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加拿大和美國警方報告犯罪趨勢：比較分析
作者：Maire Sinha 和 Adam Cotter 2025年10月8日
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/75-006-x/2025001/article/00011-eng.htm
研究概述
本研究利用加拿大和美國統一犯罪報告計劃（UCR）的警方報告數據，對兩國的犯罪趨勢進行了比較分析，重點關注1998年至2023年的趨勢。通過這項研究，我們能夠更好地了解兩國警方報告犯罪模式隨時間推移的異同，並深入了解兩國犯罪的特征（例如，暴力犯罪中使用槍支的情況）。
盡管美國警方報告的暴力犯罪率仍然高於加拿大，但兩國之間的差距已經縮小。過去25年，美國暴力犯罪率下降，而加拿大暴力犯罪率上升，導致兩國犯罪率差距縮小。
美國的凶殺案發生率（每10萬人5.7起）仍然遠高於加拿大（每10萬人1.9起）。這種差異可歸因於美國槍支相關凶殺案發生率較高。盡管存在這些差異，但兩國凶殺案發生率的長期趨勢相似。
過去25年，加拿大警方記錄的嚴重襲擊案（包括謀殺未遂以及二級和三級襲擊）發生率持續上升，而美國則持續下降，在加拿大仍然較為少見。
2023年，兩國入室盜竊案的發生率均低於25年前。2023年，加拿大的入室盜竊案發生率高於美國。此外，加拿大和美國警方記錄的機動車盜竊案的長期趨勢幾乎完全相同。
文本框結束
引言
加拿大和美國在某些方麵相似，但在一些法律和刑事司法政策領域存在顯著差異，包括犯罪的定義和刑事司法係統的管理。盡管加拿大和美國的法律框架和某些犯罪的普遍程度有所不同，但自20世紀60年代以來，兩國警方記錄的犯罪趨勢呈現出相似的走向。
早期的研究調查並試圖解釋這些相似的曆史趨勢，主要著眼於兩國在20世紀90年代至21世紀10年代中期犯罪率的大幅下降。研究表明，犯罪率的同步下降並非巧合，而是多種因素共同作用的結果，例如人口結構變化（如人口老齡化）、安保措施的加強、互聯網興起帶來的生活方式改變以及個人手機使用量的增加。此外，也有研究指出，傳統犯罪的減少可能導致了其他類型犯罪的出現，例如網絡犯罪，而這類犯罪可能更難被警方發現或舉報。
本研究旨在考察長期趨勢是否持續，重點關注25年來可比的警方報告犯罪數據。注：本分析基於兩國警方的行政數據，即統一犯罪報告（UCR）項目的數據，以及補充的凶殺案統計數據。除趨勢外，本研究還考察了警方報告犯罪的模式。另一項研究“警方報告犯罪的區域差異：加拿大與美國的比較”考察了加拿大和美國犯罪模式的區域差異，重點關注兩國內部及兩國之間存在顯著差異的地理區域。
加拿大和美國警方報告的暴力犯罪和財產犯罪的差異已縮小。
由於收集的犯罪數量、犯罪定義、評分規則和方法存在差異，因此無法直接比較加拿大和美國的總體犯罪率。然而，某些犯罪的統計方式相似，因此可以比較兩國三種暴力犯罪（凶殺、嚴重襲擊和搶劫）和三種財產犯罪（入室盜竊、機動車盜竊和盜竊）的趨勢。
一個重要的統計方法差異在於暴力犯罪的統計方式。在美國，暴力犯罪統計數據基於事件數量而非受害者數量。在加拿大，暴力犯罪通常以受害者數量記錄，事件數量數據於2009年才開始在全國範圍內公布。這意味著1998年至2008年加拿大的暴力犯罪數據基於受害者數量，而2009年至2023年的數據則基於事件數量。
過去25年來，加拿大和美國警方報告的暴力犯罪趨勢出現了分歧。盡管美國的暴力犯罪率仍然高於加拿大，但
盡管加拿大（+33%）的犯罪率有所下降，但由於美國犯罪率下降而加拿大相應上升，兩國之間的犯罪率差距有所縮小（圖表 1）。具體而言，1998 年至 2023 年間，美國警方記錄的暴力犯罪事件發生率下降了 37%。相比之下，加拿大暴力犯罪率（基於受害者人數）在 1998 年至 2008 年間上升了 13%，隨後在最近的 2009 年至 2023 年間又上升了 9%（圖表 1）。在加拿大和美國，暴力犯罪率主要由重大襲擊事件構成，2023年，重大襲擊事件分別占美國同類暴力犯罪的79%和加拿大的78%。
圖表1開始
圖表1：加拿大和美國警方報告的暴力犯罪和財產犯罪，1998年至2023年
圖表1結束
與暴力犯罪類似，兩國財產犯罪率的差異在過去幾年幾乎消失殆盡。2023年，加拿大的財產犯罪率為每10萬人口1995起，略高於美國（1906起）（+5%）（圖表1）。這與20世紀90年代末和21世紀初的情況一致，當時兩國財產犯罪率相近。財產犯罪率主要歸因於盜竊案的趨勢（在兩國財產犯罪中，盜竊案約占十分之七），從 2000 年代中期到 2010 年代中期，兩國的犯罪率出現了分歧，當時加拿大的犯罪率較低。
Trends in police-reported crime in Canada and the United States: A comparative analysis
This comparative analysis of crime trends in Canada and the United States uses police-reported data from the Uniform Crime Reporting programs in both countries, focusing on trends from 1998 to 2023. In doing so, this study provides a better understanding of the similarities and differences in police-reported crime patterns over time and offers insight into the characteristics of crimes in both countries (e.g., use of firearms in violent crime).
