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神聖的誓言:非常時期國防部長的回憶錄

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神聖的誓言:非常時期國防部長的回憶錄

https://www.amazon.ca/Sacred-Oath-Memoirs-Secretary-Extraordinary/dp/006314431X

作者:馬克·T·埃斯珀 2022 年 5 月 10 日

前國防部長馬克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 揭露了他在特朗普政府任職期間混亂的任期中令人震驚的細節。

從 2019 年 6 月到 2020 年 11 月大選後被特朗普總統解雇,國務卿馬克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 領導國防部度過了曆史上前所未有的時期——這段時期的特點是國外威脅和衝突日益嚴重,一場百年未有的全球大流行病 兩代人以來最嚴重的國內動蕩,白宮似乎一心要打破公認的規範和慣例以獲取政治利益。 《神聖誓言》是埃斯珀國務卿對那些非凡而危險的時代的樸實而坦率的回憶錄,其中包括以前從未講述過的事件和時刻。

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times 

https://www.amazon.ca/Sacred-Oath-Memoirs-Secretary-Extraordinary/dp/006314431X

by Mark T. Esper  May 10 2022

Former Secretary of Defense Mark T. Esper reveals the shocking details of his tumultuous tenure while serving in the Trump administration.

From June of 2019 until his firing by President Trump after the November 2020 election, Secretary Mark T. Esper led the Department of Defense through an unprecedented time in history—a period marked by growing threats and conflict abroad, a global pandemic unseen in a century, the greatest domestic unrest in two generations, and a White House seemingly bent on breaking accepted norms and conventions for political advantage. A Sacred Oath is Secretary Esper’s unvarnished and candid memoir of those extraordinary and dangerous times, and includes events and moments never before told.

關於作者(2022)
馬克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 於 2019 年至 2020 年擔任國防部長,並於 2017 年至 2019 年擔任陸軍部長。他是西點軍校的傑出畢業生,服役了 21 年,其中包括參加 1991 年海灣戰爭。 埃斯珀獲得博士學位。 他在喬治華盛頓大學獲得博士學位,同時在國會山和五角大樓擔任政治任命者。 他還曾擔任一家著名智庫、多個商業協會和委員會以及一家財富 100 強科技公司的高級管理人員。 埃斯珀曾獲得多項民事和軍事獎項,目前擔任多個公共政策和商業委員會的成員。About the author (2022)
Mark T. Esper served as secretary of defense from 2019 to 2020 and as secretary of the Army from 2017 to 2019. A distinguished graduate of West Point, he spent twenty-one years in uniform, including a combat tour in the 1991 Gulf War. Esper earned a Ph.D. from George Washington University while working on Capitol Hill and at the Pentagon as a political appointee. He was also a senior executive at a prestigious think tank, at various business associations and commission, and at a Fortune 100 technology company. Esper is the recipient of multiple civilian and military awards, and currently sits on several public policy and business boards. 

神聖的誓言:非常時期國防部長的回憶錄

https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/3197341/a-sacred-oath-memoirs-of-a-secretary-of-defense-during-extraordinary-times/

作者:托馬斯·F·林奇三世 聯合部隊季刊 107

托馬斯·F·林奇三世博士是國防大學國家戰略研究所戰略研究中心的傑出研究員。

《神聖的誓言:非常時期國防部長的回憶錄》是特朗普政府前國防部長馬克·埃斯珀 (Mark Esper) 的敘述,講述了他動蕩的 17 個月任期,並以 2020 年 11 月被特朗普解雇而告終。 對於所有軍人和文職軍事專業人員來說,神聖誓言麵臨著一個至關重要的首要問題:我如何忠實地遵守我的宣誓,保護和捍衛美國憲法免受所有外國和國內敵人的侵害? 當涉及到在麵對來自白宮本身的國內安全威脅時要堅守作為一名高級文職政治任命者的誓言時,這個問題尤其尖銳。 沒有完美的答案,但背景因素有助於確定國防部 (DOD) 高級官員是否應該提出辭職,而不是留下來並助長威脅以期緩和威脅。

