Today we have another edition of "Across the Aisle." I'm joined by the top two ranking--or members of the Intelligence Committee. We have Republican Chairman Mike Turner of Ohio and Ranking Democrat Jim Himes of Connecticut.
據彭博社8月1日報道,美國眾議院情報委員會民主黨籍資深議員吉姆·海姆斯(Jim Himes)8月1日表示,他擔心中美之間的誤判有升級為戰爭的風險。
他8月1日對記者說,他希望與其他議員一起訪問中國,增進世界上最大的兩個經濟體之間的了解,並幫助緩和中美之間的緊張關係。
海姆斯還說,他擔心中美兩國因為誤判而爆發戰爭。他還認為,中國的“經濟奇跡”使得兩國都受益。海姆斯強調,他反對共和黨總統候選人德桑蒂斯有關中美脫鉤的主張,這樣做將摧毀美國經濟,引發大規模通脹,並可能推高利率。
海姆斯說,他不想被認為是對華鴿派,但是兩國的確需要換位思考,增進理解,避免誤判。
中美緊張局勢令關鍵民主黨人關注外交之旅
https://www.bnnbloomberg.ca/us-china-tensions-worry-key-democrat-eyeing-diplomatic-trip-1.1953598
史蒂文·T·丹尼斯和艾莉森·弗斯普裏爾,彭博新聞
眾議員吉姆·希姆斯 8 月 1 日在紐約接受采訪。
眾議員 Jim Himes 8 月 1 日在紐約接受采訪。攝影:Victor J. Blue/Bloomberg
(彭博社)——眾議院情報委員會的民主黨高層表示,他擔心中美之間的誤判有升級為戰爭的風險,並希望反擊“不負責任的武力威脅”。
康涅狄格州的吉姆·希姆斯周二對彭博新聞社的記者和編輯表示,他希望與其他立法者一起前往中國,以促進世界最大兩個經濟體之間的更多了解,並幫助化解與北京在台灣和其他問題上的緊張關係。
希姆斯說:“我確實聽到了讓我害怕的事情,因為我聽到了兩國沒有公開的互相追逐的努力。” “這些讓我感到害怕,因為你知道,我們常常誤解我們進入戰爭的方式。”
海姆斯上周在《康涅狄格郵報》上發表專欄,呼籲對中國采取新的態度。他表示,中國和美國對中國的“經濟奇跡”有著共同的利益,中國已使數億人擺脫了貧困。
“我很想說,‘真的,你想為了一些瘋狂的民族主義願景而拋棄這一切嗎?’”他說他會告訴中國政府。
海姆斯表示,他也反對共和黨總統候選人、佛羅裏達州州長羅恩·德桑蒂斯關於美國與中國脫鉤的言論。 他警告說,這樣做將摧毀美國經濟,導致大規模通貨膨脹,並可能導致利率更高。
海姆斯表示,他還將傳達與中國的分歧問題,例如壓迫維吾爾族人口或盜竊美國知識產權。
“我不想被描繪成中國鴿派或其他什麽人,”他說。 但他也表示,他希望傳達中國開發和購買美國產品的願望。
海姆斯表示,四五個月前他“真的很擔心”,當時他覺得兩黨成員都在發表不負責任的言論。 海姆斯提到,他在2008年因伊拉克戰爭的強烈反對而贏得了席位,他還表示,伊拉克戰爭是由誤解造成的。
他指出美國對中國在古巴設立監聽站的擔憂,但也指出中國對駐紮在日本和菲律賓等國的美軍也有自己的擔憂。
“我並不是說那裏有等價物。 我隻是說,“設身處地為他們著想,這樣你就能理解他們對我們的看法。”而這一切都被拋到了一邊。 當他們都被轉移到一邊時,確實會增加誤解或錯誤的可能性。”
加密“胡言亂語”
希姆斯還在眾議院金融服務委員會發揮了關鍵作用,作為上周兩項加密法案的重要民主黨支持者,兩項法案提供了行業尋求的監管框架,以及管理所謂穩定幣監管的立法。
“在過去的幾周裏,我多次問自己,‘我到底為什麽要這樣做?’”希姆斯在談到加密貨幣法案時說道,因為他認為民主黨領導的參議院不會采取行動 並且懷疑加密貨幣的價值是否會很大。
他說:“這個用例是胡說八道。”他預測很少有人會在常規零售交易中使用加密貨幣,盡管他也承認加密貨幣可能會帶來一些有用的東西。
前高盛銀行家希姆斯表示,北卡羅來納州共和黨董事長帕特裏克·麥克亨利每天都會給他打電話,並接受他所有的改變請求。
“我隻是想表明,天哪,我們實際上可以完成一些兩黨合作的事情,”他說。
眾議員 Himes 的 OP-ED | 更好地思考中國
https://himes.house.gov/press-releases?id=30E82A3A-2453-4E26-9328-778CA895C4DC
2023 年 7 月 27 日
CT郵報:更好地思考中國
作者:國會議員 Jim Himes (CT-04) 2023 年 7 月 27 日
國務卿安東尼·布林肯的中國之行為國會提供了一個機會,讓國會能夠更加明智地解決我們這一代人麵臨的戰略問題:在我們挑戰中國危險和破壞穩定的行為的同時,如何在具有深厚共同利益的領域與中國合作。 今天憤怒的武力威脅是不夠的,而且是危險的。
自特朗普政府以來,兩黨都認為中國是美國許多弊病的根源。 國會議員們爭先恐後地對中國采取強硬態度,拿出陳舊的冷戰類比,並思考更詳細的方法來隔離 14 億人。 國會正在規劃衝突,卻沒有考慮到此類衝突可能造成的全球破壞和悲劇。 這些言論可能對中國入侵台灣、南海的好戰活動、持續的網絡犯罪和知識產權盜竊具有威懾作用,但威懾看起來很像為戰爭做準備,這是我們需要理解的一個觀點。
當然,中國對關係惡化負有真正的責任。 它用監視氣球飛越美國大陸的挑釁性行為,以及空軍和海軍每天的侵略行為,加劇了人們長期以來對其盜竊知識產權、虐待維吾爾少數民族以及對政治異見人士的粗暴鎮壓的憤怒。 中國與普京殘暴政權建立“無限夥伴關係”引發了人們對其未來將如何利用其超級大國地位的深刻疑問。
國會的訣竅是要緩和好鬥情緒,認識到我們與中國的緊密聯係,特別是在經濟上。 這一事實使得冷戰類比變得如此愚蠢。 蘇聯從未真正融入世界經濟。 相比之下,去年美國和中國的貿易額創下了新紀錄,達到 6900 億美元。 如果這種貿易被取消,我們經濟在失業和通貨膨脹方麵受到的衝擊將超過新冠時代。 我們的盟友更加陷入困境。 德國對歐洲經濟穩定和支持烏克蘭至關重要,是中國最大的貿易夥伴。
我們也不應該忽視與中國的軍事衝突可能引發的可怕的人類悲劇。 城市被轟炸、航空母艦沉沒、飛行員被擊落、數萬人傷亡的真實可能性,以及使用核武器的可能性,應該會緩和雙方的好戰情緒。 這是發揮政治家才能的時刻。
在布林肯國務卿訪問之後,我相信國會議員可以采取幾項措施來減少誤判或輕率陷入衝突的危險風險。
首先,我們必須向中國明確表示,我們不希望其經濟進步倒退,也不希望剝奪其作為一個主權國家、特別是一個擁有核武器的全球大國應有的尊重和特權。 無論人們如何看待實現這一目標的手段,中國的經濟進步已經使數億人擺脫了赤貧,並將他們變成了美國產品和服務的客戶。 這種前所未有的增長造福了中國人民,並在國際範圍內創造了就業機會、出口和繁榮。
人們常說,我們的爭吵是針對中國共產黨,而不是針對中國人民。 我們應該補充一點,在我們將防範中國軍隊的經濟掠奪和先進侵略能力的發展的同時,我們為中國人民的富裕和由此產生的經濟機會而歡呼。
我們應該讚揚而不是貶低中國在伊朗和沙特阿拉伯之間促成外交諒解的努力。 美國不能也不應該成為負責解決世界問題的唯一全球領導人。 我們應該利用中國的這一倡議來表明,當中國采取合理和負責任的行動來支持基於規則的國際體係或抑製危險的熱點時,我們就支持它。
其次,對中國掠奪性“一帶一路”倡議的最佳回應是重新致力於與世界這些地區的經濟接觸,特別是我們長期缺席的非洲、拉丁美洲和印太地區。 當我們甚至不會在這些地區擔任大使,更不用說促進貿易和投資時,我們就發出了一個信號:中國人是城裏唯一的遊戲。
我們應該向那些習慣於將美國人主要視為安全能力的人提供軟實力參與。 美國國務院教育和文化事務局采取了多項舉措,旨在在全球範圍內建立學術、經濟和文化關係。 我們應該擴大此類項目,並在美國擅長的領域發展新項目。 我們可以建立卓越的網絡中心,以便我們的合作夥伴在麵臨勒索軟件攻擊時做好準備; 解決發展中國家 STEM 短缺問題; 促進公私合作夥伴關係,將美國的初創企業與國外的組織和政府聯係起來。
第三,我們必須加倍努力,保持技術和創新的全球領先地位。 中國在創新方麵是同等競爭對手,但它既沒有美國那樣的教育機構、創業文化,也沒有深厚的資本市場。 即使中國通過攻擊跨國公司和本土企業及其在中國境內的領導人來進行自我破壞,我們也必須培育這些優勢。 國會可以在去年的兩黨《芯片法案》的基礎上為這一努力提供幫助,該法案刺激了對先進半導體的新投資。 我們應該證明,在幾乎所有領域進行開放、基於規則的合作,最有利於我們和中國的繁榮。
最後,我們應該以布林肯國務卿此行為基礎,重新建立各個層麵的溝通渠道。 當下一次氣球事故發生時,軍事指揮官和外交官應該不需要幾天的時間就能聚集在一起,以降低溫度並防止誤解。 政治領導人和民間社會應該花時間了解中國同行和對手的觀點。 理解並不等於同意。