- The rate of police-reported violent crime continues to be higher in the United States than in Canada, though the gap between the two countries has narrowed. This narrowing is driven by decreases in violent crime in the United States and increases in Canada over the last 25 years.
- Rates of homicide incidents remain considerably higher in the United States (5.7 homicides per 100,000 population) than in Canada (1.9 per 100,000). This disparity can be attributed to differences in higher rates of firearm-related homicides in the United States. Despite these differences, long-term trends in homicide rates have followed similar patterns in both countries.
- Police-reported major assault (attempted murder and level 2 and level 3 assaults), which remains less common in Canada, has been increasing in Canada and dropping in the United States over the past 25 years.
- Break and enters were less common in both countries in 2023 than they were 25 years earlier. In 2023, Canada’s rate was higher than the rate recorded in the United States. Also, long-term trends in police-reported motor vehicle thefts between Canada and the United States are nearly indistinguishable.
Introduction
Canada and the United States are similar in some ways, but differ markedly in several legal and criminal justice policy areas, including how crimes are defined and the administration of the criminal justice system. Despite differences in legal frameworks and the prevalence of some crimes, police-reported crime trends in Canada and the United States have followed similar paths since the 1960s.
Earlier research investigated and attempted to explain these parallel historical trends, primarily in the context of the large drops in crime in both countries from the 1990s to the mid-2010s. Rather than coincidence, research has suggested that factors such as demographic shifts (e.g., an aging population), enhanced security measures, changes in lifestyle patterns with the rise of the Internet, and increased use of personal cell phones were among the possible reasons for the parallel declines. It has also been suggested that the decrease in traditional crimes may have given rise to other types of crimes, namely online criminal offences, which may be less likely to be detected by or reported to police.
The current study examines whether the parallel long-term trends have continued, focusing on 25 years of data for comparable police-reported offences. This analysis is based on administrative data from police services, namely the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) programs within the two countries, as well as supplementary homicide statistics. Beyond trends, this study also examines patterns in police-reported crime. A companion study, “Regional variations in police-reported crime: comparing Canada and the United States,” examines regional differences in crime patterns between Canada and the United States, highlighting geographic areas with notable differences within and between the two countries.
Differences in police-reported violent crime and property crime have narrowed between Canada and the United States
Direct comparison of overall crime rates between Canada and the United States is not possible because of differences in the number of criminal offences collected, as well as crime definitions, scoring rules and methodology. However, certain offences are measured in similar ways, making it possible to look at trends in three types of violent crime (homicide, major assault and robbery) and three types of property crime (break and enter, motor vehicle theft, and theft) across both countries.
One important methodological difference is how violent crime is counted. In the United States, violent crime statistics are based on the count of incidents rather than on the count of victims. In Canada, violent crime is typically recorded by victim counts, with incident counts becoming available at the national level in 2009. This means that Canadian data on violent crime from 1998 to 2008 refer to victim counts, while data from 2009 to 2023 are based on incident counts.
