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Vince Cable 自由基 回憶錄

(2026-02-25 16:07:12) 下一個

Vince Cable  自由基 回憶錄

Free Radical: A Memoir 

by Vince Cable (Author)  July 1 2010
https://www.amazon.ca/Free-Radical-Memoir-Vince-Cable/dp/1848870477

作者:文斯·凱布爾 (Vince Cable) 2010年7月1日

如今,文斯·凱布爾最為人熟知的身份是“議會中無可爭議的信貸危機重量級冠軍”,他因其對世界經濟危機的先見之明和權威性而備受推崇。然而,他成為英國最受尊敬的政治家的道路漫長而曲折,有時甚至充滿痛苦。在這部回憶錄中,他首次講述了這段故事。這是一本坦誠之作,文筆詼諧,見解深刻。文斯·凱布爾的人生經曆與傳統職業政治家截然不同。他的這本書既引人入勝,又切合時宜。

《自由基》(Free Radical),作者:文斯·凱布爾(Vince Cable)

https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/free-radical-by-vince-cable-1823822.html

一位從未掌控風暴的英雄

史蒂夫·理查茲 2009年11月20日

您的支持幫助我們講述故事

從生殖權利到氣候變化,再到大型科技公司,《獨立報》始終在事件發生的第一時間進行報道。無論是調查埃隆·馬斯克支持特朗普的政治行動委員會的財務狀況,還是製作我們最新的紀錄片《A字頭》(The A Word),該片聚焦於為爭取生殖權利而奮鬥的美國女性,我們都深知從紛繁的信息中厘清事實的重要性。

在美國曆史的這個關鍵時刻,我們需要記者深入一線。您的捐款使我們能夠繼續派遣記者,與事件的雙方進行對話。

《獨立報》深受美國各政治派別人士的信賴。與其他許多優質新聞媒體不同,我們選擇不通過付費牆將美國民眾拒之門外,讓他們無法獲取我們的報道和分析。我們相信,優質的新聞報道應該人人可及,由有能力的人付費閱讀。

在危機時刻,英國需要政治英雄,需要史詩般的人物來引領國家走出困境,走向更加充滿希望的未來。20世紀40年代,丘吉爾扮演了偉大巨人的角色。戰後,艾德禮和貝文成為了英雄人物。20世紀70年代末,英國民眾紛紛支持瑪格麗特·撒切爾,確保她贏得了一係列壓倒性的大選。

在自20世紀30年代大蕭條以來最嚴重的經濟危機中,文斯·凱布爾成為了英國的“神明”。民調顯示,在經濟問題上,凱布爾比任何其他政治家都更受信任和尊重。凱布爾一言,舉國上下都為之側目。

或許,他新晉明星地位最引人注目的體現,就是他關於經濟危機的著作《風暴》的暢銷。自由民主黨財政發言人撰寫的一本關於多層次複雜危機的書籍竟然登上暢銷書榜,這對於這位此前默默無聞、低調謙遜的政治家來說,無疑是其大器晚成的職業生涯中又一個非凡的轉折。

凱布爾是一位優秀的記者,文筆流暢易懂。正如他在自傳中所述,他已經掌握了快速寫作和按時完成任務的技巧。他每周撰寫專欄文章,發表演講,接受采訪,而且想必也在為即將到來的競選活動做準備,屆時他將與他的黨魁尼克·克萊格一樣引人注目。

不出所料,凱布爾的出版商希望他盡快推出續作。鑒於他如今的聲望,撰寫回憶錄似乎是順理成章的選擇。為什麽不寫一本關於凱布爾的書呢?

答案並非表麵看起來那麽簡單。盡管凱布爾在過去兩年裏發表了許多引人注目的言論,但他並非一位特別有趣的政治家。這並非他的錯——或者至少,他唯一的過錯在於他選擇加入一個注定永遠在野的政黨。以往的政治英雄在政府中扮演著舉足輕重的角色。而凱布爾的政治生涯則相對平靜。

事實上,他能從安全的反對黨席位上成為英雄,正是我們這個反政治時代的縮影。總體而言,決策者們備受鄙視:那些夜以繼日地製定銀行救助方案和經濟刺激計劃的人。而凱布爾,這位在安全距離之外闡述自己觀點的人,反而成了英雄。

他的許多觀點都大膽而合理,但當這些品質無需經受晝夜的考驗時,展現起來要容易得多。最終,布朗、達林、曼德爾森和鮑爾斯的回憶錄無疑會更加引人入勝。

凱布爾坦言,他寫這本書隻是希望家人能從中找到一些樂趣,這實際上也承認了他政治生涯的局限性。他也選擇更加克製,略過自己曾卷入的寥寥幾場政治風波。自從2007年秋天在BBC廣播四台的《世界聚焦》節目中聽到他接受Cable的采訪後,我就一直對他在導致前任領導人明·坎貝爾下台一事中的角色感到好奇。短短幾分鍾內,他就巧妙地在領導人背後捅了一刀。幾個小時後,坎貝爾便辭職了。或許這兩件事並無關聯。

令人失望的是,沒有

這裏沒有確切的答案。凱布爾對坎貝爾的辭職著墨不多,仿佛他隻是個局外人,而非舉足輕重的人物。

書中也隻是略微提及了他的領導野心。這或許是事實。凱布爾的政治生涯最終走向成功,但為時已晚。他作為代理黨魁嶄露頭角,當時還有其他候選人參與黨魁競選。或許,如果競選緊隨凱布爾擔任黨魁之後,他或許會參選並最終獲勝。但凱布爾的語氣中並沒有絲毫遺憾。他現在比如果成為黨魁時更受歡迎、更有權威,我懷疑,如果他成為黨魁,反政治的犬儒主義就會對他不利。