當然,中國必須做很多事情來平息事態。 軍事上的炫耀和外交上的好戰,無論是出於某種曆史恩怨,都沒有任何意義,隻會增加猜疑和犯下致命錯誤的可能性。 從本質上講,中國必須認識到,其未來的繁榮和力量不在於不穩定和好戰,而在於原則性接觸、公平貿易和全球穩定。 這些也是我們的利益,國會最好牢記它們。
永久鏈接:https://himes.house.gov/2023/7/icymi-op-ed-by-rep-himes-a-better-way-to-think-about-china
眾議院情報領導人談中國、俄羅斯和兩黨合作
https://www.washingtonpost.com/washington-post-live/2023/03/07/transcript-across-aisle-with-reps-michael-turner-r-ohio-jim-himes-d-conn/
作者:《華盛頓郵報》直播 2023 年 3 月 7 日上午 11:00(美國東部時間)
成績單:
與眾議員邁克爾·特納(俄亥俄州共和黨)和吉姆·希姆斯(康涅狄格州民主黨)一起跨越過道
作者:《華盛頓郵報》直播 2023 年 3 月 7 日下午 1:56 美東時間
這篇文章可以免費訪問。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:你好。 歡迎收看《華盛頓郵報》直播。 我是 Leigh Ann Caldwell,《華盛頓郵報》直播的主播,也是《早期 202》時事通訊的合著者。
今天我們有另一個版本的“跨越過道”。 和我一起的還有排名前兩位的人——或者說情報委員會的成員。 我們有來自俄亥俄州的共和黨主席邁克·特納和來自康涅狄格州的民主黨資深人士吉姆·希姆斯。
議員們,非常感謝您加入我們。
代表。 海姆斯:謝謝你邀請我們。
代表。 特納:謝謝你邀請我們,Leigh Ann。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:我想從一開始就指出,這是“跨越過道”,在節目中我們所做的就是嚐試將兩黨配對聚集在一起。 非常值得注意的是,你們兩個同時擔任情報委員會的共和黨高層和民主黨高層。 再說一遍,在我們開始之前我真的想感謝你們。
不過,我確實想從當天的一些新聞開始,那是 1 月 6 日左右的新聞。 昨晚,特納主席、福克斯評論主持人塔克·卡爾森根據凱文·麥卡錫向他提供的1月6日國會大廈發生事件的錄像片段做出了自己的解讀。 他稱這基本上是和平的。 他說這不是叛亂。 我隻是想了解一下您是否同意這一點。
代表。 特納:是的。 好吧,你實際上必須詢問他的評估。
1 月 6 日委員會是一個黨派色彩濃厚的委員會,而我們不是。 在情報委員會中,我們重點關注情報界和國家安全問題,我們希望繼續確保我們能夠確保我們國家的安全。
我要向我的排名會員 Jim Himes 致以崇高的敬意。 如果你沒有伴侶,你就不可能跨黨派,而我有。 吉姆和我正在密切合作,研究俄羅斯在做什麽、中國在做什麽、我們的情報界需要什麽、我們如何解決這些問題才能確保美國的安全,而且,利·安,我認為這就是人們想要我們做的 去做。 他們不——他們對我們觀看新聞和評論其他評論員不感興趣。 他們對我們做我們來這裏的目的感興趣,那就是國家安全。 吉姆和我正在為此努力工作。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:我們將解決所有這些問題,但我隻需要跟進。 這有幫助嗎——播出有幫助嗎,比如說,稱之為“大部分是和平的”——你在那裏。 這有助於緩解這個國家的黨派之爭嗎? 那天大部分時間是平靜的嗎?
代表。 特納:嗯,利·安。 黨派男高音——對黨派男高音有幫助的是,如果你真的采訪我們為什麽邀請我們參加你的節目,那就是談論我的工作,而我的工作是情報委員會主席以及影響國家安全和情報的問題 社區,這是吉姆和我非常致力於的事情。 我們一直在與一些記者談論我們工作的重要性。
事實上,本周我們將舉行全球威脅聽證會,中央情報局局長、國家情報總監辦公室負責人、聯邦調查局局長和國家安全局局長將出席,我相信你們可能會 對此有一些好奇。 吉姆和我很樂意談論它。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:是的。 我們有很多時間,所以我們一定會去做的。 我隻是想在上麵問你這個問題,看看這是否好。
代表。 HIMES:Leigh Ann,邁克,請允許我插話一下。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:是的。
代表。 海姆斯:主席是對的。 我們現在領導的委員會可能不可避免地,當國家安全監督委員會被要求調查總統時,你不可能在不產生大量黨派敵意的情況下做到這一點。
我——我們對所發生的事情都有自己的看法。 美國人民需要思考 1 月 6 日,我們是如何到達那裏的,發生了什麽,今天所做的努力是為了把它變成不一樣的東西。 但是,主席和我能夠恢複這個重要委員會的作用的唯一方法是監督非常危險的活動,你知道,在某些情況下,這些活動有點觸及法律的邊緣,觸及我們的邊緣。 道德和價值觀——我說的是監視,你知道,情報界所做的令人驚訝,令人驚訝。 我說的是反恐行動。 主席和我能讓委員會恢複盡可能無黨派作用的唯一方法就是我們向前看,這就是我們在這裏試圖做的事情。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:好的。 展望未來,議員們,讓我們從特納議員開始。 今天,中國外交部長表示,美國應該改變對中國的“扭曲態度”,或者“衝突和對抗將會隨之而來”。 你對此有何反應? 美國正在走向與中國的衝突嗎?
代表。 特納:首先,我們對中國的看法是,它是一個由中國共產黨控製的獨裁政權。 當然,這本質上使它們與強大和領先的民主國家的概念發生衝突,而這正是我們的本質。
因此,他們對自己的定義固有地會尋求與我們發生衝突。
現在,我們隻有一念——尋求合作。 我們曾想過尋求經濟聯係。 你知道,我們一直在尋求共同引領世界。 我們甚至邀請中國與我們一起譴責俄羅斯的侵略行為,俄羅斯挑起戰爭,對無辜人民犯下令人難以置信的暴行,而中國卻沒有這樣做。 中國正在建設軍隊。 它這樣做的方式超出了其自身防禦所需的範圍。 它當然不僅僅尋求自己的領土完整。 它正在尋找一支既可以進行侵略行為,又可以在其國內領土之外進行侵略的軍隊,而且他們一直公開威脅要這樣做。
我的意思是,如果你看習主席的公開聲明,他談到了對台灣使用武力。 因此,這些類型的侵略性聲明本質上會與美國的利益背道而馳,正如你所看到的,世界對俄羅斯對烏克蘭侵略的強烈抗議。 他們的新男高音將麵臨全世界的反對。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:希姆斯高級議員,您認為中國實際上會在與烏克蘭的戰爭中向俄羅斯提供致命武器嗎?這應該成為美國的紅線嗎?
代表。 海姆斯:嗯,很難知道,也很難回答你的問題,但我當然希望不會。 我認為美國和我們的領導層不希望這樣做有兩個原因。 第一,這樣做在道德上是令人反感的,而且也不符合中國一貫的“不去別人國家亂搞”的做法。 當然,俄羅斯在很大程度上對別國進行了殘酷、犯罪、近乎恐怖主義的入侵。
因此,出於道德原因,他們不應該這樣做,但也是出於實際原因。 你知道,中國——你知道,與舊蘇聯不同,這就是為什麽我對我們是否與中國陷入新冷戰的問題感到憤怒——與蘇聯不同,中國已經成長了超過 這兩三代人通過與世界其他地方接觸,通過銷售其產品,通過生產東西,通過進口美國和歐洲的東西。 中國確實從60、70年前地球上最不發達的國家之一變成了世界強國,他們是通過參與做到這一點的。
所以答案是,我們是否會同意中國所做的一切? 當然,我們不是。 他們竊取我們的知識產權。 他們殘酷對待自己的人民,特別是在西部穆斯林省份。 但這裏的魔力在於,當他們違反基本價值觀時,我們要保持清醒,即使我們運用政治家才能,認識到他們是我們和歐洲的重要貿易夥伴,認識到與蘇聯不同的事實 聯盟,他們擁有我們一萬億美元的主權債務。 我在這裏想說的是,我們需要非常明確地表明,我們不希望中國停止發展。 對於美國經濟來說,沒有什麽比 1.4 萬億中國人購買我們的產品更好的了。 但我們需要在他們在世界上的身份的背景下進行對話,如果他們在世界上的身份是向殺人犯提供武器,
這將使我們很難以我們應有的方式參與。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:是的。 那麽,特納主席,您認為政府處理中國問題的方式是否得當? 美國需要更強硬嗎? 是否需要更好的外交? 您能否談談這種關係以及美國還可以和應該做什麽?