Over the last 25 years, trends in police-reported violent crime in Canada and the United States have diverged. While the rate of violent crime continues to be higher in the United States than in Canada (+33%), the gap in rates between the two countries has narrowed, owing to decreases in rates for the United States and corresponding increases for Canada (Chart 1). Specifically, the rate of police-reported violent crime incidents in the United States dropped 37% from 1998 to 2023. In comparison, the rate of violent crime (based on the count of victims) in Canada increased 13% from 1998 to 2008, followed by a 9% rise in the rate of violent crime incidents in the most recent period, from 2009 to 2023 (Chart 1). In Canada and the United States, the violent crime rate is primarily driven by major assaults, which comprised 79% of the comparable violent crimes in the United States and 78% in Canada in 2023.
Like violent crime, the differences in property crime rates between the two countries have all but disappeared in the last few years. In 2023, the property crime rate in Canada was 1,995 incidents per 100,000 population, slightly higher (+5%) than the recorded rate for the United States (1,906) (Chart 1). This was consistent with the pattern in the late 1990s and early 2000s, when the two countries had similar rates of property crime. Rates of property crime, which are mainly attributable to trends in thefts (making up roughly 7 in 10 property crimes in both countries), diverged from the mid-2000s to mid-2010s, when Canada’s rate was lower.
Homicide remains more prevalent in the United States, mainly because of the higher rate of firearm-related homicides
Homicide is often considered a barometer of overall violent crime in society, as unlike other criminal offences, it is less prone to issues of underreporting (i.e. , nearly all homicides come to the attention of police) and more often involves a thorough and detailed police investigation. While the definition of homicide differs between the two countries—for example, the category of justifiable homicide exists in the United States—official police reports of homicides tend to be consistently defined and measured. In the United States, justifiable homicides are excluded from the overall homicide count.
Compared with Canada, rates of homicide incidents have remained considerably higher in the United States. In 2023, there were 5.7 homicides per 100,000 population in the United States, three times the rate recorded in Canada (1.9 per 100,000 population). This ratio has remained relatively constant over the last 25 years, averaging 3.21 from 1998 to 2023.
Most of the current and historical differences in rates between the two countries can be attributed to firearm-related homicides. In 2023, 76% of all homicides committed in the United States involved a firearm, compared with 38% in Canada. Without exception, homicides involving firearms have been consistently much higher in the United States than in Canada (Chart 2). However, the same cannot be said for homicides committed with another weapon or with physical force. Over the last 25 years, the U.S. rate of non-firearm homicides was only slightly higher than that in Canada. In 2023, the U.S. and Canadian rates were similar, at 1.24 versus 1.18 per 100,000 population (Chart 2).
As for overall trends in homicides, there have been notable similarities between the two countries, dating back to the 1970s. For instance, homicide rates in Canada and the United States both climbed steadily in the 1970s, peaking in 1975 in Canada (2.7 per 100,000 population) and in 1980 in the United States (10.2) (Chart 3). Since these respective peaks, both countries have recorded considerable declines in their long-term trends, with 2023 rates being 33% lower in Canada and 44% lower in the United States since then.
Despite these long-term decreases, both countries have also seen recent upticks in their annual homicide rates. In Canada, the 2023 rate (1.9) remained 6% higher than five years earlier and 35% higher than 10 years earlier, despite dropping from the previous year. Similarly, while the 2023 rate in the United States (5.7) also dropped from the previous year, it remained 11% higher than in 2019 and 26% higher than in 2013.
Firearms are the most common method used in homicides in both countries
While the share of homicides committed with firearms was considerably higher in the United States than in Canada, in 2023, firearms, including handguns, rifles or shotguns, were the most common means of committing homicide in both countries. In Canada, 38% of homicides involved a firearm, followed by stabbing (31%) and physical force (17%). In comparison, 76% of all homicides in the United States were firearm-related, with stabbing (9%) and physical force (4%) representing a smaller share of the total.
A closer examination of firearm-related homicides reveals some similarities between the two countries.
First, handguns stood out as the most frequently used firearm in shooting homicides in both countries. These weapons accounted for 57% of firearm-related homicides in Canada and 53% of those in the United States. For other types of firearms, there was greater variation between the two countries.
Second, while data are limited in the Canadian context, those available from 2023 suggest that many firearms used to commit homicide were not legally acquired. In other words, in both Canada and the United States, firearms used in homicides were often obtained through theft, firearm trafficking or diversion from legal channels, such as registration and legal commerce. In Canada, information on the initial acquisition of firearms is available for about one-quarter (26%) of firearm homicides. Given the large number of firearm homicides for which this information was unknown, the findings should be interpreted with caution. However, based on this subset, most firearms used in Canadian homicides (67%) were illegally obtained. Similarly, studies in the United States have shown that most firearm-related offences were committed with a weapon that was acquired through illegal means.