《神聖誓言》講述了埃斯珀為什麽選擇繼續擔任特朗普四任國防部長中的第三任,盡管所有危險信號都警告說,這樣的選擇對國家和埃斯珀個人都不利。 埃斯珀的回答分為兩部分:他向憲法宣誓,如果他辭職以抗議特朗普白宮提出的眾多危險的國防和安全想法,那麽下一任代理國務卿可能會是某人 真正準備好並願意執行特朗普的衝動——而這將嚴重損害國家。 讓這種敘事堅持下來的負擔很高,埃斯珀很難滿足它。 一方麵,埃斯珀沒有充分解決有關他作為國務卿的選擇或他的權力基礎的重要相關問題,另一方麵,與更普遍理解的對遵守憲法宣誓的整體無私的解釋相比,埃斯珀 似乎依賴於一個要求較低的標準。

《神聖誓言》沒有完全解決的許多重要問題之一是埃斯珀最初為何擔任國務卿。 2017 年至 2019 年,他曾短暫擔任特朗普政府陸軍部長 19 個月。埃斯珀畢業於西點軍校,曾任現役陸軍步兵軍官和陸軍預備役軍人,還曾短暫擔任過副助理國防部長。 談判政策,曾在國會山擔任多年工作人員,然後擔任中層國防工業遊說者。 因此,埃斯珀似乎很適合擔任陸軍部長,盡管他是政府的第三選擇。 但埃斯珀擔任國務卿的資格如何呢?

自 20 世紀 40 年代末設立該職位以來,經國會確認的秘書一般都擁有其職位權力的三個主要個人資格之一:之前在非常高級的行政或立法部門安全領導職位上做出過傑出貢獻; 行業經驗,具有相關的國防理念或敏銳度; 或與總統的個人友誼和值得信賴的工作關係。 這些資格使部長們在製定國防部議程或管理具有挑戰性的安全環境時擁有發言權和權威。 埃斯珀沒有讓他們中的任何一個人來做這份工作。 與曆史上的國務卿權力基礎相比,他過去的職位顯得黯然失色。

因此,埃斯珀在講述他 2019 年 6 月出任國務卿的舉動時顯得過於斯巴達,毫無幫助。 他讓我們知道特朗普不喜歡退役美國海軍陸戰隊將軍吉姆·馬蒂斯擔任第一任政府部長,但沒有明確表示馬蒂斯於 2018 年 12 月辭職,原因是對特朗普對國家安全的威脅的明顯擔憂——從對美國安全夥伴的令人震驚的待遇到魯莽的行為 美國從敘利亞、伊拉克、阿富汗和北大西洋公約組織撤軍的陰謀。 埃斯珀的講述中也沒有提到米利和厄本的名字。 自特朗普於 2018 年 12 月宣布時任陸軍參謀長馬克·米利 (Mark Milley) 出任下一任參謀長聯席會議主席以來,他一直與白宮保持著良好的關係。大衛·厄本 (David Urban) 是埃斯珀 1986 年西點軍校的同學,也是賓夕法尼亞州陸軍參謀長聯席會議主席。 在特朗普 2016 年總統競選期間,他仍然是一位在政府人事問題上著名的特朗普低語者,尤其是關於他在特朗普軌道上的許多西點軍校同學。 這兩個因素是埃斯珀相當奇怪的選擇的重要因素嗎?

缺失的細節很重要,因為埃斯珀告訴我們,他親眼目睹了特朗普在陸軍政策問題上魯莽地進進出出,不顧國務卿馬蒂斯或國家安全顧問 H.R. 麥克馬斯特的建議。 馬蒂斯和麥克馬斯特於 2018 年辭職,是因為他們對憲法宣誓,而不是繼續錯誤地履行憲法。

從第一章開始,埃斯珀就提供了有關總統安全指令的鮮明細節,從荒謬到危險。 他講述了特朗普要求美軍射擊華盛頓特區和平抗議者的腿,要求國防部考慮向墨西哥發射愛國者導彈以阻止非法難民湧入,並鼓動動員國民警衛隊並將其從共和黨統治的州撤出的情況。 進入民主黨統治的組織,“對 Antifa 采取更強硬的態度”,等等。 埃斯珀將特朗普視為對國家安全的明顯威脅,似乎是為了讓我們相信,他的誓言意味著他必須留下來,以確保不會產生比其他情況下更可怕的結果。 這是真的?