代表。 特納:嗯,你知道,我認為吉姆對威脅的描述是絕對正確的。 當然,如果中國參與其中,問題不是讓俄羅斯開始耗盡其能力,而是為俄羅斯提供取之不盡的補給來源,這肯定會非常令人沮喪,特別是考慮到正在發生的暴行 在烏克蘭。 我認為政府做了一件非常重要的事情,那就是他們公布的情報表明,他們的結論是中國正在考慮向俄羅斯提供武器。 這使我們現在能夠進行這次對話。 它允許世界各地的大使館進行對話,並允許歐洲做出反應。 如果中國武器出現在烏克蘭戰場上,那將是顯而易見的。 我們會看到他們。 我們會去接他們。 很容易就能識別出它們的存在。 現在整個歐洲和我們的北約盟國都在向中國人傳達信息,正如吉姆剛才所說,這將是中國邁出的相當大的侵略一步。
政府通過發布情報來允許對話發生,以便我們能夠進行對話,我認為這會影響結果。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:高級會員 Himes,正如你們所提到的,本周晚些時候將舉行一場關於全球威脅的聽證會。 你們——如果是五個情報機構的五位領導人將在你們的委員會麵前作證嗎? 關於中國,你想從那些情報領導人那裏聽到什麽?
代表。 海姆斯:嗯,公開聽證會一如既往,是對我們麵臨的所有威脅的調查。 所以我想聽的不僅僅是中國。 因為我們已經變得如此關注中國,所以我們可能不像以前那樣關注那裏正在發生的其他威脅。 你知道,朝鮮現在非常好戰,對韓國和西方發出威脅。 你知道,他們正在非常努力地開發可能對美國和西方構成威脅的技術。
當然,伊朗繼續表明他們是一個多麽令人震驚的政權,他們當然對該地區乃至世界的穩定構成了威脅。
而且,我的意思是,如果我沒有注意到,如果你在四年前的全球威脅會議上告訴我,有一種威脅即將來臨,將殺死超過一百萬美國人,那我就是失職了——我 當然,指的是新冠病毒——我會說你瘋了,今天我們回顧一下全球 11 或 1200 萬人的死亡。 所以這不僅僅是中國,對吧? 這非常重要,因為作為監督者,我們需要確保我們不會忘記其他的東西。
聽著,關於中國,我想聽到的是我們如何以我們應該的方式反對中國的闡述。 我們不希望美國的芯片被用於中國有一天可能用來對付我們的先進武器。 我們不希望人們支持我們在中國看到的軍國主義。 當然,我們希望這種情況發生在對中國現在和希望將來成為重要經濟夥伴的背景和理解中,我說的是我身後的東西,家具、衣服,這些都是我們之間的貿易項目 。
因此,我們需要老練地說,你知道,我們不會讓中國進口有助於他們製造的軍事硬件或芯片,盡管我們希望西方和中國能夠像他們在這些領域所擁有的那樣同步發展。 幾代人。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:然後,特納主席,向您提出同樣的問題。 你想聽什麽——這次我會擴大範圍——不是專門針對中國的? 但您想從周四的聽證會上聽到什麽?
代表。 特納:當然。 好吧,吉姆列出了我們麵臨的一些非常令人印象深刻的威脅,這些威脅非常非常令人擔憂,我確實希望這將成為主題,並且我們將獲得預覽,因為情報界將在全球範圍內進行 威脅首先出現在參議院,然後才到達我們這裏。
因此,我們將對他們的消息進行一些預覽。
但我要尋找的一件事是,你知道,現在你已經讓高級會員吉姆·希姆斯和我本人承諾在兩黨合作的基礎上開展工作。 華納參議員和盧比奧參議員也有這一承諾,他們承諾在兩院製基礎上開展工作,參議院和眾議院共同努力。 因此,在接下來的兩年裏,眾議院和參議院的情報委員會將進行兩黨、兩院的合作。 這對我們來說是完成一些工作的絕佳機會,而在完成這項工作時,我們必須關注情報界的職能問題。 他們的目的是讓我們了解對手正在做什麽、麵臨哪些威脅,以便我們能夠將其轉化為我們將要采取的政策。
我們需要轉向以對手的速度前進。 我們需要非常清楚地了解他們的風險是什麽,他們的威脅是什麽,他們正在用他們的軍隊做什麽,他們正在做什麽來破壞我們的盟友,團結他們自己的盟友。 我們將如何影響這一點,以確保我們在美國的盟友的安全? 這將是我們未來兩年待辦事項清單的重要組成部分。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:說到兩黨合作,今天將在參議院提出一項法案。 當然,你們在眾議院,但這是一項關於 TikTok 的兩黨法案。 參議院情報委員會主席馬克·沃納 (Mark Warner) 和共和黨二號人物約翰·圖恩 (John Thune) 正在領導這項立法,使禁止 TikTok 變得更加容易。 眾議院委員會上周通過了一項不同但主題相同的法案。 排名會員 Himes,您在 TikTok 上的立場如何? 你認為這是對美國的威脅、情報和安全威脅嗎?
並提醒我們的觀眾,它屬於一家中國公司所有。
代表。 HIMES:是的,這是一個很好的問題,我已經有了初步答案,但現實是我們並不真正知道 TikTok 可能有多危險。
現在,我們確實知道,作為一家中國公司,中國政府可以要求該公司交出有關其用戶的信息。 所以,我再次保留隨著我了解的更多而改變我的觀點的權利。
這就是我現在所在的地方。 對我來說,政府官員或任何處於敏感職位的人,你知道,可能在國家安全會議上,或者坦白地說,與配偶談論他們的一天,他們的設備上不應該有 TikTok,這是理所當然的事情。 為什麽我的設備上沒有 TikTok,我的員工的任何官方設備上也沒有。
不過,我還不太準備好說,美國政府應該告訴每一位美國公民,所有 3 億多美國人,他們不能使用特定的媒體平台。 仔細想想,這是一件非常大的事情,對吧? 這導致了我需要非常小心的一些領域。
因此,如果聯邦政府要告訴每個美國人他們可以觀看哪些媒體平台,還有什麽呢? 下一步是什麽? 限製原則是什麽? 政府是否可以說,我們認為這個特定的媒體平台實際上對我們的民主帶來不便? 所以無論如何,我還沒有準備好說我支持告訴每個美國人他們不能使用 TikTok,但我確實認為任何處於敏感地位的人都不應該在任何地方使用 TikTok,這是理所當然的事情 他們的設備。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:特納主席,也請隨意對 TikTok 發表評論,但我確實想問你有關新冠病毒和新冠病毒起源的問題。 當然,這是過去一兩周的一個大話題,因為能源部表示,對此事確實發生的信心較低,這是武漢實驗室的一次泄漏。 你知道嗎,我知道你的簡報是保密的,但是你是否同意這一點,我們是否應該期望政府在這方麵有更多的透明度?
代表。 特納:當然。 我想你很快就會看到眾議院對此采取行動。 吉姆和我正在我們的委員會中共同致力於此事。 你知道,參議院上周采取行動,試圖解密國家情報總監辦公室匯總的有關政府方向的一些信息。
你還聽到雷主任出來說,在他看來,這很可能是實驗室泄漏。 我認為這裏存在足夠多的爭議,這是不應該存在的,無論是在媒體中還是在黨派之爭中,甚至討論數據是什麽和信息是什麽的問題。 我們確實需要把所有這些放在一邊,我認為國會能夠做的一件事——我認為我們的委員會將能夠做的——就是了解我們所掌握的信息是什麽。
我們如何就所掌握的信息達成共識,然後如何處理?
當然,所有這些信息都是為了讓中國承擔責任,但更重要的是,這是為了確保這種情況不再發生。 這太可怕了。 這對家庭、對親人的影響是非同尋常的,甚至是對那些錯過了上學時間和發展機會的孩子們的影響。 這是一場已經發生的巨大災難,我們不應該輕率地回顧這可能是如何發生的,以便我們能夠在未來阻止它。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:高級會員希姆斯,我不知道你是否能夠回答這個問題,但在新冠病毒爆發之初或直到我們得到這個消息之前,新冠病毒的起源是一個非常黨派的問題。 為什麽會這樣? 為什麽——一開始,為什麽即使有可能是實驗室泄漏,也會有如此大的阻力?