Family members are the most common victims in multiple-victim homicides in both countries
As has historically been the case, the large majority of homicide incidents in Canada (95%) and the United States (87%) involved a single victim in 2023. Single- and multiple-victim incidents follow similar patterns in both countries. In Canada, solved multiple-victim incidents more frequently involved family members and intimate partners, together representing close to half (45%) of all multiple-victim homicides since 2009. The same was true in the United States, where familicides (homicides involving family members and intimate partners) are more common than other types of multiple-victim incidents, such as public mass murders or multiple-victim killings during the commission of another offence.
Despite the greater proportion of family members as victims in multiple-victim homicides, this was not the case for homicides overall. In Canada and the United States, homicide victims most often knew the offender as an acquaintance or a friend. In 2023, 45% of homicide victims in Canada knew their assailant in this way, similar to 47% in the United States. Family homicides, including intimate partner homicides, accounted for 36% of homicides in Canada and 34% in the United States. Homicides perpetrated by a stranger were the least common type of homicide in Canada and the United States, accounting for 19% of homicides in each country.
Most homicide victims in Canada and the United States are younger than 40
In 2023, the age distribution of homicide victims in Canada and the United States was similar, with younger individuals being overrepresented as victims. While those younger than 40 years made up around half of the population in Canada (48%) and the United States (51%), they accounted for 59% of homicide victims in Canada and 66% in the United States.
In addition, boys and men were overrepresented as victims of homicides in both countries (72% in Canada and 78% in the United States). This overrepresentation was most pronounced among adults aged 18 to 39, where 8 in 10 victims were men (78% in Canada and 82% in the United States) (Chart 4). Among homicide victims aged 40 and older, the proportion of victims who are men declined, while the proportion who are women increased. Among victims aged 60 and older, women accounted for 45% of all victims in Canada and 37% in the United States.
The demographic profiles of persons accused of homicide are similar in Canada and the United States
As with homicide victims, the age and gender profile of accused persons is similar between Canada and the United States. For both countries, almost 9 in 10 persons accused of homicide were male in 2023 (86% in Canada and 88% in the United States).
Offending generally decreases with age. This is true in Canada and the United States and mirrors the age profile of victims. The peak age at which individuals were accused of homicides was 18 to 29, accounting for 38% of accused in Canada and 44% in the United States. The next highest share was among adults aged 30 to 39, with 26% of accused in Canada and 22% in the United States.
International trends in homicide statistics
In 2023, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) published international data on homicides, exploring recent trends and characteristics of homicides across regions. As mentioned, homicide statistics tend to allow for greater comparability over time and across regions than other types of crime, which are more dependent on reporting levels or may be counted or defined in different ways.
Among the findings, the UNODC report found that global trends have been declining since 2000. More recently, however, many countries have seen increases in their homicide rates. As in Canada and the United States, a number of other peer countries—Austria, France, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and England and Wales—had higher homicide rates in 2023 than they did a decade earlier. This trend was not universal, as other peer countries saw declines over this period. In some cases, such as in Finland (-40%) and Ireland (-36%), the decline was relatively substantial.
Trends in police-reported major assault in Canada and the United States diverge
Major assault is the most serious form of assault and includes the actual infliction of severe bodily harm, as well as the immediate threat of serious bodily injury or death. Three Canadian offences—attempted murder, level 2 assaults and level 3 aggravated assaults —were combined to align with the definition of aggravated assault in the United States.
Since the late 1990s, rates of major assault have been generally trending in opposite directions in Canada and the United States. While the Canadian rate has generally increased in the last 25 years, the rate of major assaults in the United States, despite brief upticks, has dropped by 27% (Chart 5). To be sure, most of the decrease in the United States occurred in the early part of the 25-year period, from 1998 to 2013. Most recently, trends in major assault in the two countries have looked more similar.
The differing long-term trends have narrowed the rate disparity between the two countries. In 2023, the rate of major assault in Canada stood at 195 incidents per 100,000 population, compared with 263 incidents per 100,000 in the United States.
Explaining the divergent long-term trends can be challenging, given that diverse socioeconomic and demographic factors and patterns in reporting crime to police (see the Considerations when using police-reported data box) can affect crime rates. However, in Canada, the increase in major assault has been driven by major assaults (level 2 and level 3), rather than attempted murders. More precisely, level 2 assaults, which accounted for 94% of the broader category in 2023, were the main contributor to the increase, with a 2023 rate (185 per 100,000) that was 1.6 times higher than the one recorded 10 years earlier, in 2013 (113).
