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池田大作 努力改變人類的命運

(2024-11-05 15:09:22) 下一個

努力改變人類的命運

池田大作

Striving to Transform the Destiny of Humankind

Daisaku Ikeda 

https://www.worldtribune.org/2024/striving-to-transform-the-destiny-of-humankind/

師徒力量無窮

池田先生年輕時曾經曆過戰火,他努力通過在世界範圍內促進和平與對話來根除全球衝突的根源。

第一部分 | 第二部分 | 第三部分 | 第五部分 | 第六部分

超越文化差異,打破壁壘

一個人的偉大人間革命將有助於改變一個國家的命運,進而改變全人類的命運”[1]——這些話出現在《人間革命》的序言中,表達了該作品及其續集《新人間革命》的主題。它也闡明了池田先生畢生致力於的挑戰。

1964年,他在日本衝繩開始寫作《人間革命》。第二次世界大戰期間,衝繩發生了一場長達數月的慘烈戰爭。書的開頭是這樣的:“沒有什麽比戰爭更野蠻,沒有什麽比戰爭更殘酷。”[2]

池田先生本人就是親身經曆過那場戰爭殘酷的年輕人之一。

在戰火中成長
池田大作於1928年出生於如今的東京大田??區。他成長的時代,正如他後來所寫的那樣,“日本正異常地陷入戰爭的泥潭。”[3]

他9歲時,第二次中日戰爭爆發。在他即將14歲時,太平洋戰爭(第二次世界大戰)爆發,他的四個哥哥相繼被征召入伍。他的家人不得不撤離家園,他們搬進的房子在一次空襲中被燒毀。

戰後,他看到母親得知大哥戰死沙場時哭泣。年幼的大作也患有肺結核,死亡的陰影一直籠罩著他。

“我討厭戰爭。我討厭那些煽動人們參戰的領導人,”他後來寫道。日本投降時,他隻有 17 歲。他繼續說道:“我問自己,我能做些什麽來確保這樣的悲劇不再發生。”[4]

1947 年 8 月 14 日,在他第一次參加創價學會討論會時,他來聽戶田城聖講授日蓮大聖人的《立正教以求國泰民安》一書。

講座結束後,老師問戶田先生正確的生活方式是什麽,真正的愛國者是什麽,以及他對天皇和日本帝國製度的看法。老師覺得戶田先生對這些問題的回答清晰而簡潔。戶田先生反對戰爭並因此入獄,這讓他印象特別深刻。

十天後,他皈依了日蓮佛教,成為戶田先生的弟子。

在《立正教以求國泰民安》中,日蓮寫道:“若人安,先祈四方太平,何妨?”[5]

先生在信仰之路上的第一步,也是他實現和平夢想的第一步。

對社會的聲明
就在30歲之前,先生在日記中列出了他迄今為止每個十年是如何度過的。盡管醫生預測他活不過30歲,但他也列出了未來幾十年的目標:

到10歲:作為一個卑微的海藻收割工的兒子長大。

到20歲:自我覺醒並與疾病作鬥爭。

三十歲:研習佛法,努力戰勝病魔。

四十歲:精進日蓮大聖人的教誨。

五十歲:向社會發出明確聲明。

六十歲:完成日本廣宣流布運動的基礎。[6]

1968年9月8日,在擔任創價學會第三任會長的八年後,四十歲的戶田先生向社會發出了明確聲明,麵向世界。在第11屆學生部全體大會上,麵對1萬名學生和國內外媒體,他提出了日中邦交正常化的大膽建議。當天也是戶田先生發表廢除核武器宣言11周年。

隨著冷戰的加劇,以及中國文化大革命的影響,中日關係陷入僵局。更重要的是,一位致力於恢複關係的日本政治家被暗殺。

那麽,在如此緊張的局勢下,為什麽先生會冒著生命危險公開發表這樣的聲明呢?

