總統、民粹主義和民主危機

總統、民粹主義和民主危機

https://www.amazon.ca/Presidents-Populism-Crisis-Democracy-William/dp/022676317X

作者：William G. Howell、Terry M. Moe， – 2020 年 8 月 5 日

美國民主的長期、雄心勃勃的發展已經結束了嗎？ 可能是的。 正如威廉·豪威爾（William G. Howell）和特裏·莫伊（Terry M. Moe）在對現代政治的尖銳新分析中指出的那樣，美國麵臨著一場威脅我們自治製度的曆史性危機——如果要拯救民主，就必須找出危機的根源。 被理解和化解。

最明顯的原因是唐納德·特朗普，他利用總統任期攻擊國家機構並違反其民主規範。 然而，特朗普隻是更深層原因的一個症狀：幾十年來，全球化、自動化和移民等社會力量造成了經濟損害和文化焦慮，而我們的政府在解決這些問題方麵卻完全無效。 數以百萬計的美國人變得憤怒和不滿，民粹主義的訴求找到了願意接受的聽眾。 這些都是特朗普總統任期危險的驅動因素。 在他離任後，它們仍然會被其他民粹主義者用來武器化。

可以做些什麽來維護美國的民主？ 現代性的破壞性力量無法被阻止。 相反，解決方案在於建立一個能夠應對這些問題的政府——這需要采取積極的新政策，但也需要進行製度改革，以增強其有效行動的能力。

進步之路充滿了政治障礙，其中包括日益民粹主義、反政府的共和黨。 很難樂觀。 但如果要應對挑戰，我們需要對總統職位本身進行改革——改革要利用總統權力的承諾來建立有效的政府，但又要堅決防止擔心總統權力可能會達到反民主的目的。

Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy 

https://www.amazon.ca/Presidents-Populism-Crisis-Democracy-William/dp/022676317X

by William G. Howell, Terry M. Moe，  – Aug. 5 2020

Has American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused.

The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize.

What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action.

The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.