As with homicides, firearms were much more common in the commission of major assaults in the United States than in Canada. In 2023, 29% of major assaults in the United States involved a firearm. This was 10 times higher than the proportion of major assaults where a firearm was present in Canada (3%).
Declines in robbery rates are more pronounced in the United States than in Canada
In both countries, robbery incidents represent thefts involving violence or the threat of violence. Trends in the rates of police-reported robbery have been somewhat similar in both countries, though the United States saw a larger 25-year decrease (-60%) than Canada, with most of the decline occurring from the late 2000s to 2014. As a result, robbery rates were more similar between the two countries in 2023, whereas 10 years earlier, the U.S. rate was nearly double (1.9 times) that in Canada (Chart 6).
The difference in robbery rates between Canada and the United States was driven, like many other crimes, by differences in firearm-related robbery. While firearm and non-firearm robbery rates have declined since 1998, 36% of all robberies in the United States in 2023 involved a firearm, nearly three times the proportion in Canada (13%). Consequently, the firearm robbery rate in the United States (24 incidents per 100,000 population) was four times that in Canada (6). When looking at non-firearm robberies, the rates were nearly identical between the two countries, at 44 incidents per 100,000 population in Canada and 42 incidents per 100,000 population in the United States.
Strangers are the most common victims of robbery in Canada and the United States
In both countries, robberies are unlike other forms of violent crime in that the target is typically a stranger. In 2023, a stranger was the perpetrator among 79% of all robbery victims in Canada and 67% in the United States.
Further insight into the targets of robbery (beyond the victim–accused relationship) can be gleaned by examining the location of robberies. For example, 41% of robberies in Canada and 30% of robberies in the United States took place in commercial establishments, such as convenience stores, banks and gas stations. More commonly, however, robberies in Canada (46%) and the United States (54%) took place in open areas, such as streets, or in non-commercial and non-residential locations, such as on transit (buses, subways) and in schools and office buildings. Around the same proportion of robberies in Canada (13%) and the United States (16%) took place in private dwellings.
Break and enters are tracking downward in both countries, but with greater drops recorded in the United States
Over the years, the rate of police-reported break and enters, which can be defined as the unlawful entry into a structure to commit a crime, has been generally higher in Canada than in the United States. While this remained true in 2023, there was a 10-year period from the late 2000s to the mid-2010s when the rate was temporarily higher in the United States. This can be explained by differences in the start of the downward trends. Canada’s rate of break and enters started to decrease in the 1990s and eventually dipped below that in the United States, which had been relatively stable until the 2010s. Then, break-and-enter rates in the United States began to decline, with the magnitude of the decrease far surpassing the drop recorded in Canada over the most recent period, from 2011 to 2023 (-183% versus -62%) (Chart 7).
Previous research has suggested that the decrease in break and enters may be partly explained by the general deterrence associated with more accessible and sophisticated video surveillance and detection systems in homes and commercial and institutional establishments. As in the past, residences continue to represent a frequent target of break and enters. In 2023, residential break-ins accounted for 46% of break and enters in Canada and 53% of those in the United States. The remaining break and enters targeted stores, office buildings, places of worship and other non-residential locations.
Despite recent increases, rates of motor vehicle theft down from the late 1990s in Canada and the United States
Over the past 25 years, trends in police-reported motor vehicle thefts in Canada and the United States are nearly indistinguishable. Both countries have seen recent upticks in motor vehicle thefts, with annual rate increases starting in 2021 in Canada and 2020 in the United States (Chart 8).
Even with these recent increases, rates of motor vehicle theft remain much lower than 25 years earlier. This is primarily the result of large decreases in rates of motor vehicle thefts recorded from 2005 to 2013. During this period, rates in both countries were cut in half—falling 58% in Canada and 49% in the United States. In addition, the larger decreases in Canada virtually equalized the rates between the two countries, reversing the earlier pattern (in the 1990s and early 2000s) where Canada had higher rates of motor vehicle theft.
Some possible reasons for the decline in motor vehicle theft include the introduction and adoption of a number of anti-theft prevention measures, particularly electronic engine immobilizers or vehicle immobilizers, which became mandatory in all new vehicles in 2007 in Canada and have been encouraged by the United States National Highway Traffic Safety Administration since 1998. Vehicle immobilizers prevent “hot wiring” vehicles by stopping vehicles from starting without the presence of the correct key or electronic signal. However, new technologies used to circumvent vehicle immobilizers, such as signal decoding of key fobs and key cloning, have been blamed for the recent rise in motor vehicle thefts.