當時,他認真地想:

我別無選擇。我是一個佛教徒。佛教徒的社會使命是為世界和平和所有人的幸福而努力。[7]

這一提議遭到了日本國內外的反對、警告甚至威脅。然而,日本中國文學學者竹內義美稱讚這是一項罕見的

光明之光。長期致力於改善兩國關係的強勢政治家鬆村健三表示,他覺得,有了這一建議,這一事業“獲得了百萬盟友”。

中國報紙《光明日報》駐日記者劉德友收到了這份建議的副本,並迅速將報告電報給中國。這份報告傳到了負責中國外交政策方方麵麵的周恩來總理那裏。

1972年9月,公明黨作為談判中間人,協助實現外交關係正常化。這是因為該黨創始人鬆村健三的建議在中國受到高度評價,周恩來總理對他充滿信任。

在聽到鬆村健三逝世的消息後,中國外交部發言人說:“他是中國人民的一位親愛的老朋友,我們信任他,尊敬他。 1974年,他首次訪華時表示,願意為中日兩國之間的和平架設一座“金橋”。我們希望他倡導的這座金橋能永遠屹立。”[8]

1974年5月30日,周恩來先生首次踏上中國土地。他的訪問持續了兩周,期間,一個小女孩問他為什麽來中國。他說:“我是來見你的!”[9]

周恩來先生將目光堅定地放在每個人的幸福上,努力推動世界??走向和平共處的時代。

友誼的接力棒
同年晚些時候,周恩來先生第二次訪華的機會來了。1974年12月5日晚,也就是他最後一次訪問中國時,周恩來先生會見了周總理。

總理因癌症擴散全身而臥床不起。他的醫生和親近的人反對這次會麵,但總理拒絕了。

他慢慢地走向池田先生,握住他的手。

“我非常想見見您,”[10]他說。“池田會長,您強調了兩國人民之間建立友好關係的必要性,無論其中有多少困難。我對此感到非常高興。”[11]

周總理強調,“20世紀的最後25年將是全人類的關鍵時期。”[12]

為了響應總理希望他繼續促進雙邊友誼的願望,池田先生投入精力為兩國青年創造教育和文化交流的機會。他還擔任了六名由日本政府資助在創價大學學習的中國交換生的個人擔保人。他們是兩國恢複關係以來第一批在日本學習的學生。

與世界級曆史學家對話
在提出與中國恢複正常關係的第二年,湯因比先生收到了20世紀著名曆史學家阿諾德·J·湯因比的來信。湯因比先生邀請湯因比先生就世界基本問題交換意見。

兩人的第一次對話於1972年5月在湯因比先生的英國家中進行。當時,越南戰爭仍在繼續,核戰爭的威脅越來越大。

湯因比先生長期以來一直對佛教感興趣,認為佛教秉持的觀點可以揭示克服現代文明所麵臨危機的方法。湯因比先生將湯因比先生視為“活佛教”的領袖。

兩人的對話持續了兩年,共持續了約40個小時。1975年春,對話被匯編、編輯並出版為日文書籍,書名為《21世紀對話》。 (1976 年,牛津大學出版社出版了英文版,名為《選擇生命》)。至今,這本書已被翻譯成 31 種語言,被許多人視為“人類的教科書”。

1973 年,在兩人會談的最後一天,英國電視台廣泛報道了另一場會談,即蘇聯領導人和西德總理之間的會談。湯因比先生評論說,盡管他與湯因比先生的對話可能不會引起太多關注,但他們正在討論將造福子孫後代的重要議題。他相信,像湯因比先生這樣的對話是建立持久和平的關鍵。

他還表示希望比他年輕得多的湯因比先生繼續與世界各地的人們進行這樣的對話,以團結人類。[13]湯因比先生在一張紙上寫下了包括美國微生物學家勒內·杜博斯、羅馬俱樂部聯合創始人奧雷利奧·佩切伊等幾位思想巨擘的名字,並重申希望湯因比先生能抽出時間與他們見麵。[14]

湯因比先生與這些以及世界各地的許多其他思想巨擘會麵,討論21世紀的前景,並通過自己的言行架起和平的橋梁。

外出會見
1974年9月8日,湯因比先生在5月訪華之後首次訪問蘇聯。

冷戰將世界分成兩大陣營,蘇聯領導共產主義陣營。許多人除了批評湯因比先生提出的與中國關係正常化的建議外,還強烈反對湯因比先生提出的與中國關係正常化的建議。

反對他訪問蘇聯。

他們問,為什麽宗教領袖要訪問一個否認宗教的國家?

