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Krugman 希望擺脫怨恨驅動的政治

(2024-12-11 07:21:16) 下一個

Krugman 希望擺脫怨恨驅動的政治

https://www.heraldnet.com/opinion/krugman-hope-for-moving-past-resentment-driven-politics/

保羅·克魯格曼回顧了他作為《紐約時報》專欄作家 25 年的變化。

保羅·克魯格曼/《紐約時報》 2024 年 12 月 11 日

這是我在《紐約時報》的最後一篇專欄文章,我從 2000 年 1 月開始在《紐約時報》上發表我的觀點。我是在《紐約時報》退休,而不是在世界,所以我仍然會在其他地方表達我的觀點。但這似乎是一個很好的機會來反思過去 25 年發生了什麽變化。

回想起來,令我印象深刻的是,當時這裏和西方世界大部分地區的許多人是多麽樂觀,而這種樂觀已被憤怒和怨恨所取代。我指的不僅僅是那些感到被精英背叛的工人階級;現在美國最憤怒、最怨恨的人——這些人似乎很可能對即將上任的特朗普政府產生很大影響——是那些覺得自己沒有得到足夠尊重的億萬富翁。

很難形容 1999 年和 2000 年初大多數美國人的感受有多好。民意調查顯示,人們對國家發展方向的滿意程度以今天的標準來看似乎超現實。我對 2000 年大選的看法是,許多美國人認為和平與繁榮是理所當然的,所以他們投票給了那個看起來更有趣的人。

在歐洲,事情似乎也進展順利。特別是,1999 年歐元的引入被廣泛譽為朝著更緊密的政治和經濟一體化邁出的一步;如果你願意的話,可以稱之為朝著歐洲合眾國邁出的一步。我們這些醜陋的美國人中有些人心存疑慮,但最初並沒有很多人這樣認為。

當然,事情並非一帆風順。例如,在克林頓執政期間,美國已經出現了相當多的類似 QAnon 的陰謀論,甚至出現了國內恐怖主義事件。亞洲發生了金融危機,我們中的一些人認為這可能是未來事件的預兆;我在 1999 年出版了一本名為《大蕭條經濟學的回歸》的書,認為類似的事情可能會發生在美國;十年後,當他們真的這麽做時,我出版了修訂版。

盡管如此,當我開始為本文撰稿時,人們對未來還是感覺相當樂觀。

為什麽這種樂觀情緒會消退?在我看來,我們對精英階層的信任已經崩潰:公眾不再相信掌權的人知道自己在做什麽,或者我們可以假設他們是誠實的。

情況並非總是如此。 2002 年和 2003 年,我們這些認為入侵伊拉克的理由從根本上說是欺詐的人遭到了許多人反對,他們拒絕相信美國總統會做這樣的事情。現在誰還會這麽說呢?

2008 年的金融危機以另一種方式破壞了公眾對政府知道如何管理經濟的信心。歐元作為一種貨幣經受住了 2012 年達到頂峰的歐洲危機,這場危機導致一些國家的失業率達到大蕭條的水平,但對歐盟官員的信任——以及對歐洲光明未來的信念——卻沒有改變。

失去公眾信任的不僅僅是政府。回顧過去,看看金融危機之前銀行的受歡迎程度有多高,真是令人驚訝。

就在不久前,科技億萬富翁還受到政治界的廣泛欽佩,有些人甚至獲得了民間英雄的地位。但現在他們和他們的一些產品麵臨著幻滅甚至更糟的情況;澳大利亞甚至禁止 16 歲以下兒童使用社交媒體。

這讓我想起我之前的觀點:目前美國最憤恨的人似乎都是憤怒的億萬富翁。

我們以前就見過這種情況。2008 年金融危機被廣泛(正確地)部分歸因於金融交易,在金融危機之後,你可能以為昔日的宇宙之主會表現出一點悔意,甚至對獲得救助表示感激。但我們看到的卻是“奧巴馬怒火”,對這位第 44 任總統甚至暗示華爾街可能對這場災難負有部分責任感到憤怒。

如今,從埃隆·馬斯克開始,一些科技億萬富翁的極右翼轉向引起了很多討論。我認為我們不應該想太多,尤其不應該試圖說這是政治正確的自由主義者的錯。基本上,這歸結於富豪們的狹隘,他們過去常常享受公眾的認可,但現在他們發現世界上所有的錢都買不到愛。