Thefts generally dropping in both countries
In addition to recording thefts of motor vehicles, Canada and the United States also capture information on thefts of all other property types. In both countries, the volume of these thefts surpasses other property and violent criminal incidents. In 2023, Canada’s theft rate (1,373 incidents per 100,000 population) was just above that recorded in the United States (1,340 per 100,000) (Chart 8). This represents a shift from previous years. From 1998 to 2022, the rate in the United States was higher than that in Canada.
This shift can be attributed to the most recent increases in Canada’s theft rate, combined with the greater long-term decreases in the United States. That said, both countries have seen large downward trends in theft rates since the late 1990s, with rates dropping 44% in Canada and 51% in the United States.
In addition, the nature of thefts is similar between Canada and the United States. In 2023, shoplifting represented about one-quarter of all thefts in Canada (28%) and the United States (26%), while one-quarter involved thefts from motor vehicles—26% in Canada and 22% in the United States.
Considerations when using police-reported data
Police-reported data capture only the incidents that are officially reported and recorded by police. This means that the data are not necessarily reflective of the full scope or extent of crime. Levels of reporting are not the same for all offences and vary depending on many factors. For example, certain types of violence, such as sexual assault, intimate partner violence and family-related violence, are less likely to be reported to police, while other offences, such as robbery and motor vehicle theft, have higher reporting rates.
As such, variations in the levels of police-reported crime could be related to changes in the reporting behaviour of the general public over time. Furthermore, differences in populations within or between countries could also help explain differences in crime statistics. For this reason, Canada and the United States conduct self-reported victimization surveys, to complement the data that are available from police.
Not only are police-reported data dependent on incidents being detected or reported, they can also be affected by police reporting and recording. For example, the United States fully transitioned to an incident-based survey in 2021, resulting in a lack of nationally representative data for that year (see the Data sources, methods and definitions box). In Canada, examples of recent changes include the updated definition of founded crime and the introduction in 2018 of more detailed categories for reporting incidents that were still open or under investigation. While these changes do not fully explain the recent rise in police-reported crime, they are a contributing factor.
Over time and, particularly, between countries, it is also important to consider differences in criminal legislation that can influence comparability between offences and groupings (see the International trends in homicide statistics box).
While official statistics still allow for general comparisons, they are influenced by these and other factors, something that should be kept in mind when interpreting results.
Conclusion
The current study on trends in police-reported crime in Canada and the United States generally aligns with previous comparative studies. That is, overall, long-term trends in criminal offences between the two countries are remarkably similar, despite cross-national differences in legal frameworks and criminal justice policies. Exceptions to these trends, however, do exist.
Canada and the United States have both recorded 25-year downward trends in four of the seven comparable offences, namely robbery, break and enter, motor vehicle theft, and theft.
One divergence relates to police-reported major assault, which trended in opposite directions over the last 25 years. While Canada’s rate increased, the rate in the United States dropped. Both countries have experienced increases in homicide rates over the last 25 years, with matching periods of stability and decreases, punctuated by periods of increases, including most recently.
While both counties share many trends, the degree of change has often varied, with one country overtaking the other in having the highest or lowest rates over the 25-year period, or with previous rate gaps narrowing. In addition, some patterns in criminal offences, such as the higher rate of firearm-related offences in the United States, have been consistent over time.
Future exploration into the feasibility of comparing other forms of crime, such as online offences, particularly with the 2021 expansion of the incident-based UCR Program in the United States, would further the current understanding of crime between the two countries. With more data in the coming years, it may even be possible to look at cross-national patterns over time in the characteristics of incidents, victims and accused persons for a wider range of offences.
Maire Sinha is a senior analyst with the Centre for Social Data Development and Insights at Statistics Canada, and Adam Cotter is a senior analyst with the Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics at Statistics Canada.
Offence comparability between Canadian and U.S. Uniform Crime Reporting programs
In comparing criminal offences between two countries with unique statistical programs, it is important to highlight definitional and scoring differences. In Canada, offences recorded by the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey align with definitions in the Criminal Code. In the United States, the UCR Program is based on a set of standardized offences that was created to provide national uniformity in crime reporting, because, unlike Canada, there are various state and local penal codes.