在這裏,背景對於正確的分析很重要,埃斯珀在第 18 章為讀者提供了一個背景寶石,這也許是本書最重要的見解,其中埃斯珀試圖表明他的反擊程度達到了特朗普考慮解雇他的程度: “我與白宮關係密切的朋友說,雖然特朗普很生氣,但他不會解雇我。 他自己的連任仍然優先於他的報複願望。” 埃斯珀是否充分運用這些知識來維護和捍衛憲法? 他是否利用這一洞察力,全麵防止危害國家利益的有害思想和指令? 他的講述中沒有。 相反,埃斯珀反複思考許多天他想知道自己是否會被總統解雇。 讀者如何解決這個問題呢? 埃斯珀怎麽可能在 2020 年 11 月之前就知道自己的防火政治外衣,卻始終害怕被解雇,不威脅辭職,並且沒有對特朗普白宮的推文和新聞聲明發表公開聲明,這些聲明一次又一次危險地淩駕於國防部專業顧問之上?

真正的答案似乎與他對憲法宣誓的有限解釋有關。 埃斯珀繼續擔任國務卿並保持其政黨的好感的個人利益沒有得到解決。 毫無疑問,埃斯珀確實在幕後反對特朗普一些最古怪的國家安全想法,這很有幫助。 在這樣做的過程中,埃斯珀冒了一些個人風險,但並未承擔全部風險。 埃斯珀回憶道,更多時候,他默許了荒謬的行為,並合理化認為他的努力抑製了更糟糕的安全結果。 如果總統和他的2019-2020年顧問們像埃斯珀所代表的那樣失控,那麽他有一個強有力的選擇——甚至可能有責任——威脅辭職以製止這種瘋狂,而不僅僅是堅持下去。 麵對 2019 年和 2020 年政府對美國國家安全的連續威脅,埃斯珀沒有用辭職威脅來築起一座具體的屏障,而是透露,他願意在這位全副武裝的總統麵前扔圖釘。 改選巴士配備防爆輪胎。

埃斯珀在《像麥克白夫人一樣的神聖誓言》中向他的讀者請求我們赦免他的“該死的地方”,因為他助長了特朗普政府對國家安全的許多(盡管不是全部)威脅。 很難答應他這個要求。 埃斯珀可能推遲或轉移了一些最危險的白宮國防想法和指令,但遠遠不足以證明他對憲法的忠誠。 讀者可能會為埃斯珀所描述的擔任國務卿期間所遭受的反複羞辱感到一些悲傷,同時仍然想知道是否是個人野心和政黨忠誠否定了埃斯珀更合適的辭職牌。 《神聖誓言》的許多讀者在讀完這本書後,會理所當然地不相信前國務卿埃斯珀忠實地履行了真正神聖的誓言。

Oct. 24, 2022

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times

https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/3197341/a-sacred-oath-memoirs-of-a-secretary-of-defense-during-extraordinary-times/ 

By Thomas F. Lynch III Joint Force Quarterly 107

Dr. Thomas F. Lynch III is a Distinguished Research Fellow in the Center for Strategic Research, Institute for National Strategic Studies, at the National Defense University.

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times is the narrative of Mark Esper, former Secretary of Defense for the Trump administration, about his tumultuous 17 months in office, which ended with his November 2020 firing by Trump. A Sacred Oath confronts a vital first-order question for all uniformed and civilian military professionals: How do I faithfully adhere to my sworn oath to protect and defend the U.S. Constitution from all enemies, foreign and domestic? This question is especially searing when it comes to upholding the oath as a senior civilian political appointee in the face of a domestic security threat from the White House itself. There is no perfect answer, but contextual factors help inform whether a senior Department of Defense (DOD) official should offer resignation rather than remain and enable the threat in hopes of moderating it.

A Sacred Oath is Esper’s tale of why he chose to stay on as Trump’s third of four DOD secretaries despite all the red flags warning that such a choice was bad for the country and bad for Esper personally. Esper’s two-part answer is that he swore an oath to the Constitution, and if he had resigned in protest over any of the multitude of dangerous defense and security ideas coming out of the Trump White House, then the next acting Secretary could have been someone truly ready and willing to carry out Trump’s impetuous impulses—and that would have been seriously detrimental to the country. The burden to make this narrative stick is high, and Esper struggles to meet it. On the one hand, Esper does not address fully the important related questions about his selection or his power basis as Secretary and, on the other, when compared with the more commonly understood interpretations of holistic selflessness in honoring a sworn oath to the Constitution, Esper seems to rely on a less-demanding standard.

