protect biodiversity and terrestrial and maritime ecosystems, or with regard to tackling the excessive debt of the least developed countries in the framework of the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative. This will also be the case with the draft international treaty on pandemics proposed by the European Union. And above all we need to work together on the crucial issue of climate change, where we do need a higher level of ambition on China’s side to progress. Working together concretely to tackle such global issues is one important way to restore the trust that has been eroded between us.
But this trust will only return if we manage to understand each other on major international political issues and make progress towards a peaceful resolution of conflicts. I know that from your point of view a key issue is Taiwan. I am fully aware of this. On this subject, you should know that the European Union's position is consistent and clear. It has not changed. We remain fundamentally committed to EU’s One China Policy. We see no reason to question it. We must lower the tension; avoid verbal outbursts or provocations that can only fuel mistrust. However, any attempt to change the status quo by force would be unacceptable.
For our part, we have a major security concern, Ukraine. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of a European country has been brutally and flagrantly violated by Russia. It has been condemned by 141 member states of the United Nations, which shows how Russia has seriously damaged the international order.
I am not here to give lessons or advice to China. I have too much respect for its independence and sovereignty. However, I would like to say this in all friendship: it will be extremely difficult, if not impossible, for the European Union to maintain a relationship of trust with China, which I would like to see, if China does not contribute to the search for a political solution based on Russia's withdrawal from the Ukrainian territory. Neutrality in the face of the violation of international law is not credible. We do not ask anyone to align with our own position. We simply ask to admit and recognise that in this case there was a serious violation of international law. This is why I believe that it would be helpful if President Xi spoke to President Zelenskyy, and if China provided more substantial humanitarian aid to the battered Ukrainian people.
Take on responsibility and help Russia to listen to reason
Russia is in great difficulty. The lightning war that Putin imagined has ended in failure. And because it is in trouble, it obviously wants to involve China on its side. Right after committing with China not to deploy nuclear weapons outside their territory, it announced that it would do so in Belarus, increasing the nuclear risk. China rejects the block mentality. So do we. This is why we will be particularly attentive to any steps that China might take to finally make the Russian leaders listen to reason. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has major responsibilities. We hope that it will take on more of them, as it has for instance done in the Middle East by facilitating the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Europe is defending Ukraine and prepares to welcome it one day in its family. But today, Europe’s security is also at stake in Ukraine. This why we will continue supporting Ukraine in every conceivable way: militarily, financially, politically, diplomatically and humanitarian. Our support is in no way the expression of a form of allegiance or submission to another great power, as I hear some say, but the expression of our own will. Please, understand this. It is our own destiny we are fighting for.
Come to Europe, you will see how much spontaneous support there is for Ukraine and its people. Near my home for example, in Madrid, surrounded by Ukrainian flags. It was not the government that demanded this. It is the people and the municipalities that have spontaneously mobilised alongside the Ukrainian people.
For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhere
I have not the space to discuss here in detail all the relevant issues, some that bring us together and some that separate us. The issue of human rights, for example. We have deep and serious differences here. We must not hide this fact. However, this is also why we must speak frankly, calmly and resolutely. We have resumed the dialogue on human rights between the EU and China after a four-year interruption. For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhere.
It was not my ambition to deal exhaustively with the whole of Sino-European relations, but I hope I have touched upon some essential elements of EU-China relations. Europe respects China, it admires its history, its culture and its impressive economic trajectory. We know the world's problems cannot be solved without China. In return, Europe expects to be taken serious as a geopolitical actor, capable of defending its interests and values and assuming its strategic responsibilities.
The real challenge before us is how best to make our relations work and how to manage our differences. This will be in the interest of China and in the interest of the European Union. We owe it to the world.