凱布爾或許是反政治文化的受益者,但他本人卻極具政治頭腦。書中最為生動的篇章講述了他曲折的議員之路,這條路凸顯了20世紀80年代中左翼內部的緊張局勢,以及贏得一個席位有多麽艱難。凱布爾曾是工黨的支持者,與約翰·史密斯關係密切,至今仍視史密斯為自己的政治英雄。

但在20世紀80年代初,他放棄了工黨,加入了社會民主黨,並在1983年的選舉中競選約克郡議員。盡管社會民主黨的明星人物前來為他助選,他最終還是落敗了。又過了14年,他才最終以自由民主黨議員的身份進入下議院。

凱布爾的一生豐富多彩,令人驚歎。唯一缺少的,或許就是一段執政經曆。對於一部政治回憶錄來說,這的確是一個不小的空白。

Free Radical: A Memoir 

by Vince Cable (Author)  July 1 2010
https://www.amazon.ca/Free-Radical-Memoir-Vince-Cable/dp/1848870477

Today Vince Cable is best known as "the undisputed heavyweight champion of the credit crunch in Parliament," revered for his prescience and authority on the world economic crisis. But his journey to become Britain's most respected politician has been long, circuitous, and sometimes very painful. In this memoir he tells that story for the first time. This is a candid book, written with wit and great insight. Vince Cable's life story is a long way from that of a conventional career politician. His book is as compelling as it is timely.

Free Radical, By Vince Cable

https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/free-radical-by-vince-cable-1823822.html

A hero of the storm who never took command

At times of crisis, Britain needs political heroes, epic figures to guide it through the wreckage and towards a more hopeful future. In the 1940s Churchill played the role of the great titan. After the war Attlee and Bevan became heroic figures. In the late 1970s enough of the country turned to Margaret Thatcher to ensure she won a series of landslide general elections.

And in the midst of the most serious economic crisis since the great depression of the 1930s, Vince Cable is the country's god-like guide. Polls suggest Cable is more trusted and respected on the economy than any other politician. Cable speaks and a nation listens.

Perhaps the most spectacular manifestation of his new stardom was the bestselling success of his book on the economic crisis, The Storm. For a book by the Liberal Democrats' Treasury Spokesman on a crisis of multi -layered complexity to make it into the charts was another extraordinary twist in the late-blooming career of a previously obscure, self-effacing politician.

Cable is a good journalist and writes accessibly. As he notes in this autobiophy, he has learnt the art of writing quickly and to tight deadlines. He writes weekly columns, delivers speeches, gives interviews, and presumably prepares for an election campaign in which he will feature almost as prominently as his leader, Nick Clegg.

Not surprisingly, Cable's publishers wanted a follow-up book as quickly as possible. In the light of his deification a memoir must have seemed the obvious course. Why not write a book about Cable?

The answer is not as straightforward as it seems. While Cable has said much of interest over the last two years, he is not an especially interesting politician. This is not his fault – or at least he is culpable only in the sense that he chose to join a party doomed to eternal opposition. Previous political heroes played a defining role in government. Cable has led a more tranquil political life.

Indeed, that he has become a hero from the safety of the opposition benches is a reflection of our anti-politics age. On the whole the decision-makers are despised: those who worked through the night to devise rescue packages for banks and a fiscal stimulus for the economy. Cable, who put his case from a safe distance, is the hero.

Much of his case was audacious and sound, but it is much easier to display such qualities when they are not being put to the test around the clock. Ultimately the memoirs of Brown, Darling, Mandelson and Balls will be incomparably more interesting.

Cable implicitly acknowledges the limits of his political journey by admitting that he wrote this book in the hope that it might be of some interest to his family. He also chooses to be more constrained by skipping over the few moments of political drama in which he has been involved. I have been intrigued by his involvement in the fall of his previous leader, Ming Campbell, since listening in disbelief to an interview with Cable on Radio 4's The World at One during autumn 2007. In the space of a few minutes he had subtly placed a knife into the back of his leader. Within hours, Campbell had resigned. Perhaps the two events were not connected.

Disappointingly, there are no definitive answers here. Cable writes about the resignation of Campbell briefly and as if he was an outsider rather than a player of some significance.

There is also only a fleeting reference to his leadership ambitions. Probably this is a truthful account. Cable triumphed as a politician when it was too late. His star rose as acting leader, with other candidates in a leadership contest. Perhaps if the contest had followed Cable's moment in the leader's spotlight, he might have stood and won. But the tone is not regretful. He is much more popular and authoritative than he would have been had he become a party leader, where I suspect anti-politics cynicism would have started to count against him.

Cable might be a beneficiary of the anti-politics culture but he is highly political. The most vivid sequence in the book follows his tortuous path to becoming an MP, a route that highlighted the tensions on the centre left in the 1980s and the degree to which it can be wretchedly difficult to win a seat. Cable was a Labour supporter and close to John Smith, whom he still describes as his political hero.

But he gave up with Labour in the early 1980s and joined the SDP, contesting York in the 1983 election. He lost in spite of the energetic support of the SDP's stars who came to campaign for him. It took another 14 years before he finally entered the Commons as a Liberal Democrat.

Cable has led a full and surprisingly eventful life. All that is lacking is a phase in power. For a political memoir, it is quite a gap.

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