代表。 海姆斯:嗯,這是值得的——你知道,這值得我們,因為美國人花更多的時間思考為什麽新冠病毒的各個方麵都變得如此黨派、如此政治化——當然,這不僅僅是起源。 你知道,在這個國家的部分地區,戴口罩成了一種黨派標識符,這讓我困擾,因為如果你看一下數字,我們的國家,我們所有人都認為這是世界上最偉大的國家。 在這個星球上,盡管你有能力,但按人均計算,我們實際上失去的人數遠多於我們的西方同行、歐洲、亞洲許多地方。 我們不了解中國,因為中國沒有報告好的數字,但你明白我的意思了。
我們對此沒有做出應有的反應的原因之一是我們讓它變得政治化,你看,你在要求我推測。 我認為,你知道,前政府對中國的語氣顯然非常咄咄逼人、憤怒。 因此,我認為這對上屆政府的支持者來說特別適合這樣的說法:這是中國的無能造成的。 這對我來說是相當推測的,但重點是——主席是完全正確的。 邁克說得完全正確。 我們真正需要知道這一點的原因並不是為了黨派的滿足。 如果事實證明是實驗室泄漏,我們需要真正了解這是如何發生的,而中國人當然會這樣做,因為這種情況不會再次發生。
順便說一句,我們也有處理非常非常危險的病毒的實驗室。 因此,如果我們了解真相,就會學到很多東西。 為了了解真相,我們需要中國人的坦誠,我們需要消除黨派識別符,這些識別符附著在從口罩到你對疫苗的看法到病毒起源的一切事物上。 本身。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:特納主席,就我們所知的特朗普、拜登、彭斯的機密文件而言,您曾表示您對政府向您提供的通報不滿意。 還會再舉行一次吹風會嗎?您還有哪些問題?
代表。 特納:是的。 我們都沒有。 這是一個八人團夥,是國會 535 名議員中排名前八的,有機會討論機密問題。 這是頂級分類會議,他們基本上沒有向我們提供任何真實信息。 顯然,這非常令人失望,因為他們本應向我們提供的信息實際上是國會要求的。
聯邦調查局和檔案館在最初尋求接收機密文件時並沒有與情報界或國防界接觸,他們詢問,國家安全麵臨什麽風險? 對國家安全的威脅是什麽? 國會要求,參眾兩院均實行兩黨、兩院製。 我們說,國家情報總監辦公室,我們希望您查看這些文件,讓我們了解風險是什麽、發生了什麽以及正在采取哪些措施來解決這個問題。
在我們的通報中,我們不僅無法獲得這些文件,而且沒有任何具體信息可以讓我們真正了解所發生的事情,以及為什麽這很重要? 回到我們如何確保這種情況不再發生,吉姆和我剛剛讓檔案管理員來到我們的委員會,他們告訴我們兩件令人震驚的事情。 第一,自裏根以來的每一屆政府都向他們提交了機密文件和非機密文件混合在一起的文件,第二,非總統、副總統級別,但國會級別和其他向其提交文件的官員 圖書館和其他組織保存其官方文件,檔案管理員已收到他們回複的 80 個詢問,其中這些組織團體發現了機密文件。
現在,吉姆和我對此感到震驚,因為我可以告訴你,在我們的委員會中,每個人都沒有像我們所看到的那樣錯誤地處理文件。 所以這是非常令人擔憂的。 我們需要做點什麽,我們需要獲取信息和文件,以便我們了解需要做什麽來解決這個問題,這樣才能停止。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:是的。 高級會員 Himes,你在周末的“會見媒體”節目中說,你收到了這些文件的味道。 這意味著什麽? 然後,國會可以分別立法總統和副總統如何處理機密文件嗎? 書本上已經有規則了。
代表。 海姆斯:是的,是的。 我說“一種風格”正是為了避免做我們不能做的事情,即詳細說明我們在那次會議中學到的東西。 當然,這是最機密的環境。 這是一個八人團夥而不是——而不是兩個委員會本身的原因,但是——
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:但是你知道具體細節嗎? 你有得到任何具體信息嗎?
代表。 海姆斯:再說一遍,我不會——我不會去那裏。 我同意邁克的觀點,我們距離我們需要解決的兩件真正重要的事情還有一英裏之遙。 第一,正如邁克所說,弄清楚這種情況如何不再發生,因為是的,結果是兩名副總統和一名前總統,正如我們在與檔案管理員的討論中了解到的那樣,正如邁克所說,事實證明很多 的國會議員在他們的文件中進行了分類。 我什至不知道這是怎麽發生的。 邁克和我在機密信息上花費的時間可能比這座大樓裏的任何人都多,但不知何故,人們顯然,你知道,將其帶出大樓。 所以這必須停止。
第二件事在這裏確實很重要——看,我們生活在一個政治世界中。 我隻知道這個世界是——你知道,這取決於你站在哪一邊,你希望海湖莊園的情況比拜登車庫之類的地方更糟糕。 美好的。 這就是司法部將通過調查找出的答案。
邁克和我真正需要做的不僅是確保這種情況不再發生,而且還要確保——這對委員會來說確實是關鍵的事情——那些有可能暴露我們的“消息來源”的文件 和方法”——這是一個奇特的術語,實際上意味著全世界的人們——你知道,為了國家安全而冒著生命危險的人,邁克和我感到滿意是絕對必要的。 這些人、那些來源和那些方法沒有受到損害。 在我們更好地了解傳播出去的信息中的內容之前,邁克和我很難對這個問題感到滿意。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:嗯嗯。 最後,我想問你們關於兩黨合作的問題,你們兩個已經同意努力恢複委員會的禮讓感。
提醒我們的觀眾,過去幾年非常有爭議,兩次彈劾聽證會。 德文·努涅斯和亞當·希夫並不是最好的朋友。 這麽說吧。
那你們為什麽同意呢? 是麥卡錫和傑弗裏斯下達了法令嗎? 是你們兩個嗎? 你為情報委員會嚐試的這個新的男高音是如何實現的,或者是如何將其帶回到兩黨合作的方式——這個協議是如何達成的? 請讓我們從特納主席開始。
代表。 特納:當然。 好吧,利·安,議長本人和少數黨領袖哈基姆·傑弗裏斯來到我們的委員會,並在我們召開會議時責成我們在兩黨合作的基礎上開展工作,這完全正確。 但我必須告訴你,他們的情緒是每個人都有的。 吉姆和我隨後向委員會發表講話,向他們承諾我們將在兩黨合作的基礎上開展工作。
但我可以告訴你,在那個房間裏,行為舉止沒有改變,比如,好吧,我現在的工作與以前不同。 心裏鬆了口氣。 選擇加入情報委員會的人,尋求這個職位的人,因為這是一個任命的職位,他們在那裏是因為他們關心自己的國家。 他們關心國家安全,並且希望支持我們的情報職能。 他們想要工作,而工作將成為中心。
每當你真正從事人們一起做的工作時,你就會有兩黨合作。 並不是每個人都有正確的答案。 隻要齊心協力,我們就能到達那裏。 我們將進行這場辯論。 我們將進行這樣的對話。 我們要一起做。 我認為委員會中的每個人都有同樣的承諾。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:那麽,高級會員?
代表。 HIMES:Leigh Ann,我也說清楚。 我的意思是,重要的是人們——我想在這裏強調一個重要的觀點。 正如你所知,邁克和我正在努力實現兩黨合作。 這並不意味著我們會一直同意。 事實上,你知道,我期待分歧,因為分歧使我們更強大。 事實是,當我們審視彼此的信念、先驗、假設時,會讓我們變得更好。 所以這並不是要消除分歧。 這是以建設性的方式表達不同意見。
邁克和我需要這樣做有兩個原因——實際上是三個。 第一,我們需要重建委員會的信譽。 第二,我們所做的工作非常非常重要,我們需要做到最好。 我們處於最佳狀態的唯一方法是這些分歧是建設性的而不是破壞性的。 而且,我們還需要為更廣泛的國會樹立榜樣。
再說一遍,分歧、辯論和爭論是我們國家力量的核心,但他們已經到了部落化的地步,如果你不同意我的觀點,你就不是愛國者,或者如果你不同意我的觀點,你就不是愛國者。 我,你知道,你是一個讓MAGA法西斯主義者,或者如果你不同意我的觀點,你就是一個社會主義共產主義者。 我們不能在這個國家進行這樣的對話。 我們需要更多的人接受這樣一個觀念:你知道,盡管我們人口多元化,但我們將會有來自許多不同領域的許多不同觀點。 如果我們不能找到一種方法來建設性地調和這些觀點,就像邁克和我正在努力做的那樣,我們的民主就會麵臨風險。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:是的。 好吧,特納主席,你能——
代表。 特納:我同意吉姆的觀點。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:嗯,我想問,你能——
代表。 特納:就他剛才說的話。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:您能否舉出一些例子,說明如果你們一起工作,但當然在某些問題上存在分歧,委員會的運作方式會有何不同? 但是,上屆國會沒有發生但本屆國會將會發生的事情有哪些具體例子呢? 一起工作意味著什麽?