對此,他回答說:“因為那裏生活著人類同胞。我去那裏是為了見見人們。”[15]

他會見了莫斯科國立大學校長雷姆·霍赫洛夫和諾貝爾文學獎獲得者米哈伊爾·肖洛霍夫等公眾人物。他還與莫斯科國立大學的普通市民和學生交談。他與一位保管學校宿舍鑰匙的婦女、一位正在釣魚的老人和他的孫子交談。他盡一切努力創造溫暖的接觸,消除人們心中的不信任。

在蘇聯的最後一天,老師在克裏姆林宮會見了總理阿列克謝·柯西金。在談話中,總理問道:“你的基本意識形態是什麽?”

先生毫不猶豫地回答說:“我相信和平、文化和教育,而這些的基礎就是人道主義。”

“我欣賞您的理念。我們也需要在蘇聯實現這些理想。”[16]

在談話中,先生直接問總理:“蘇聯是否考慮進攻中國?”

當時,蘇聯與中國的關係已經變得像蘇聯與美國的關係一樣緊張。

“不,蘇聯無意進攻中國。”

“我可以把這個轉達給中國領導人嗎?”

“請隨時告訴中國領導人,蘇聯不會進攻他們的國家。”[17]

三個月後,柯西金總理第二次訪華時,先生向中國領導人轉達了柯西金總理的保證。

“周恩來總理非常重視這些信息,”中國南開大學周恩來研究中心主任叢世格峰後來說道。

次年1975年1月,先生會見了美國國務卿亨利·基辛格。在此之前,他已與世界三大強國——中國、蘇聯和美國——的代表會麵,履行了湯因比先生賦予他的任務。他以普通公民的身份,從事旨在實現和平和避免核戰爭的外交活動。

會見“新思維”領袖
先生的和平活動始於1970年代,在1979年4月24日卸任創價學會會長後,活動範圍進一步擴大。自1975年1月26日國際創價學會成立以來,他一直擔任該會長。

1982年6月,先生向聯合國大會第二次裁軍特別會議提交了廢除核武器的提案。 1983年1月,為紀念1月26日創價學會日,他提交了一份“和平與裁軍新提案”。

從1983年到2022年,他共提出了40項年度和平提案。

1989年11月柏林牆倒塌後,先生的和平建設努力進一步擴大。次年,當日蓮正宗僧侶企圖解散創價學會的陰謀浮出水麵時,先生仍泰然自若,繼續在不同文明和宗教之間架起對話的橋梁。

在20世紀80年代和90年代,先生會見了世界各國領導人,包括新統一的德國總統理查德·馮·魏茨澤克、南非總統納爾遜·曼德拉、古巴總統菲德爾·卡斯特羅、印度總理拉吉夫·甘地、新加坡總理李光耀;以及馬來西亞總理馬哈蒂爾·本·穆罕默德。

他還與被稱為美國民權運動之母的羅莎·帕克斯、小提琴大師耶胡迪·梅紐因、兩屆諾貝爾化學獎和和平獎得主萊納斯·鮑林以及世界著名經濟學家約翰·肯尼斯·加爾布雷斯成為好友。

先生去世後不久,日本和國際媒體特別報道了他與前蘇聯總統米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫的友誼。

兩人於 1990 年 7 月 27 日在莫斯科克裏姆林宮首次見麵。戈爾巴喬夫先生實施了改革,旨在重建一個枯竭的蘇聯社會。1989 年 12 月,他在馬耳他舉行的美蘇峰會上宣布冷戰結束。1990 年,他成為蘇聯第一任總統。

第一次見麵,戈爾巴喬夫先生就用幽默打破了僵局:“我來和你辯論。讓我們擦出火花,開誠布公地談論一切,為了人類,為了日蘇關係!”