那麽,有沒有辦法擺脫我們所處的嚴峻處境?我相信,雖然怨恨可以讓壞人掌權,但從長遠來看,怨恨並不能讓他們繼續掌權。在某個時候,公眾會意識到,大多數抨擊精英的政客實際上在各個方麵都是精英,並開始追究他們的責任

因為他們未能兌現承諾,公眾可能會因此而感到羞愧。到那時,公眾可能願意聽取那些不試圖以權威為據、不做出虛假承諾、而是盡力講真話的人的意見。

我們可能永遠無法恢複對領導人的那種信任——相信掌權的人通常會說真話,知道自己在做什麽——我們曾經有過這種信任。我們也不應該這樣做。但如果我們站起來反對惡人統治——由最壞的人統治——這種現象正在出現,我們最終可能會找到回到更美好世界的道路。

本文最初發表於《紐約時報》,2024 年左右。

“如果我們與現在仍然出現的‘惡人政治’作鬥爭……
???? https://www.mk.co.kr › 世界

SHIN Yoonjae shishis111@mk.co.kr 2024-12-11

我們即將結束25年的連載。9日揭曉你的告別專欄。“過去的樂觀主義變成了憤怒,公眾對精英失去信心”令人遺憾“壞人的力量有限”。我不會對一個更美好的世界失去樂觀。

保羅·克魯格曼教授9日的最後一篇專欄,宣布他將結束他在紐約時報的專欄係列。[捕捉紐約時報首頁]

“如果我們與現在仍然出現的‘惡人政治’作鬥爭,我們最終將能夠回到一個更美好的世界。”

保羅·克魯格曼(71歲), 2008年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主、紐約市立大學教授克魯格曼10日從《紐約時報》專欄作家的崗位上退休。克魯格曼教授自2000年起,在《紐約時報》上發表專欄長達25年,內容涉及經濟、政治、文化等全方位領域。

他在告別專欄《在抵抗時代尋找希望》的開篇寫道:“這似乎是一個很好的機會,讓我們回顧一下過去25年裏(世界,包括美國)發生了哪些變化。”

他說:“25年前開始寫這個專欄的時候,美國人把和平與繁榮視為理所當然,歐洲也實現了政治和經濟一體化。”然而,令我驚訝的是,我們和西方世界的許多人是多麽樂觀,而這種樂觀在多大程度上被憤怒和憤怒所取代。“現在樂觀正在變成憤怒。”

“(憤怒的)不僅是感到被精英背叛的工人階級,還有很可能對下一屆唐納德·特朗普政府產生重大影響的億萬富翁,”他寫道。“樂觀情緒之所以受到打擊,是因為公眾不再相信執掌國家行政的人,他們認為這些人不誠實,公眾對(美國社會的)‘精英’的信任已經崩潰,”他說。

然而,他也沒有失去立場。他預測說:“我們是否能擺脫目前所處的嚴峻局麵值得懷疑,但如果我們與目前仍在出現的‘惡人統治’(一種由最底層統治的製度)作鬥爭,我們最終將能夠回到一個更好的世界。”

保羅·克魯格曼教授。[韓聯社]

保羅·克魯格曼教授。 [韓聯社]

與此同時,克魯格曼教授曾預測到當時的亞洲金融危機,包括1997年韓國的外匯危機。他在1994年的一篇文章中寫道:“包括韓國在內的亞洲新興國家的發展,並不是因為生產率高,而是因為投入了過多的資本和人力等生產要素,危機很快就會到來。”2005年,他提到,彌補美國當前赤字的大量外國資金正在形成美國房地產價格泡沫,2006年至2010年之間可能會發生重大金融危機。他因在建立解答自由貿易和全球化問題的經濟理論方麵做出的貢獻,獲得了2008年的諾貝爾經濟學獎。

克魯格曼教授1953年出生於紐約州的一個猶太家庭,在耶魯大學獲得經濟學碩士學位,隨後在麻省理工學院(MIT)獲得經濟學博士學位。他在羅納德·裏根政府時期從1982年開始擔任白宮經濟顧問委員會委員,任期一年。