代表。 HIMES:讓我快速進入這裏,因為我實際上有一個具體的例子,與我們所做工作的實質無關。 你知道,邁克和我必須就委員會的規則進行談判,而我們實際上對其中一項規則存在相當大的分歧。 我們在周日晚上與我們的員工就此進行了交談。 我們解決了這個問題,並取得了良好的結果。 而且,你知道,我們都沒有去媒體那裏,你知道,試圖照亮這個地方。 你知道,這是幾周前的事,但在這個問題上,我們存在分歧。 我們對此有強烈的感受。 我們通了電話。 我們解決了這個問題,並且以一種不會激起波瀾的方式解決了這個問題。
所以,你知道,對我來說,這很早就表明我們將找到一種方法來表達不同意見,從而實際上使委員會變得更好,而不是更糟。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:特納主席?
代表。 特納:是的。 因此,正如我所描述的,我會給你們一個真正顯示出每個成員的承諾的承諾,從議長和高級成員傑弗裏斯——或領導人、少數黨領袖傑弗裏斯站在我們麵前的那一刻起,通過我們所做的事情 工作。 因此,我們剛剛聽取了檔案館代表關於海湖莊園、拜登總統、前副總統拜登和副總統、前副總統彭斯的機密文件的情況介紹。 那可能絕對是一個地雷,也可能是我們之間的一場持久戰。
每個人都專業地處理它。 每個人都提出了實質性問題。 每個人都試圖弄清到底發生了什麽,我們知道什麽,我們需要做什麽。 我們這裏有 25 個人,有著廣泛的想法、觀點,當然還有來自民主黨和共和黨的代表,我們實際上與檔案管理員就新聞中高度黨派色彩的話題進行了兩黨討論。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:太好了。 不幸的是我們沒時間了。 不過,我想很快問你,你有關於中國間諜氣球的最新消息嗎?
代表。 特納:我對此無法發表評論。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:對此無法發表評論。 [笑]
代表。 海姆斯:是的。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:排名會員Himes?
代表。 海姆斯:我很享受這兩周不用談論氣球的日子。
我會告訴你——我會同意邁克的觀點,並告訴你,顯然,我們確實期望很快——我們確實期望情報界很快就會報告我們能夠恢複飛機殘骸,從而收集到哪些信息。 氣球以及隨著時間的推移我們能夠觀察到它在世界各地漂流的情況,但我們還沒有看到該報告。
多發性硬化症。 考德威爾:太好了。 謝謝。 這絕對是一個吸引美國公眾的故事,所以我很感謝你在最後回答這個問題。
我們沒時間了。 非常感謝你們兩位
mmm
US, China Tensions Worry Key Democrat Eyeing Diplomatic Trip
https://www.bnnbloomberg.ca/us-china-tensions-worry-key-democrat-eyeing-diplomatic-trip-1.1953598
Steven T. Dennis and Allyson Versprille, Bloomberg News
Representative Jim Himes during an interview in New York on Aug. 1. , Photographer: Victor J. Blue/Bloomberg
(Bloomberg) -- The top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee said he’s worried that miscalculations between China and the US risk escalating to war, and wants to counter “irresponsible saber-rattling.”
Jim Himes of Connecticut told reporters and editors at Bloomberg News Tuesday he wants to travel to China with other lawmakers to foster more understanding between the world’s two largest economies and help defuse tensions with Beijing over Taiwan and other issues.
“I do hear things that scare me because I hear about efforts that are not publicized by both countries to go after each other,” Himes said. “And those scare me because, you know, we misunderstand our way into war more often than not.”
Himes, who last week wrote a Connecticut Post column calling for a new approach to China, said the Chinese and the US have mutual interests in China’s “economic miracle” that has pulled hundreds of millions out of poverty.
“I’d love to be able to say, ‘Really, you want to throw that all away for some mad nationalist vision?’” he said he would tell the Chinese government.
Himes said he also opposed Republican presidential candidate and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’ talk of decoupling the US from China. Doing so, he warned, would devastate the US economy, cause massive inflation and likely send interest rates even higher.
Himes said he would also communicate issues of differences with China, like the oppression of the Uighur population or the theft of US intellectual property.
“I don’t want to be portrayed as a China dove or whatever,” he said. But he also said he wants to communicate a desire for China to develop and buy products from the US.
Himes said he was “really worried” about four or five months ago, when he felt members of both parties were engaging in irresponsible rhetoric. Himes brought up that he won his seat in 2008 amid backlash to the Iraq war, which he also said was caused by misunderstandings.
He pointed to US concerns about the Chinese installing a listening post in Cuba as a concern, but pointed out China has its own concerns with US troops stationed in countries like Japan and the Philippines.
“I’m not saying there’s an equivalence there. I’m just saying, ‘Put yourself in their shoes so that you can understand how they think about us.’ And that all gets shunted aside. And when they all get shunted aside, it really increases the probability of a misunderstanding or a mistake.”
Crypto ‘Baloney’
Himes also has played a key role on the House Financial Services Committee as a prominent Democratic backer last week of two crypto bills providing a regulatory framework sought by the industry, and legislation governing the regulation of so-called stable coins.
“Any number of times over the course of the last couple of weeks, I asked myself, ‘Why the hell am I doing this?’” Himes said of the crypto bills, given he doesn’t think the Democratic-led Senate will act and is skeptical crypto will amount to much.
“The use case is baloney,” he said, predicting few would use crypto for regular retail transactions, though he allowed for the possibility something useful will come of it.
A former Goldman Sachs banker, Himes said Chairman Patrick McHenry, a North Carolina Republican, called him daily and accepted all of his requests for changes.
“I just wanted to show that, Jesus, we can actually get some bipartisan stuff done,” he said.
OP-ED by Rep. Himes | A Better Way to Think about China
https://himes.house.gov/press-releases?id=30E82A3A-2453-4E26-9328-778CA895C4DC
July 27, 2023
CT Post: A Better Way to Think About China
By Congressman Jim Himes (CT-04) July 27, 2023
Secretary of State Anthony Blinken’s trip to China is an opportunity for Congress to step up its game on more intelligently addressing the strategic problem of our generation: how to work with China on areas of deep common interest even as we challenge its dangerous and destabilizing behavior. Today’s angry saber-rattling is insufficient and dangerous.
Since the Trump administration, it has become bipartisan orthodoxy that China is at the root of many of America’s ills. Members of Congress compete to sound hawkish on China, trotting out stale Cold War analogies and thinking of ever more detailed ways to isolate 1.4 billion people. Congress is planning for conflict without considering the global devastation and tragedy such a conflict would cause. The talk may be of deterrence — to a Chinese invasion of Taiwan, to bellicose activity in the South China Sea, to continued cybercrime and IP theft — but deterrence can look a lot like preparation for war, which is a perspective we need to understand.
China, of course, bears real responsibility for deteriorating relations. Its provocative overflight of the continental U.S. with a surveillance balloon and the daily aggressive acts by its Air Force and Navy intensify long-held anger over its pilfering of intellectual property, its abuse of its Uighur minority and its ham-fisted repression of political dissidents. China’s establishment of a “no limits partnership” with Putin’s murderous regime raises profound questions about how it will use its superpower status in the future.
The trick for Congress is to moderate its pugnacity with an appreciation for how critically intertwined we are with China, particularly economically. This fact is what makes Cold War analogies so foolish. The Soviet Union was never meaningfully integrated into the world’s economy. In contrast, last year the US and China set a new record for trade, totaling $690 billion. If that trade were eliminated, the shock to our economies in terms of unemployment and inflation would exceed that of the Covid era. Our allies are even more enmeshed. Germany, so critical to economic stability in Europe and the campaign to support Ukraine, is China’s largest trading partner.
Neither should we lose sight of the hideous human tragedy that would be loosed in a military conflict with China. The real possibility of bombed cities, sunken aircraft carriers, downed pilots and tens of thousands of casualties, and the potential use of nuclear weapons should temper bellicosity on both sides. This is a moment for statesmanship.
Following Secretary Blinken’s visit, I believe there are several steps members of Congress could take to reduce the dangerous risk of miscalculation or thoughtless drift into conflict.
First, we must make it amply clear to China that we do not wish to roll back its economic progress or to deny it the respect and privileges due a sovereign nation, and especially to a nuclear armed global power. Whatever one thinks of the means used to achieve it, Chinese economic progress has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of abject poverty and turned them into customers for America’s products and services. This unprecedented growth benefits the people of China and generates jobs, exports and prosperity on an international scale.
It’s common to say that our quarrel is with the Chinese Communist Party, not with the Chinese people. We should add that while we will guard against economic predation and the development of advanced aggressive capabilities for China’s military, we cheer the enrichment of the Chinese people and the economic opportunities thus generated.
We should applaud, not denigrate, the Chinese brokering of a diplomatic understanding between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The US cannot and should not be the only global leader responsible for addressing the world’s trouble spots. We should use this Chinese initiative to drive home the point that we support China when it acts reasonably and responsibly to buttress a rules-based international system or to dampen dangerous flashpoints.