戈爾巴喬夫總統也用幽默回應道:“我聽說了你的很多活動,但沒想到你這麽熱情!”[18]

他們的討論持續了一個多小時,談到了改革的現狀和意義,以及他們對年輕人的期望。

總統說:“我們改革計劃中的‘新思維’就像你們哲學樹的一個分支。”[19]

戈爾巴喬夫總統還宣布他打算於 2009 年 12 月訪問日本。

春天,戈爾巴喬夫先生和蘇共中央總書記、國家主席李滿長在東京會見了李滿長。這成為日本的頭條新聞。1991年4月,戈爾巴喬夫如約訪問日本,成為首位訪問日本的蘇聯元首。在繁忙的日程中,他抽出時間與李滿長先生會麵。

後來,即使他辭去蘇聯總統一職,戈爾巴喬夫和李滿長先生及其家人的交流仍然持續。他們總共見了10次。他們的對話匯編成書,名為《20世紀的道德教訓》。

在日本創價大學的校園裏,除了紀念周恩來和鄧穎超夫婦的櫻花樹外,戈爾巴喬夫先生和他的妻子賴莎還種了一棵櫻花樹,至今仍矗立在那裏,以紀念他們。

“生是快樂,死也是快樂”

除了與世界領導人和思想家對話外,李滿長先生還在大學和學術機構發表演講。他解釋說:

在大學及其目標中,人類可以找到一致與和諧。學習超越國家、政治和種族差異。[20]

他在哈佛大學發表過兩次演講,第一次是在1991年9月,演講題目是“軟實力時代”。1993年9月,他在第二次演講“大乘佛教與21世紀文明”中直麵佛教對生死的看法。

當今動亂(包括戰爭)的根源在於現代文明試圖回避死亡問題,而這一嚐試付出了沉重的代價。談到大乘佛教在生死中尋找快樂的哲學,他分享了建立以開放對話和尊重生命為基礎的人類文明的願景。

在他後來在世界各地機構的演講中,先生提出了改變人類命運的宏偉人道願景。

永恒的和平之路
1998年1月,在他70歲生日之際,先生在一篇文章中寫道:

如果我要總結自己從60歲到現在所取得的成就,以及對未來十年的設想,那麽內容如下:

到70歲:建立新人文主義的原則。

到80歲:完成世界廣布的基礎。

從那時起,按照玄律和佛教闡述的生命不朽、不老的本質,我決心永遠在廣布中發揮領導作用。[21]

今天,我們麵臨著新舊挑戰,包括核戰爭的威脅越來越大、種族衝突、氣候危機等等。先生通過他的言行向我們展示了解決這些問題的方法和原則。並與青年一起,努力為子孫後代創造更加美好的未來。

2024 年 1 月 2 日,世界論壇報,第 15-17 頁

參考文獻
《人間革命》,第 viii 頁。??
同上,第 3 頁。??
《我的回憶錄》(1980 年),第 20 頁。??
1999 年 1 月 29 日,世界論壇報,第 5 頁。??
《論為國泰民安確立正確教義》,日蓮大聖人文集,第 1 卷,第 24 頁。??
2023 年 12 月 8 日,世界論壇報,第 2 頁。??
《新人間革命》,第 13 卷,修訂版,第32。??
https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/2511_665403/202311/t20231120_11183670.html <2023 年 12 月 12 日訪問>。??
2018 年 3 月 9 日,世界論壇報,未來期刊插頁,第 3 頁。??
NHR-20,287。??
同上,第 288 頁。??
同上,第 290 頁。??
參見 NHR-16,165–171。??
參見同上,第172。??
NHR-20,139。??
同上,第 226-27 頁。??
同上,第 229-30 頁。??
NHR-30,646。??
同上,第 647 頁。??
譯自日語。摘自 2006 年 9 月 24 日《聖教新聞》的一篇文章。??
2023 年 12 月 8 日,《世界論壇報》,第 3 頁。??