The national UCR programs have scoring rules. Both programs count only the most serious offence committed in each incident. The most serious offence classification in Canada is based on the designated maximum penalties set out in the Criminal Code, while the United States uses a hierarchical scale itemizing the different seriousness of specific offences. In most cases, the ranking is similar between the two countries; however, there is one notable difference. For major assault, two of the three Canadian offences that compose this derived category—attempted murder and aggravated assault (level 3)—rank higher in seriousness than robbery. By contrast, the broad U.S. category of aggravated assault always ranks below robbery. This difference has the potential to inflate the Canadian category of major assault when compared with the U.S. category. However, the degree is likely minimal, as these two offences account for a small proportion of the major assault category (e.g., 6% in 2023).
In addition, both UCR programs have detailed scoring rules for specific offences to facilitate uniform recording at the national level. The scoring rules are similar between the two countries, though differences exist. The table below presents offence definitions for the comparable offences to highlight some key differences between the two national UCR programs.
| Offence type | Canada—definition (Criminal Code [CC] section) | United States—definition (Uniform Crime Reporting manual) | Definitional difference and potential impact |
|---|---|---|---|
| Sources: Canada: Criminal Code, RSC 1985, and Canadian Uniform Crime Reporting Manual, 2024; United States: Uniform Crime Reporting Program Summary Reporting System User Manual, 2013. | |||
| Homicide | Murder and manslaughter: CC, section 229: “(a) where the person who causes the death of a human being (i) means to cause his death, or (ii) means to cause him bodily harm that he knows is likely to cause his death, and is reckless whether death ensues or not; (b) where a person, meaning to cause death to a human being or meaning to cause him bodily harm that he knows is likely to cause his death, and being reckless whether death ensues or not, by accident or mistake causes death to another human being, notwithstanding that he does not mean to cause death or bodily harm to that human being; or (c) if a person, for an unlawful object, does anything that they know is likely to cause death, and by doing so causes the death of a human being, even if they desire to effect their object without causing death or bodily harm to any human being.” | Homicide: “The willful (nonnegligent) killing of one human being by another.” | No substantive difference |
| Major assault | Aggravated assault: CC section 268 (1): “Every one commits an aggravated assault who wounds, maims, disfigures or endangers the life of the complainant.” Assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm: CC section 267: Every one who, “in committing an assault (a) carries, uses or threatens to use a weapon or an imitation thereof, (b) causes bodily harm to the complainant or (c) chokes, suffocates or strangles the complainant.” Attempted murder: CC section 239: “Every person who attempts by any means to commit murder.” | Aggravated assault: “An unlawful attack on one person upon another for the purpose of inflicting severe or aggravated bodily injury. This type of assault is accompanied by the use of a weapon or by means likely to produce death or great bodily harm.” | The rate of aggravated assault in Canada may be minimally inflated (compared with that in the United States) because of the 2019 CC expansion of assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm, which now includes choking, suffocation and strangling. This expanded definition of aggravated assault is somewhat broader than the definition in the United States. |
| Robbery | Robbery: CC section 343: “Every one commits robbery who (a) steals, and for the purpose of extorting whatever is stolen or to prevent or overcome resistance to the stealing, uses violence or threats of violence to a person or property; (b) steals from any person and, at the time he steals or immediately before or immediately thereafter, wounds, beats, strikes or uses any personal violence to that person; (c) assaults any person with intent to steal from him; or (d) steals from any person while armed with an offensive weapon or imitation thereof.” | Robbery: “The taking or attempting to take anything of value from the care, custody, or control of a person or persons by force or threat of force or violence and/or by putting the victim in fear.” | No substantive difference. |
| Break and enter | Breaking and entering: CC section 348 (1): “Every one who (a) breaks and enters a place with intent to commit an indictable offence therein, (b) breaks and enters a place and commits an indictable offence therein, or (c) breaks out of a place after (i) committing an indictable offence therein, or (ii) entering the place with intent to commit an indictable offence therein.” Breaking and entering to steal firearm: CC section 98: "(1) every person commits an offence who (a) breaks and enters a place with intent to steal a firearm located in it; (b) breaks and enters a place and steals a firearm located in it; or (c) breaks out of a place after (i) stealing a firearm located in it, or (ii) entering the place with intent to steal a firearm located in it.” | Burglary—breaking and entering: “The unlawful entry of a structure to commit a felony or a theft.” | The rate of break and enter in Canada may be minimally inflated (compared with that in the United States) because of the 2008 CC expansion of break and enter. It now includes specific provisions for breaking and entering to steal a firearm, and, within this provision, the definition of “place” for these specific CC provisions (section 98) now includes motor vehicles, unlike other types of break and enters. This expanded definition of break and enter is somewhat broader than the definition in the United States. |