Second, the best response to China’s predatory belt-and-road initiative is to recommit ourselves to economic engagement in those regions of the world, particularly Africa, Latin America, and the Indo-Pacific, where we have been long absent. When we won’t even fill ambassadorships in these regions, much less promote trade and investment, we send a signal that the Chinese are the only game in town.
We should offer soft-power engagement to those accustomed to seeing Americans primarily in a security capacity. The State Department’s Bureau of Education and Cultural Affairs has multiple initiatives intended to build academic, economic, and cultural relationships around the globe. We should expand programs like these, and grow new ones in spaces where the United States excels. We could establish cyber centers of excellence, so our partners are prepared when they face ransomware attacks; address the STEM shortage in the developing world; and facilitate public-private partnerships to connect startups in the US with organizations and governments abroad.
Third, we must double down on remaining the global leader in technology and innovation. China is a peer competitor in innovation, but it has neither the educational institutions, the start-up culture nor the deep capital markets enjoyed by the US. We must nurture these advantages even as China self-sabotages by attacking multinationals and native businesses and their leaders inside China. Congress can help in this endeavor, building on last year’s bipartisan CHIPS Act, which has spurred new investment in advanced semiconductors. We should demonstrate that our prosperity and China’s is best served by open, rules-based cooperative engagement in almost every sphere.
Finally, we should build on Secretary Blinken’s trip to re-establish lines of communication at every level. When the next balloon mishap occurs, it should not take days to get military commanders and diplomats together to take down the temperature and prevent misunderstanding. Political leaders and civil society should take the time to understand the point of view of our Chinese counterparts and adversaries. Understanding is not the same as agreeing.
There is of course much that China must do to calm the waters. Military flexing and diplomatic belligerence, however rooted in some sense of historical grievance, serve no purpose but to increase suspicions and the likelihood of a deadly mistake. At heart, China must recognize that its future prosperity and power lies not in destabilization and belligerence, but in principled engagement, fair trade, and global stability. Those are our interests as well, and Congress would do well to keep them in mind.
Permalink: https://himes.house.gov/2023/7/icymi-op-ed-by-rep-himes-a-better-way-to-think-about-china
By Washington Post Live March 7, 2023 at 11:00 a.m. EST
MS. CALDWELL: Hello. Welcome to Washington Post Live. I’m Leigh Ann Caldwell, an anchor at Washington Post Live and also co-author of The Early 202 newsletter.
Today we have another edition of "Across the Aisle." I'm joined by the top two ranking--or members of the Intelligence Committee. We have Republican Chairman Mike Turner of Ohio and Ranking Democrat Jim Himes of Connecticut.
Congressmen, thanks so much for joining us.
REP. HIMES: Thanks for having us.
REP. TURNER: Thanks for having us, Leigh Ann.
MS. CALDWELL: I just want to note at the outset, this is "Across the Aisle," and on the show what we do is we try to bring together bipartisan pairings. And it's extremely notable that the two of you are on together, the top Republican and top Democrat of the Intelligence Committee. So again, I just really want to thank you before we get started.
I do, though, want to start with some news of the day, and that is about January 6th. Last night, Chairman Turner, Tucker Carlson, a Fox opinion host, he gave his interpretation based on what he saw of footage granted to him by Kevin McCarthy of what happened at the Capitol on January 6th. He called it mostly peaceful. He said it was not an insurrection. I just want to get your sense of if you agree with that.
REP. TURNER: Yeah. Well, you'll actually have to ask him about his assessment.
The January 6th Committee was a highly partisan committee, and we're not. In the Intelligence Committee, we're focusing on the intelligence community and national security issues, and we're looking at going forward to make certain that we can ensure that our country is safe.
I want to give a tremendous amount of credit to my Ranking Member, Jim Himes. You can't be bipartisan if you don't have a partner, and I do. Jim and I are working very closely on issues of what's Russia doing, what's China doing, what does our intelligence community need, how can we rise to those issues that can make America safe, and, Leigh Ann, I think that's what people want us to do. They don't--they're not interested in us watching the news and commenting on other commentators. They're interested in us doing the job that we're here for, and that's national security. And Jim and I are working very hard on that.
MS. CALDWELL: And we're going to get to all of those issues, but I just have to follow up. Does this help--does the airing and, say, calling it "mostly peaceful"--you were there. Does that help to ease the partisan tenor in this country? Was that day mostly peaceful?
REP. TURNER: Well, Leigh Ann. Partisan tenor--what would help the partisan tenor is if you actually interviewed us on why you invited us on your show, which is to talk about my job, and my job is chairman of the Intelligence Committee and the issues affecting national security and intelligence community, which is what Jim and I are very committed to. We've been talking to a number of reporters about the importance of our work.
In fact, we have the Worldwide Threats hearing coming up this week where we have the head of the CIA, the head of ODNI, the head of the FBI, and the head of the NSA coming before us, and I'm sure you probably have some curiosity about that. And Jim and I would love to talk about it.
MS. CALDWELL: Yeah. We have a lot of time, and so we're definitely going to get to it. I just had to ask you that on the top to see if that was good.
REP. HIMES: Leigh Ann, if I can interject here, Mike.
MS. CALDWELL: Yes.
REP. HIMES: The chairman is right. The committee that we now lead probably, inevitably, when a national security oversight committee was asked to investigate a president, there's just no way you do that without creating an awful lot of partisan animus.
I--we all have our views on what happened. The American people need to think about January 6th, how we got there, what happened, efforts being made today to turn it into something that it's not. But the only way the chairman and I can restore this essential committee to its role of overseeing very dangerous, you know, activities that, in some instances, sort of touch up against the edge of the law, that touch up against the edge of our ethics and values--I'm talking about surveillance, which, you know, surprise, surprise, the intelligence community does. I'm talking about counterterrorism actions. The only way the chairman and I can restore the committee to its role of being as nonpartisan as possible is if we look forward, which is what we're trying to do here.
MS. CALDWELL: Okay. So looking forward, Congressmen, let's start with Congressman Turner. Today China's foreign minister said the U.S. should change its, quote, "distorted attitude" toward China or, quote, "conflict and confrontation will follow." What is your reaction to that? Is the United States moving toward conflict with China?
REP. TURNER: Well, first off, our view of China is it's an authoritarian regime that's controlled by the Communist Party of China. That, of course, inherently places them in conflict with the concept of strong and leading democracies, which is what we are. So it's inherent in their definition of who they are that they're going to seek conflict with us.
Now, we have only thought--sought cooperation. We've thought--sought economic ties. We've sought, you know, certainly leading in the world together. We've even invited China to, with us, condemn Russia's aggression where there's the unbelievable atrocities that are happening against innocent people of this, you know, provoked war by Russia, and China has failed to do so. China is building up its military. It's doing so in a way that goes beyond what it needs for its own defense. It's certainly not looking just for its own territorial integrity. It's looking for a military that can have both aggressive behavior and, you know, outside of its own domestic territory aggression, and they've been openly threatening to do so.
I mean, if you take President Xi's open statements, he has talked about using military force against Taiwan. So those types of aggressive statements inherently are going to run against counter, not just of the United States' interests but just as you've seen with the outcry from the world against the aggression from Russia to Ukraine. They're going to face worldwide opposition to their new tenor.
MS. CALDWELL: And, Ranking Member Himes, do you think that China is actually going to get--give lethal weapons to Russia in their war with Ukraine, and is--should that be a red line for the United States?
REP. HIMES: Well, hard to know, hard to answer your question, but I sure hope not. And I think the United States and our leadership hopes not for two reasons. Number one, to do so would be morally repugnant, and it would be inconsistent with what China has always been, which is that you don't mess around in other people's countries. And of course, Russia in a very big way messed around in someone else's country with a brutal, criminal, almost terrorist invasion.
So for moral reasons, they shouldn't, but also for practical reasons. You know, China is--you know, unlike the old Soviet Union, which is why I sort of bristle at the questions of whether we're in a new Cold War with the Chinese--unlike the Soviet Union, China has grown over these two or three generations by being engaged with the rest of the world, by selling its products, by producing things, by importing American and European things. China has really gone from one of the least development--the least developed countries on the planet, you know, 60, 70 years ago to a world power, and they've done that by engaging.
So the answer is, are we ever going to get to a place where we agree with everything that China does? Of course, we're not. They steal our IP. They brutalize their own people, particularly in the western Muslim provinces. But the magic here is for us to stay clear when they violate values which are fundamental values, even as we sort of employ the statesmanship, recognizing that they're a critical trade partner to us and to Europe, recognizing the fact that unlike the Soviet Union, they own a trillion dollars of our sovereign debt. What I'm saying here is that we need to make it very clear that we don't want the Chinese to stop developing. Nothing is better for the U.S. economy than 1.4 trillion Chinese buying our products. But we need to have that conversation in the context of who they are in the world, and if who they are in the world is to supply weapons to a murderer, that's going to make it very hard to engage in the way that we should.
MS. CALDWELL: Yeah. And then, Chairman Turner, do you think that the administration is handling China appropriately? Does the U.S. need to be tougher? Does there need to be better diplomacy? Can you just talk about that relationship and what else the United States can and should do?