Striving to Transform the Destiny of Humankind

Daisaku Ikeda 

https://www.worldtribune.org/2024/striving-to-transform-the-destiny-of-humankind/

The boundless power of mentor and disciple

Enduring the flames of war in his youth, Ikeda Sensei strove to uproot the causes of global conflict by promoting peace and dialogue throughout the world.

Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 5 | Part 6

Transcending Cultural Differences and Bringing Down Walls

A great human revolution in just a single individual will help achieve a change in the destiny of a nation and, further, will enable a change in the destiny of all humankind”[1]—These words, appearing in the preface to The Human Revolution, express the theme of that work and its sequel, The New Human Revolution. It also articulates the challenge to which Ikeda Sensei dedicated his entire life.

He began writing The Human Revolution in 1964 in Okinawa, Japan, where a horrific monthslong battle occured during World War II. It opens with the lines “Nothing is more barbarous than war. Nothing is more cruel.”[2]

Sensei himself had been among the young people who experienced the cruelty of that war.

Growing Up Amid the Flames of War

Daisaku Ikeda was born in 1928, in what is today Ota Ward, Tokyo. He grew up at a time when, as he later wrote, “Japan was quite abnormally involved in the drift toward war.”[3]

The Second China-Japan War broke out when he was just 9. As he was about to turn 14, the Pacific War (World War II) erupted, and his four older brothers were drafted into the military one after the other. His family had to evacuate their home, and the house they moved into burned down in an air raid.

After the war, he watched his mother weep upon learning of his eldest brother’s death on the battlefield. The young Daisaku also suffered from tuberculosis, constantly haunted by the shadow of death.

“I hated war. And I hated the leaders who had incited people to war,” he later wrote. He was 17 at the time of Japan’s surrender. He continued, “I asked myself what I could do to make sure that such a tragedy never happened again.”[4]

At his first Soka Gakkai discussion meeting, on Aug. 14, 1947, he arrived to hear Josei Toda lecturing on Nichiren Daishonin’s treatise “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land.”

After the lecture, Sensei asked Mr. Toda about the correct way to live, what defines a true patriot and what he thought about the emperor and the Japanese imperial system. Sensei felt that Mr. Toda answered these questions clearly and succinctly. That Mr. Toda had opposed the war and been sent to prison as a result particularly impressed him.

Ten days later, he took faith in Nichiren Buddhism and became a disciple of Mr. Toda.

In “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land,” Nichiren writes, “If you care anything for your personal security, you must first pray for the peace and tranquillity of the four corners of the land, should you not?”[5]

Sensei’s first steps on the path of faith also marked his first steps toward securing his cherished dream of peace.

A Statement to Society

Just before he turned 30, Sensei listed in his diary how he had spent each decade of his life thus far. Despite the fact that his doctor had predicted he would not live to 30, he also included his goals for the decades to come:

To the age of 10: Growing up the son of a humble seaweed harvester.

To the age of 20: Self-awakening and struggling against illness.

To the age of 30: Studying and practicing Buddhism, and making earnest efforts to defeat the devil of illness.

To the age of 40: Perfecting my study and practice of Nichiren Daishonin’s teachings.

To the age of 50: Making a clear statement in society.

To the age of 60: Completing the foundation for the kosen-rufu movement in Japan.[6]

On Sept. 8, 1968, eight years after becoming the third Soka Gakkai president and at the age of 40, Sensei made a clear statement to society directed to the world. Before 10,000 students and Japanese and overseas media at the 11th student division general meeting, he detailed a bold proposal for the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China. That day also marked the 11th anniversary of Mr. Toda’s Declaration for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons.

As the Cold War intensified, and the repercussions of China’s Cultural Revolution were being felt, relations between China and Japan reached a deadlock. What’s more, a Japanese politician who had worked to restore relations had been assassinated.

Why, then, amid such tension, would Sensei risk his life to make such a public declaration?

