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Elon Musk 讓政府效率部發揮作用

(2024-11-17 15:27:36) 下一個

讓政府效率部發揮作用

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/want-to-join-the-doge-squad-elon-musk-seeks-reformers-with-high-iq-willing-to-work-80-hr/week-for-govt-overhaul/articleshow/115328128.cms?from=mdr?

James Broughel 撰稿人

福布斯撰稿人表達的觀點是他們自己的。James Broughel 是一位專注於監管經濟學的經濟學家。

2024 年 11 月 15 日
Elon Musk 和 Vivek Ramaswamy 將管理一個新的政府效率部。

在 Elon Musk 和 Vivek Ramaswamy 的領導下成立新的政府效率部 (DOGE) 的消息引起了廣泛關注。雖然一些批評人士質疑雙重領導的合理性,但考慮到馬斯克的眾多其他承諾,這種結構實際上具有實際意義。然而,要使這項前所未有的政府改革實驗取得成功,必須解決幾個關鍵挑戰。

首先,DOGE 在聯邦政府之外的特殊地位既帶來了機遇,也帶來了風險。與一些更傳統的政府監督機構不同,例如密西西比州的職業許可審查委員會——該委員會在州行政部門內運作,具有法定權力來強製進行監管變革——DOGE 將缺乏強製機構實施其建議的正式權力。因此,它的影響力將在很大程度上取決於馬斯克和拉馬斯瓦米利用其政治資本並保持當選總統特朗普對其倡議的積極支持的能力。

該部門的有效性將取決於建立超越黨派分歧的信譽。由於其任期將於 2026 年 7 月結束,懷疑論者可能會等待其任期結束。為了防止這種情況發生,DOGE 必須樹立嚴肅的兩黨改革努力的聲譽,而不僅僅是一個右翼項目。首先要從招聘開始:該部門應該積極招募來自兩黨的員工。

DOGE 還應該謹慎選擇戰鬥。它不應該解決像福利改革這樣政治性問題(這注定了辛普森-鮑爾斯赤字削減委員會等先前的努力會以失敗告終),而應該專注於解決普遍認可的低效率問題。一個有希望的領域是減少行政文書工作負擔,據估計,這每年要花費美國人 1870 億美元和 120 億小時的合規時間。

這種對文書工作的關注與哈佛學者卡斯·桑斯坦 (Cass Sunstein) 所說的“汙泥”相一致。在某些情況下,汙泥包括阻止公民獲得可能使他們受益的政府計劃的要求。共和黨人可能認為掃除這些繁文縟節是在擴大政府,但在狹義領域這樣做對於贏得反對黨的支持至關重要。

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DOGE 還必須謹慎地進行勞動力改革。DOGE 不應通過大規模解雇來激怒聯邦雇員,而應通過重新考慮遠程工作政策和實施選擇性招聘凍結來追求自然減員。政府通過有爭議的任命對“深層政府”采取的對抗性態度可能會滿足短期的政治本能,但最終會破壞 DOGE 的使命。特朗普在贏得普選和選舉團選舉後,有機會與聯邦勞動力建立建設性的關係——這是實施改革的重要盟友。

DOGE 還應避免重複現有的監督職能。政府問責局 (GAO) 已經對政府效率低下進行了出色的分析。DOGE 不應與 GAO 競爭,而應利用該辦公室的研究成果,同時專注於實施。該部門的獨特價值主張將來自於通過高調的領導力和政治勢頭推動變革,而不僅僅是製作更多報告。

DOGE 應該找出引起不同政治派別共鳴的政府失敗的明顯例子。成功需要保持對這些無黨派、技術上合理的改革的關注。墮胎政策等社會問題應堅決不予考慮。

通過外部效率部門進行政府改革的實驗在美國聯邦層麵是史無前例的。它的成功將在很大程度上取決於其領導層的個人效率以及他們致力於通過合理的、兩黨合作的方式而不是發動意識形態戰爭來追求改革的承諾。雖然挑戰很大,但 DOGE 確實有機會推動政府運作的有意義的改進——如果它能夠保持其信譽並專注於可實現的改革。

政府已經為政府現代化創造了一個獨特的工具。有了正確的策略,DOGE 可以開創一種新的官僚精簡模式。它能否成為推動積極變革的變革力量,還是成為另一個失敗的委員會,將取決於其領導層如何巧妙地應對這些早期挑戰。

Making The Department Of Government Efficiency Work

https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/want-to-join-the-doge-squad-elon-musk-seeks-reformers-with-high-iq-willing-to-work-80-hr/week-for-govt-overhaul/articleshow/115328128.cms?from=mdr?