此後,他先後在耶魯大學、麻省理工學院和斯坦福大學擔任教授,2000年起調至普林斯頓大學經濟學係,並立即擔任紐約時報專欄作家。

宣布退休的紐約時報評論說:“看到他對新聞事業的濃厚興趣和強烈的職業道德,我深受鼓舞。”克魯格曼教授告訴紐約時報,這是最後一篇專欄文章,但他會繼續在其他地方發表意見。

親民主黨的克魯格曼教授在總統大選期間也強烈批評共和黨候選人唐納德·特朗普。他當天沒有點名批評某位候選人,但寫道:“我認為憤怒可以讓‘壞人’掌權,但不能讓他們一直掌權。”因此,一些人認為,憤怒會讓“壞人”掌權,但“壞人”不會一直掌權。被稱為黨派學者。

Krugman: Hope for moving past resentment-driven politics

https://www.heraldnet.com/opinion/krugman-hope-for-moving-past-resentment-driven-politics/

Paul Krugman reflects on what’s changed in his 25 years as a New York Times columnist.

By Paul Krugman / The New York Times  December 11, 2024

This is my final column for The New York Times, where I began publishing my opinions in January 2000. I’m retiring from the Times, not the world, so I’ll still be expressing my views in other places. But this does seem like a good occasion to reflect on what has changed over these past 25 years.

What strikes me, looking back, is how optimistic many people, both here and in much of the Western world, were back then and the extent to which that optimism has been replaced by anger and resentment. And I’m not just talking about members of the working class who feel betrayed by elites; some of the angriest, most resentful people in America right now — people who seem very likely to have a lot of influence with the incoming Trump administration — are billionaires who don’t feel sufficiently admired.

It’s hard to convey just how good most Americans were feeling in 1999 and early 2000. Polls showed a level of satisfaction with the direction of the country that looks surreal by today’s standards. My sense of what happened in the 2000 election was that many Americans took peace and prosperity for granted, so they voted for the guy who seemed as if he’d be more fun to hang out with.

In Europe, too, things seemed to be going well. In particular, the introduction of the euro in 1999 was widely hailed as a step toward closer political as well as economic integration; toward a United States of Europe, if you like. Some of us ugly Americans had misgivings, but initially they weren’t widely shared.

Of course, it wasn’t all puppies and rainbows. There was, for example, already a fair bit of proto-QAnon-type conspiracy theorizing and even instances of domestic terrorism in America during the Clinton years. There were financial crises in Asia, which some of us saw as a potential harbinger of things to come; I published a 1999 book titled “The Return of Depression Economics,” arguing that similar things could happen here; I put out a revised edition a decade later, when they did.

Still, people were feeling pretty good about the future when I began writing for this paper.

Why did this optimism curdle? As I see it, we’ve had a collapse of trust in elites: The public no longer has faith that the people running things know what they’re doing, or that we can assume that they’re being honest.

It was not always thus. In 2002 and 2003, those of us who argued that the case for invading Iraq was fundamentally fraudulent received a lot of pushback from people refusing to believe that an American president would do such a thing. Who would say that now?

In a different way, the financial crisis of 2008 undermined any faith the public had that governments knew how to manage economies. The euro as a currency survived the European crisis that peaked in 2012, which sent unemployment in some countries to Great Depression levels, but trust in Eurocrats — and belief in a bright European future — didn’t.

It’s not just governments that have lost the public’s trust. It’s astonishing to look back and see how much more favorably banks were viewed before the financial crisis.

And it wasn’t that long ago that technology billionaires were widely admired across the political spectrum, some achieving folk-hero status. But now they and some of their products face disillusionment and worse; Australia has even banned social media use by children younger than 16.

Which brings me back to my point that some of the most resentful people in America right now seem to be angry billionaires.

We’ve seen this before. After the 2008 financial crisis, which was widely (and correctly) attributed in part to financial wheeling and dealing, you might have expected the erstwhile Masters of the Universe to show a bit of contrition, maybe even gratitude at having been bailed out. What we got instead was “Obama rage,” fury at the 44th president for even suggesting that Wall Street might have been partly to blame for the disaster.