At the time, he thought in earnest:

I have no choice. I am a Buddhist. The social mission of a Buddhist practitioner is to work for world peace and the happiness of all people.[7]

The proposal was met with opposition, warnings and even threats from inside and outside Japan. Yet, Yoshimi Takeuchi, a Japanese scholar of Chinese literature, praised it as a ray of light. And the powerful politician Kenzo Matsumura, who had long worked for improved relations between the two countries, stated his feelings that, with the proposal, the cause had “gained a million allies.”

Liu Deyou, a Japan-based journalist for the Chinese newspaper Guangming Daily, received a copy of the proposal and quickly telegrammed a report of it to China. It reached Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, who was responsible for every aspect of China’s foreign policy.

In September 1972, the Komeito political party acted as an intermediary in negotiations to assist the process of normalizing diplomatic relations. This came about because the proposal from Sensei, the party’s founder, was evaluated highly in China and Premier Zhou Enlai placed trust in him.

Upon hearing of Sensei’s passing, a spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry said: “He was a dear old friend of the Chinese people and has our trust and respect. When he first visited China in 1974, he said he was willing to build a ‘golden bridge’ to peace between China and Japan. We hope the golden bridge he advocated will stand forever.”[8]

Sensei set foot on Chinese soil for the first time on May 30, 1974. His visit lasted two weeks, during which a young girl asked him why he had come to China. “I have come to meet you!” he said.[9]

Setting his sights firmly on the happiness of each person, Sensei strove to move the world toward an era of peace and coexistence.

The Baton of Friendship 

The opportunity for a second visit to China came later that year. On the night of Dec. 5, 1974, the last of his visit, Sensei met Premier Zhou.

The premier had been bedridden with cancer that had spread throughout his body. His doctors and those close to him opposed the meeting, but the premier dismissed them.

He walked slowly to Sensei and clasped his hand.

“I very much wanted to meet you,”[10] he said. “President [Ikeda], you have emphasized the need to foster amicable relations between the people of our two nations, regardless of the difficulties involved. I am extremely pleased by this.”[11]

Premier Zhou stressed that “the last 25 years of the 20th century will be a crucial period for all of humanity.”[12]

Responding to the premier’s wish that he continue to promote bilateral friendship, Sensei poured his energy into creating opportunities for educational and cultural exchange among youth from the two countries. He also served as personal guarantor for six Chinese exchange students, sponsored by the Japanese government, who studied at Soka University. They were the first such students to study in Japan since relations between the two countries had been restored.

Dialogue With a World-Class Historian

The year after proposing normalized relations with China, Sensei received a letter from Arnold J. Toynbee, one of the leading historians of the 20th century. Mr. Toynbee invited him to exchange views on fundamental world issues.

Their first conversation took place in May 1972 at Mr. Toynbee’s home in England. At the time, the Vietnam War dragged on, and the threat of nuclear war loomed ever larger.

Mr. Toynbee had long been interested in Buddhism, understanding it to uphold perspectives that could reveal ways to overcome the crises facing modern civilization. He regarded Sensei as a leader of a “living Buddhism.”

Their dialogue spanned about 40 hours over two years. It was compiled, edited and published as a book in Japanese in spring 1975, titled Dialogue for the 21st Century. (In 1976, Oxford University Press published the English edition, titled Choose Life.) To date, it has been published in 31 languages and is considered by many a “textbook for humanity.”

On the last day of their talks in 1973, British television widely covered another meeting, one between the leader of the Soviet Union and the Chancellor of West Germany. Mr. Toynbee commented that, though his dialogue with Sensei might not attract that much attention, they were discussing vital topics that would benefit future generations. He believed dialogues like theirs were the key to building lasting peace.

He also expressed his hopes that Sensei, who was much younger than him, would continue engaging people throughout the world in such dialogues to unite humanity.[13] On a piece of paper, Mr. Toynbee wrote down names including American microbiologist René Dubos, co-founder of the Club of Rome Aurelio Peccei and several other leading thinkers, reiterating his hope that Sensei find time to meet them.[14]

Sensei met with these and many other leading thinkers around the world, discussing prospects for the 21st century and building bridges of peace through his words and actions.

Going Out to Meet People

On Sept. 8, 1974, following his May visit to China, Sensei made his first trip to the Soviet Union.