James Broughel Contributor

Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own. James Broughel is an economist focused on the economics of regulation.

Nov 15, 2024

Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy will run a new Department of Government Efficiency. 

The announcement of a new Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) under the leadership of Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy has generated significant buzz. While some critics have questioned the wisdom of dual leadership, this structure actually makes practical sense given Musk’s numerous other commitments. However, for this unprecedented experiment in government reform to succeed, several critical challenges must be addressed.

First, DOGE’s unusual position outside the federal government presents both opportunities and risks. Unlike some more traditional government oversight bodies, such as Mississippi’s occupational licensing review commission—which operates within the executive branch of the state with statutory authority to mandate regulatory changes—DOGE will lack formal power to compel agencies to implement its recommendations. Its influence will therefore depend heavily on Musk and Ramaswamy’s ability to leverage their political capital and maintain President-elect Trump’s active support for their initiatives.

The department’s effectiveness will hinge on establishing credibility that transcends partisan divisions. With its mandate ending in July of 2026, skeptics might simply wait out its tenure. To prevent this, DOGE must build a reputation as a serious, bipartisan reform effort rather than merely a right-wing project. This starts with hiring: the department should actively recruit staff from both sides of the aisle.

DOGE should also carefully choose its battles. Rather than tackling politically charged issues like entitlement reform—which doomed previous efforts like the Simpson-Bowles deficit reduction commission—it should focus on addressing widely recognized inefficiencies. One promising area is the reduction of administrative paperwork burden, which costs Americans an estimated $187 billion a year and 12 billion hours annually in compliance time.

This focus on paperwork aligns with what Harvard scholar Cass Sunstein calls “sludge”. In some cases, sludge includes requirements that prevent citizens from accessing government programs that could benefit them. Republicans may see sweeping away this red tape as expanding government, but doing so in narrowly-targeted areas will be critical to earning buy-in from the opposing party.

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DOGE must also navigate workforce reform carefully. Instead of antagonizing federal employees through mass terminations, DOGE should pursue natural attrition by reconsidering remote work policies and implementing selective hiring freezes. The administration’s already-confrontational approach to the “deep state” through controversial appointments may satisfy short-term political instincts, but it will ultimately undermine DOGE’s mission. Having won both the popular vote and electoral college decisively, Trump has an opportunity to build constructive relationships with the federal workforce—essential allies for implementing his reforms.

DOGE should also avoid duplicating existing oversight functions. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) already produces excellent analysis of government inefficiencies. Rather than competing with GAO, DOGE should leverage the office’s research while focusing on implementation. The department’s unique value proposition will come from driving change through high-profile leadership and political momentum, not just producing more reports.

DOGE should identify clear instances of government failure that resonate across political lines. Success will require maintaining focus on these non-partisan, technically sound reforms. Social issues like abortion policy should remain firmly off the table.

The experiment in government reform through an external efficiency department is unprecedented at the federal level in the United States. Its success will depend largely on the personal effectiveness of its leadership and their commitment to pursuing reform through reasoned, bipartisan approaches rather than waging ideological warfare. While the challenges are significant, DOGE has a genuine opportunity to drive meaningful improvements in government operations—if it can maintain its credibility and focus on achievable reforms.

The administration has created a unique vehicle for government modernization. With the right strategy, DOGE could pioneer a new model for bureaucratic streamlining. Whether it becomes a transformative force for positive change or another failed commission will depend on how skillfully its leadership navigates these early challenges.

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