These days, there has been a lot of discussion of the hard right turn of some tech billionaires, from Elon Musk on down. I’d argue that we shouldn’t overthink it, and we especially shouldn’t try to say that this is somehow the fault of politically correct liberals. Basically, it comes down to the pettiness of plutocrats who used to bask in public approval and are now discovering that all the money in the world can’t buy you love.

So, is there a way out of the grim place we’re in? What I believe is that although resentment can put bad people in power, in the long run it can’t keep them there. At some point, the public will realize that most politicians railing against elites actually are elites in every sense that matters and start to hold them accountable for their failure to deliver on their promises. And at that point, the public may be willing to listen to people who don’t try to argue from authority, don’t make false promises, but do try to tell the truth as best they can.

We may never recover the kind of faith in our leaders — belief that people in power generally tell the truth and know what they’re doing — that we used to have. Nor should we. But if we stand up to the kakistocracy — rule by the worst — that’s emerging as we speak, we may eventually find our way back to a better world.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times, c.2024.

We're wrapping up 25 years of serialization. Reveal your farewell column on the 9th. "Past optimism turns into anger Public Lose Faith in Elite" deplorable "Bad people have their limits to power". I don't lose my optimism about a better world.
 
Professor Paul Krugman's last column on the 9th, announcing that he will end the series of his New York Times column. [Capturing NYT homepage]

"If we fight against the 'kakistocracy' that is still appearing at this moment, we will eventually be able to return to a better world."

Paul Krugman (71), a professor at the City University of New York who won the 2008 Nobel Prize in Economics, retired from his position as a columnist for the New York Times (NYT) on the 10th. Since 2000, Professor Krugman has published a column in the NYT on all-round areas such as economy, politics, and culture for 25 years.

"It seems to be a good opportunity to look back on what has changed (in the world, including the United States) over the past 25 years," he wrote at the beginning of a farewell column titled "Finding Hope in an Age of Resistance."

"At the time of 25 years ago when the column began, Americans took peace and prosperity for granted, and political and economic integration also took place in Europe," he said. However, it surprises me how optimistic we and many in the Western world were and how much that optimism was replaced by anger and anger, he said. "Now optimism is turning into anger."

"(Those who get angry) are not only working classes who feel betrayed by the elite, but also billionaires who are very likely to exert great influence on the next Donald Trump administration," he wrote. "The reason why optimism has been dampened is that the public no longer has faith in the people who run the state administration, they don't think they're honest, and the public's trust in the "elites" (of American society) has collapsed," he said.

However, he also did not lose his stances. "It is questionable whether there is any way out of the grim situation we are in, but if we fight against the Kakistocracy (a system ruled by the lowest), which is still appearing at this moment, we will eventually be able to return to a better world," he predicted.

Professor Paul Krugman. [Yonhap News]

Professor Paul Krugman. [Yonhap News]

Meanwhile, Professor Krugman predicted the Asian financial crisis at the time, including Korea's 1997 foreign exchange crisis. "The development of emerging Asian countries, including South Korea, is not due to high productivity, but because it is the result of too much input of production factors such as capital and manpower, a crisis will come soon," he wrote in a 1994 article. In 2005, he mentioned that a large portion of foreign funds that made up for the current deficit in the United States were forming a U.S. real estate price bubble, and that a major financial crisis could occur between 2006 and 2010. He received the 2008 Nobel Prize in Economics for his contributions to the establishment of economic theories that provide answers to questions about free trade and globalization.

Born to a Jewish family in New York State in 1953, Professor Krugman received a master's degree in economics from Yale University and then received a doctorate in economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He served on the White House Economic Advisory Committee during the Ronald Reagan administration for a year from 1982.

Since then, he has been a professor at Yale University, MIT, and Stanford University, and since 2000, he has moved to Princeton University's Department of Economics, and immediately worked as a NYT columnist.

Announcing his retirement, the New York Times said, "It was a great inspiration to see his deep interest in journalism and his strong work ethic." Professor Krugman told the NYT that this is the last column, but he will continue to give his opinion elsewhere.

Professor Krugman, a pro-(親) Democrat, has also strongly criticized Republican candidate Donald Trump during the presidential election. He did not name a specific person on the day, but wrote, "I believe anger can allow 'bad people' to take power, but it cannot keep them in that position." For this reason, some are regarded as partisan scholars.

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