The Cold War divided the world into two camps, with the Soviet Union leading the communist bloc. Many people, in addition to criticizing Sensei’s proposal to normalize relations with China, strongly opposed his visit to the Soviet Union.

Why would a religious leader visit a country that denies religion? they asked.

To that, he answered: “Because there are fellow human beings living there. I’m going there to meet people.”[15]

He met public figures such as Rem Khokhlov, rector of Moscow State University, and Mikhail Sholokhov, a Nobel laureate in literature. He also spoke with ordinary townspeople and students at Moscow State University. He spoke with a woman who kept the keys to one of the school’s dormitories and an elderly man and his grandson who were fishing. He did all he could to create warm encounters, melting away any distrust in people’s hearts.

On his last day in the Soviet Union, Sensei met with Premier Aleksey Kosygin at the Kremlin. During their talk, the premier asked, “What is your basic ideology?”

Sensei replied unhesitatingly, “I believe in peace, culture and education—the underlying basis of which is humanism.”

“I appreciate your philosophy. We need to realize those ideals here in the Soviet Union as well.”[16]

As the conversation proceeded, Sensei directly asked the premier, “Is the Soviet Union considering attacking China?”

At that time, the Soviet Union’s relationship with China had become as tense as its relations with the United States.

“No, the Soviet Union has no intention of attacking China.”

“May I convey that to the leaders of China?”

“Please feel free to tell China’s leaders that the Soviet Union will not attack their country.”[17]

Sensei conveyed Premier Kosygin’s assurance to the Chinese leadership three months later during his second visit to China.

“Premier Zhou attached great importance to this information,” later observed Cong Shigefeng, director of the Zhou Enlai Research Center at Nankai University in China.

The following year, in January 1975, Sensei met with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. With that, he had met with representatives of the world’s three major powers—China, the Soviet Union and the United States—fulfilling the task entrusted to him by Mr. Toynbee. As a private citizen, he engaged in diplomacy aimed at peace and the avoidance of nuclear war.

Meeting With a Leader of a ‘New Thinking’

Sensei’s activities for peace, which began in earnest in the 1970s, continued to broaden after he stepped down as Soka Gakkai president on April 24, 1979. He remained Soka Gakkai International president since the organization’s formation on Jan. 26, 1975.

In June 1982, Sensei presented a proposal to the Second Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Disarmament calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons. In January 1983, commemorating Jan. 26, SGI Day, he submitted a “New Proposal for Peace and Disarmament.”

From 1983 to 2022, he issued a total of 40 annual peace proposals.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, Sensei’s peace-building efforts broadened further still. When the Nichiren Shoshu priesthood’s plots to dismantle the Soka Gakkai surfaced the following year, Sensei forged ahead unfazed, continuing to build bridges of dialogue between civilizations and religions.

In the 1980s and ’90s, Sensei met with world leaders, including Richard von Weizsäcker, president of a newly reunified Germany; Nelson Mandela, president of South Africa; Fidel Castro, president of Cuba; Rajiv Gandhi, prime minister of India; Lee Kuan Yew, prime minister of Singapore; and Mahathir bin Mohamad, prime minister of Malaysia.

He also befriended Rosa Parks, known as the mother of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement; Yehudi Menuhin, a master violinist; Linus Pauling, two-time Nobel laureate in chemistry and peace; and John Kenneth Galbraith, the world-renowned economist.

Shortly after Sensei’s passing, Japanese and international media highlighted in particular his friendship with Mikhail Gorbachev, the former president of the Soviet Union.

The two first met on July 27, 1990, at the Kremlin in Moscow. Mr. Gorbachev had implemented perestroika (meaning “reform”), a program to rebuild a depleted Soviet society. In December 1989, he declared the end of the Cold War at the U.S.-Soviet summit in Malta. And in 1990, he became the first president of the Soviet Union.

At their first meeting, Sensei broke the ice with a touch of humor: “I have come to have an argument with you. Let’s make sparks fly and talk about everything honestly and openly, for the sake of humanity and for the sake of Japan-Soviet relations!”