REP. TURNER: Well, you know, I think Jim is absolutely right in the way that he's characterized what the threat here is. Certainly, if China engages in this, the problem is instead of having Russia begin to deplete their capabilities, it would be sort of an inexhaustible source of replenishment for Russia that would be certainly very disheartening, especially in the light of the atrocities that are happening in Ukraine. I think the administration has done one thing that's incredibly important, and that is that they released the intelligence that it was their conclusion that China was considering giving weapons to Russia. That's allowing us right now to have this conversation. It's allowing embassies across the world to have this conversation and Europe to react. If Chinese weapons show up on the battlefield of Ukraine, it will be obvious. We will see them. We'll pick them up. It will be easy to identify that they're there. All across Europe right now and our NATO allies, they're communicating to the Chinese, as Jim was just saying, that this would be a considerable step of aggression on the part of China.
And the administration has allowed that conversation to happen by releasing the intelligence so that we could have the conversation, and I think that impacts the outcome.
MS. CALDWELL: And, Ranking Member Himes, as you guys have mentioned, there is a hearing later this week on Worldwide Threats. What do you--were the five--the leaders of the five intelligence agencies are going to testify before your committee. What do you want to hear from those intelligence leaders about China?
REP. HIMES: Well, so the open hearing, as it always is, is a survey of all the threats that face us. So I want to hear about more than just China. Because we've become so focused on China, we have probably not focused as much as we used to on other threats that are ongoing out there. North Korea is being very belligerent right now, you know, making threats against the South and the West. You know, they're working very hard to deliver--to develop technology that could be a threat to the United States and to the West.
Iran, of course, continues to show what an appalling regime they are, and they represent a threat to the stability, certainly, of the region and arguably the world.
And, I mean, I would be remiss if I didn't note that if you had told me at Worldwide Threats four years ago that there was a threat coming down the pike that was going to kill over a million Americans--I'm referring, of course, to covid--I would have said you're crazy, and today we're looking back at the deaths of 11- or 12 million people on the globe. So it's not just China, right? And this is really important, because as overseers, we need to make sure that we're not forgetting the other stuff that is out there.
Look, with respect to China, what I want to hear is an articulation of how we oppose China in the ways that we should. We do not want American chips going into advanced weapons that the Chinese might someday use against us. We don't want people supporting the militarism that we're seeing out of China. We want, of course, that to occur in the context and the understanding of the critical economic partner that China is and hopefully will be, and I'm talking about what behind me here, the furniture, the clothes that are trade items between us.
So we need to be sophisticated in saying, you know, we're not letting China import military hardware or chips that will help them make it, even as we hope that both the West and China develop in tandem the way they have over these many generations.
MS. CALDWELL: And then, Chairman Turner, same question to you. What do you want to hear--and I'll broaden it out this time--not specifically on China? But what do you want to hear from this hearing on Thursday?
REP. TURNER: Sure. Well, Jim listed some very impressive threats that we have and that are very, very concerning, that I do expect that will be the subject matter, and we'll sort of get a preview because the intelligence community is going to be having their Worldwide Threats first before the Senate, before they come to us. So we'll get a little bit of a preview of their message.
But one thing that I'm going to be looking for is that, you know, right now you've got Ranking Member Jim Himes and myself committing to working on a bipartisan basis. Senator Warner, Senator Rubio also have that commitment, and they've made a commitment to work on a bicameral basis, the Senate and the House working together. So the next two years, we have the Intelligence Committees of the House and the Senate working bipartisan, bicameral. This is a great opportunity for us to get some work done, and in getting that work done, we have to focus on the issue of what is the functions of the intelligence community. They're there to get us intelligence on what our adversaries are doing, what are the threats, so that we can translate it into policies about what we are going to go do.
And we need to shift to moving at the speed of our adversaries. We need very good clarity as to what are their risks, what are their threats, what are they doing with their military, what are they doing in ways to undermine our allies, to pull together allies of their own. How are we going to impact that so that we can make certain that our allies in the United States are safe? And that's going to be a great part of our to-do list in the next two years.
MS. CALDWELL: Speaking of bipartisan things, there is a bill that's going to be introduced today in the Senate. Of course, you guys are in the House, but it's a bipartisan bill regarding TikTok. The chair of the Intelligence Committee in the Senate, Mark Warner, and the number two Republican, John Thune, are leading that legislation that would make it easier to ban TikTok. There was a different but same-topic bill that passed out of committee in the House last week. Where do you stand, Ranking Member Himes, on TikTok? Do you think that it is a threat, an intelligence and a security threat in the United States?
And to remind our viewers, it is owned by a Chinese company.
REP. HIMES: Yeah, it's a great question to which I have a preliminary answer to, but the reality is that we don't really know how dangerous TikTok could be.
Now, we do know that as a Chinese company, the Chinese government could require that company to turn over information about its users. So again, I sort of reserve the right, as I learn more, to change my opinion.
Here's where I am right now. To me, it's a no-brainer that government officials or anybody in a sensitive position, you know, that might be in national security meetings or, quite frankly, talking about their day with their spouse should not have TikTok on their devices, which is why I do not have TikTok on my devices, nor does my staff on any of their official devices.
I'm not quite ready to say, though, that the United States government should tell every American citizen, all 300-plus-million Americans, that they can't use a particular media platform. That's a pretty big deal when you think about it, right? And it leads to some areas that I would want to be very careful about.
So if the federal government is going to be in the business of telling each and every American what media platform they can watch, what else? What's next? What's the limiting principle? Can the government say, well, we think that this particular media platform is actually inconvenient to our democracy? So anyway, I'm not quite ready to say that I'm supportive of telling every American that they can't use TikTok, but I do think that it's a no-brainer that anybody in a sensitive position should not have it anywhere near their devices.
MS. CALDWELL: And, Chairman Turner, feel free to comment on TikTok too, but I do want to ask you about covid and the origins of covid. Of course, that's a big topic over the past week or two, as the Department of Energy said that with--has low confidence that it did develop--it was a lab leak in Wuhan. What--you know, I know your briefings are classified, but is there any--do you tend to agree with that, and should we expect more transparency from the administration on this?
REP. TURNER: Absolutely. And I think you're going to see soon, the House take action on this. Jim and I are working together in our committee on this. You know, the Senate took action last week to try to declassify some of the information that the ODNI has put together on the direction of the administration.
You also heard Director Wray come out and say that, in his opinion, it was most likely a lab leak. I think that there is enough controversy here that shouldn't be there, and that is both in the media and in partisanship, a question about even discussing what the data is and what the information is. And we really need to put all that aside, and I think that's one thing that Congress is going to be able to do--I think our committee is going to be able to do--is get to just what is the information that we. How do we get to some consensus as to the information we have, and then how do we deal with this?
All of this information, of course, is about holding China accountable, but more importantly, it's about ensuring that this doesn't happen again. This was horrible. The impact to families, the impact to loved ones was extraordinary, and even just, you know, the children who missed time in schools and their development opportunities. This is a huge catastrophe that has occurred, and we should not take lightly reviewing how this may have occurred so that we can stop it in the future.
MS. CALDWELL: Ranking Member Himes, I don't know if you're going to be able to answer this, but at the beginning of covid or until we got this, the origins of covid was a very partisan issue. Why was that? Why--at the beginning of this, why was there such resistance to it even being a possibility that this was a lab leak?
REP. HIMES: Well, it's worth--you know, it's worth us, as Americans spending a lot more time thinking about why every aspect of covid became so partisan, so political--and of course, it wasn't just the origins. It was--you know, the wearing of a mask became in parts of the country sort of a partisan identifier, and it haunts me because if you look at the numbers, our country, which all of us believe is the greatest country on the planet, as competent and capable as you can be, on a per capita basis, we actually lost far more people than our Western peers, than Europe, than many places in Asia. We don't know about China because China is not reporting good numbers, but you get my point here.
One of the reasons that we didn't respond as well as we could have to this was that we let it become political, and look, you're asking me to speculate. I think, you know, the former administration obviously had a very aggressive and angry tone towards China. So I think it fit the narrative particularly well for supporters of the last administration that this was Chinese incompetence that did that. That's pretty speculative on my part, but the point is that--the chairman is exactly right. Mike has got it exactly right. The reason we really need to know this is not for partisan satisfaction. If it turns out to have been a lab leak, we need to really understand how that happened, and the Chinese certainly do because it cannot happen again.
And by the way, we have labs that handle terribly, terribly dangerous viruses too. So there's a lot of learning that could occur if we got to the truth. To get to the truth, we're going to need the Chinese to be forthcoming, and we're going to need to dial back the partisan identifiers that are attached to everything from masks to how you think about vaccines to the origin of the virus itself.
MS. CALDWELL: Chairman Turner, on the classified documents for Trump, Biden, Pence so far that we know of, you have said that you were not satisfied with the briefing that the administration gave you. Will there be another briefing, and what questions do you still have?
REP. TURNER: Yeah. None of us were. And there were--this was a gang of eight, which is the top eight out of the 535 people who are in Congress and have opportunity to discuss classified matters. This was the top classification meeting to which they basically provided us no real information. This is very disappointing, obviously, because the information that they were supposed to be providing us was actually congressionally requested.