| Motor vehicle theft | Motor vehicle theft: CC section 333.1: “(1) Everyone who commits theft is, if the property stolen is a motor vehicle, guilty of an offence” [act of stealing vehicle]. | Motor vehicle theft: “The theft or attempted theft of a motor vehicle.” | The rate of motor vehicle theft in Canada may be minimally inflated (compared with that in United States) because of the inclusion of thefts of farm and construction equipment, which are not included in the definition in the United States. |
| Theft | Theft: CC section 322(1): The intentional taking without permission of any inanimate or animate objects. Includes section 334 (a) theft over $5,000 and (b) theft under $5,000. | Larceny and theft: “The unlawful taking, carrying, leading, or riding away of property from the possession or constructive possession of another.” | The rate of theft in the United States may be minimally inflated (compared with that in Canada) because of the inclusion of illegal entry into tents and trailers (which is considered break and enter in Canada), along with the inclusion of theft of bulldozers, motorboats, and farm and construction equipment (which is considered motor vehicle theft in Canada). |
Data sources, methods and definitions
Canada, Uniform Crime Reporting Survey
The Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey is a compilation of police-reported crimes that have been reported to federal, provincial and municipal police services in Canada and submitted to Statistics Canada. Submitting data is mandatory.
There are two versions of the UCR collection instrument that operate simultaneously: the Aggregate UCR Survey and the Incident-Based UCR Survey (UCR2). The aggregate survey collects summary data for separate criminal offences, while the UCR2 collects detailed information on incidents, victims and accused persons. In 2023, about 150 police services in all 10 provinces and three territories supplied data to the UCR2 and represented approximately 100% of the population of Canada.
For the offence types of major assault and robbery, data from 2009 to 2023 reflect a count of incidents. While data on violent crime in Canada are typically published as a count of victims, an incident count is used here to align with data published by the United States. From 1998 to 2008, Canadian data reflect a count of victims. While overall trends and year-over-year changes in crime rates are similar between the two sources, this difference results in an overestimation of the Canadian violent crime rate (by a factor of 1.13 to 1.15) relative to the United States during these years.
United States, Uniform Crime Reporting Program
The UCR Program is a compilation of police-reported crime submitted voluntarily through the state UCR Program or to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) UCR Program directly.
Before 2021, there were two UCR reporting systems in the United States: the Summary Reporting System (SRS), which provided aggregate-level counts, and the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), which provided details on incidents, as well as separate offences within the same incident.
In 2021, the United States phased out the SRS and replaced all crime reporting with the NIBRS. During this transition year, estimates were not nationally representative and not comparable with those from other years. As such, the 2021 counts for the United States have been removed from the analysis for this study. In 2023, over 16,000 police agencies submitted data to the UCR Program, representing 94.3% of the population. Weighting adjustments and estimations are made to ensure that the data are representative of the total population.
National-level crime counts for the United States (2004 to 2023) were extracted from “Source data, Table 1,” located on the landing page of the FBI Crime Data Explorer website. Crime counts before 2004 are based on historical UCR reports from the FBI website.
National crime rates for the United States were calculated based on UCR incident data and population data extracted from the United States Census Bureau, Population Division website.
Details on the characteristics of incidents, victims and accused persons are based on NIBRS estimates.
Canada, Homicide Survey
This survey collects detailed data on homicides in Canada. The survey has collected police-reported data on the characteristics of all murder incidents, victims and accused persons since 1961 and all homicides (including murder, manslaughter and infanticide) since 1974.
United States, Supplementary Homicide Reports
In the United States, the Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR) database has collected detailed information on homicides since 1961. The SHR provides information on the age, sex and race of victims and offenders; the type of weapon used; the victim–offender relationship; and the incident circumstances. Data from the SHR do not include homicides that took place in federal prisons, on military bases and on reserve.
Details on the characteristics of homicide incidents, victims and accused are based on Expanded Homicide Data.
Definitions
Violent crime, as defined in this study, represents a subset of comparable violent offences: homicide, major assault and robbery.
Property crime, as defined in this study, represents a subset of comparable property offences: break and enter, motor vehicle theft, and theft. The offence of arson is not included, as according to the U.S. UCR Program, “sufficient data are not available to estimate totals for this offense.”
Crime rate comparisons in this study involve the analysis of offence-level crimes.
The term “offence,” “crime” or “crime rate” refers to the total of police-reported incidents.