President Gorbachev responded with some humor of his own, replying, “I have heard a great deal about your activities, but I didn’t realize you were so passionate!”[18]

Their discussion lasted for more than an hour and touched on the current state and significance of perestroika and their expectations for young people.

The president said, “The ‘new thinking’ that is part of our program of perestroika is like a branch of the tree of your philosophy.”[19]

President Gorbachev also announced his intention to visit Japan the following spring, which became a top news story in Japan. As promised, in April 1991, Mr. Gorbachev became the first Soviet head of state to visit Japan, where he made time amid his packed schedule to meet with Sensei.

Later, even after he resigned as president of the Soviet Union, the exchanges between Gorbachev and Sensei and their families continued. They met a total of 10 times. A compilation of their dialogues was published as the book Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century.

On Soka University’s campus in Japan, alongside cherry trees honoring Zhou Enlai and his wife, Deng Yingchao, Mr. Gorbachev and his wife, Raisa, planted a cherry tree, which continues to stand in their honor.

‘Life Is a Joy; Death Is Also a Joy’

In addition to his dialogues with world leaders and thinkers, Sensei delivered lectures at universities and academic institutions. He explains:

In the university and its aims, humankind can find agreement and harmony. Learning transcends national, political and ethnic differences.[20]

He spoke twice at Harvard University, first in September 1991, with his lecture “The Age of Soft Power.” Then in September 1993, he squarely discussed Buddhism’s view of life and death in his second lecture, “Mahayana Buddhism and Twenty-First-Century Civilization.”

At the root of today’s turmoil, including war, is modern civilization’s attempt to avoid the issue of death, an attempt that has exacted a heavy price. Touching on Mahayana Buddhism’s philosophy that finds joy in both life and death, he shared his vision of building a human civilization grounded in open dialogue and respect for life.

In his further lectures at institutions around the world, Sensei presented a grand humane vision for the transformation of humanity’s destiny.

The Eternal Path of Peace

In January 1998, as he turned 70, Sensei wrote in an essay:

If I were to set down what I had accomplished from the age of 60
to the present, along with what I envisage for the decade ahead, it would read as follows:

To the age of 70: Establishing the principles of a new humanism.

To the age of 80: Completing the foundation for worldwide kosen-rufu.

From that point on, in accord with the Mystic Law and the undying, unaging nature of life expounded in Buddhism, I am determined to take the lead in kosen-rufu throughout eternity.[21]

Today, we face challenges old and new, including the increasing threat of nuclear war, ethnic conflicts, the climate crisis and much more. Sensei has shown us the methods and principles for solving these problems through his words and actions. And together, with the youth in the lead, we strive to create a brighter future for successive generations.

January 2, 2024, World Tribune, pp. 15–17

References

  1. The Human Revolution, p. viii. ??
  2. Ibid., p. 3. ??
  3. My Recollections (1980), p. 20. ??
  4. Jan. 29, 1999, World Tribune, p. 5. ??
  5. “On Establishing the Correct Teaching for the Peace of the Land,” The Writings of Nichiren Daishonin, vol. 1, p. 24. ??
  6. Dec. 8, 2023, World Tribune, p. 2. ??
  7. The New Human Revolution, vol. 13, revised edition, p. 32. ??
  8. https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/2511_665403/202311/t20231120_11183670.html <accessed Dec. 12, 2023>. ??
  9. March 9, 2018, World Tribune, Future Journal insert, p. 3. ??
  10. NHR-20, 287. ??
  11. Ibid., p. 288. ??
  12. Ibid., p. 290. ??
  13. See NHR-16, 165–171. ??
  14. See Ibid., p. 172. ??
  15. NHR-20, 139. ??
  16. Ibid., pp. 226–27. ??
  17. Ibid., pp. 229–30. ??
  18. NHR-30, 646. ??
  19. Ibid., p. 647. ??
  20. Translated from Japanese. From an essay in the Sept. 24, 2006, Seikyo Shimbun. ??
  21. Dec. 8, 2023, World Tribune, p. 3. ??
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