The FBI and the Archives did not engage the intelligence community or the defense community in its initial quest to receive the classified documents in a manner where they asked, well, what is the risk to national security? What is the threat to national security? Congress asked that, both on the Senate side and the House side, bipartisan, bicameral. We said, ODNI, Office of Director of National Intelligence, we want you to take a look at these documents and give us an understanding of what was the risk, what has happened, and what is being done to try to address that.
In the briefing we had, not only did we not have access to the documents, but we did not have any specific information that gave us a real understanding of what has occurred, and why is this important? Back again to how do we make certain this doesn't happen again, Jim and I just had the archivists over to our committee, and they told us two shocking things. One, that every administration since Reagan has delivered documents to them that had classified documents and non-classified documents co-mingled, and secondly, on non-presidential, on vice president level, but congressional level and other officials that have tendered their documents to libraries and other organizations, to hold their official documents, that the archivist has gotten 80 inquiries back from them where those groups of organization have found classified documents.
Now, Jim and I are just shocked by this, because I can tell you that in our committee, everybody--there's not a manner in which people mishandle documents at the level that we're seeing. So it's very concerning. We need to do something, and we need to get the--we need to get the information and documents so that we understand what do we need to address this so this stops.
MS. CALDWELL: Yeah. You said, Ranking Member Himes, on "Meet the Press" over the weekend that you received a flavor of the documents. What does that mean? And then, separately, can congress legislate how presidents and vice presidents handle classified documents? There's already rules that are on the books.
REP. HIMES: Yeah, yeah. And I said "a flavor" precisely to avoid doing what we can't do, which is give specifics about what we learned in that meeting. That, of course, is the most, you know, classified environment. There's a reason why it's gang of eight rather than--rather than the two committees themselves, but--
MS. CALDWELL: But did you get specifics, though? Did you get any specifics?
REP. HIMES: Again, I'm not going to--I'm not going to go there. I'm going to agree with Mike that we were--we are a--we are a country mile away from where we need to be around the two things that are really important here. Number one, as Mike said, figuring out how this never happens again, because yes, it turned out to be two vice presidents and one ex-president, and as we learned in discussion with the archivist, as Mike said, turns out a lot of members of Congress had in their papers classified. I don't even begin to know how that happens. Mike and I spend more time around classified information than probably anybody in this building, and yet somehow people are apparently, you know, getting it out, out of the building. So that has to stop.
The second thing is really what's important here--and look, we live in a political world. I just know that the world is--you know, depending on what side of the aisle that you're on, you want it to be much worse at Mar-a-Lago than it was in Biden's garage and stuff. Fine. That is what the Justice Department will figure out, the investigations.
What Mike and I really need to do is not just make sure that it never happens again but also to make sure--and this is really the key thing for the committee, that any of those documents that were at risk of exposing our "sources and methods"--that's a fancy term that actually means people in--you know, all over the world who are risking their lives on behalf of national security, it is absolutely essential that Mike and I are satisfied. that those people, those sources, and those methods have not been compromised. And until we have a better sense for what was in the information that made it out into the wild, it's going to be very hard for Mike and I to be satisfied on that question.
MS. CALDWELL: Mm-hmm. I want to ask you, finally, about bipartisanship, the fact that you two have agreed to try to restore a sense of comity on the committee.
To remind our viewers, the last several years have been very contentious, two impeachment hearings. Devin Nunes and Adam Schiff are not best friends. Let's say that.
So why did you guys agree to that? Was it McCarthy and Jeffries sending down an edict? Was it the two of you? How did this new tenor that you're trying for the intelligence committee or bringing it back to a bipartisan way--how did that agreement come about? Let's start with Chairman Turner, please.
REP. TURNER: Sure. Well, Leigh Ann, you're absolutely right that the Speaker himself and the minority leader, Hakeem Jeffries, came down to our committee and, as we were being convened, charged us with undertaking our work on a bipartisan basis. But I have to tell you, the--their sentiment was shared by everyone. Jim and I then addressed the committee making our commitment to them that we were going to work on a bipartisan basis.
But I can tell you that in that room, there was not a change of demeanor of like, okay, I have a different job now than I had before. There was relief. The people who chose to be on the intelligence committee, who seek this position, because it is an appointed position, are there because they're concerned about their country. They're concerned about national security, and they want to support our intelligence functions. They want to do work, and that work is going to become central.
And whenever you actually have work that people are doing together, you have bipartisanship. Not everybody has the right answer. Together, we can get there. We're going to have that debate. We're going to have that dialogue. We're going to do it together. And I think that everybody on the committee individually has that exact same commitment.
MS. CALDWELL: And, Ranking Member?
REP. HIMES: Leigh Ann, let me be clear too. I mean, it's important that people--I want to make an important point here. As you can tell, Mike and I are making a real effort to be bipartisan. That does not mean that we are going to agree all of the time. In fact, you know, I look forward to the disagreements because the disagreements make us stronger. The truth is when we poke at each other's beliefs, at our priors, at our assumptions, it makes us better. So it's not about doing away with disagreement. It's about disagreeing in a constructive way.
And there's two reasons why Mike and I need to do that--three really. Number one, we need to rebuild the credibility of the committee. Number two, the work we do is really, really important, and we need to be at our best. And the only way we're at our best is if those disagreements are constructive rather than destructive. And, look, we also need to model this for the broader Congress.
Again, disagreement and debate and argument are at the core of our country's strength, but they've gotten to a point where they're so tribal, where if you disagree with me, you're not a patriot, or if you disagree with me, you know, you're a MAGA fascist, or if you disagree with me, you're a socialist communist. We can't have that conversation in this country. We need more people to embrace the notion that, you know, as diverse as we are as a population, we're going to have lots of different views coming from lots of different areas. And if we can't figure out a way to constructively reconcile those views, the way Mike and I are trying to do, our democracy is at risk.
MS. CALDWELL: Yeah. Well, Chairman Turner, can you--
REP. TURNER: And I agree with Jim.
MS. CALDWELL: Well, I was going to ask, can you--
REP. TURNER: To what he just said.
MS. CALDWELL: Can you give examples of how the committee operates differently if you are working together, while disagreeing, of course, on some issues? But what's a concrete example of what did not happen last Congress that is going to happen this Congress? What does working together mean?
REP. HIMES: Let me jump in real quickly here, because I've actually got a concrete example that isn't about the substance of the work we do. You know, Mike and I had to negotiate the rules of the committee, and we actually had a pretty substantial disagreement on one of those rules. And we had a Sunday night conversation with our staffs about it. We worked it out, and we settled on a good outcome. And, you know, neither one of us went to the press to, you know--to try, you know, light the place up. You know, this was a couple of weeks ago, but on that issue, we had a disagreement. We had strong feelings about it. We had a phone call. We worked it out, and it got settled in a way that did not ruffle the waters.
So, you know, that to me was an indication very early on that we're going to figure out a way to disagree in a way that actually makes the committee better, not worse.
MS. CALDWELL: Chairman Turner?
REP. TURNER: Yeah. So I would give you one that really shows, as I was describing, the commitment from every member, from that moment where the Speaker and Ranking Member Jeffries--or the leader, Minority Leader Jeffries was in front of us, through our doing our work. So we just had a briefing by representatives from the Archives on the classified documents from Mar-a-Lago, the President Biden as former Vice President Biden, and Vice President, former Vice President Pence. That could have been an absolute land mine and could have been, you know, knockout, drag-out fight between us.
Everybody handled it professionally. Everybody asked questions that were substantive. Everybody tried to get to the bottom of what's happened, what do we know, what do we need to do. Here we are, 25 people, a broad range of ideas, views, and certainly representatives from both the Democrats and Republicans, and we actually had a bipartisan discussion with the archivists on what in the news is a highly partisan-charged topic.
MS. CALDWELL: Great. We are unfortunately out of time. I want to ask you very quickly, though, have you gotten any update on the Chinese spy balloon?
REP. TURNER: I can't comment on that.
MS. CALDWELL: Can't comment on that. [Laughs]
REP. HIMES: Yeah.
MS. CALDWELL: Ranking Member Himes?
REP. HIMES: I was enjoying the two weeks of not having to talk about balloons.
I will tell you--I will agree with Mike and tell you that, obviously, we do expect soon--we do expect soon reports from the intelligence community about what information was gleaned by the fact that we were able to recover the wreckage of the balloon and what we were able to observe over time as it drifted around the world, but we have not yet seen that report.
MS. CALDWELL: Great. Thank you. That is definitely a story that captured the American public, so I appreciate you answering that at the very end.
We are out of time. Thank you so much, both of you, for joining us.
REP. HIMES: Yes.
MS. CALDWELL: Of course, we were speaking with the top Republican on the Intelligence Committee, Mike Turner of Ohio, and the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, Jim Himes of Connecticut. Really appreciate it.
REP. TURNER: Thank you.
REP. HIMES: Thank you.
MS. CALDWELL: And thank you to our viewers. If you want to watch this program again, find transcripts, or all of our other programs, please go to WashingtonPostLive.com. Thanks so much.
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