Among the many important questions that A Sacred Oath does not fully address is the one about why Esper was Secretary in the first place. He was the Trump administration’s Secretary of the Army for a brief 19 months from 2017 to 2019. A West Point graduate, former Active-duty Army infantry officer, and Army Reservist, Esper also had a short stint as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Negotiations Policy, had years on Capitol Hill as a staffer, and then was a midlevel defense industry lobbyist. So Esper seemed a good fit as Army secretary, even though he was the administration’s third choice. But what about Esper’s qualifications to become Secretary?

Since the position’s creation in the late 1940s, congressionally confirmed secretaries have generally held one of three major personal qualifications for their positional power: prior distinguished service in very senior executive or legislative-branch security leadership positions; experience in industry, with relevant defense ideas or acumen; or personal friendship and a trusted working relationship with the President. These qualifications give secretaries voice and gravitas in shaping a DOD agenda or managing challenging security circumstances. Esper brought none of them to the job; his past positions paled in comparison with historical Secretary power bases.

Thus, Esper’s telling of his June 2019 move to become Secretary is unhelpfully spartan. He lets us know that Trump disliked retired U.S. Marine Corps General Jim Mattis as the first administration Secretary, but without clearly stating that Mattis resigned in December 2018 over glaring concerns about Trump’s threat to national security—from the appalling treatment of U.S. security partners to reckless machinations on U.S. troop withdrawals from Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Also absent from Esper’s telling are the names Milley and Urban. Then–Army Chief of Staff General Mark Milley had been on favorable terms with the White House since Trump announced him as the next Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff back in December 2018. David Urban, Esper’s 1986 West Point classmate and Pennsylvania chair of the Trump 2016 Presidential campaign, remained a famous Trump-whisperer on administration personnel matters and especially regarding his many West Point classmates in Trump’s orbit. Were those two important factors in Esper’s rather curious selection?

The missing details matter because Esper tells us that he had personally witnessed Trump meandering recklessly in and out of Army policy matters without regard for counsel by Secretary Mattis or National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster. Mattis and McMaster resigned in 2018 because of their oath to the Constitution, rather than remaining in a misguided attempt to honor it.

From the first chapter, Esper provides stark details about Presidential security directives ranging from the absurd to the dangerous. He recounts Trump asking to have the U.S. military shoot the legs of peaceful protesters in Washington, DC, demanding that DOD consider firing Patriot missiles into Mexico to stem the flow of illegal refugees, agitating to activate and move National Guard units from Republican-governed states into Democratic-governed ones to “get tougher on Antifa,” and on and on. Esper establishes Trump as a clear threat to national security, seemingly to convince us that his oath meant he had to stay to ensure less terrible outcomes than might otherwise accrue. Is this true?

Here, context matters for proper analysis, and Esper provides the reader with a contextual gem in chapter 18, perhaps the most important insight of the book, in which Esper attempts to show that he pushed back to such an extent that Trump considered his dismissal: “My friends close to the White House said that while Trump was angry, he wasn’t going to fire me. His own reelection still took priority over his desire for retribution.” Did Esper fully wield this knowledge to preserve and defend the Constitution? Did he leverage the insight to comprehensively prevent detrimental ideas and directives from jeopardizing the national interest? Not in his telling. Instead, Esper ruminates repetitively about the many days he wondered if he were going to be fired by the President. How is the reader to square this circle? How could Esper know of his fireproof political coating before November 2020, yet consistently fear firing, refrain from threatening resignation, and make no full-throated public pronouncement against Trump White House tweets and press statements that were dangerously overriding DOD professional counsel again and again?

The real answer seems tied to a limited interpretation of his oath to the Constitution. Esper’s self-interest in remaining the Secretary and staying in the good graces of his political party go unaddressed. Undoubtedly, Esper did take helpful, if behind-the-scenes, stands against some of the most outlandish Trump national security ideas. In doing so, Esper took some personal risk, but never the full measure. More often, Esper recounts, he acquiesced to the absurd, rationalizing that his efforts inhibited far worse security outcomes. If the President and his 2019–2020 advisers were as out of control as Esper represents, then he had a powerful option—and perhaps even a duty—to threaten resignation to arrest the madness, not merely to stick it out. Instead of using the threat of resignation to erect a concrete barrier in the face of the administration’s fusillade of threats to U.S. national security during 2019 and 2020, Esper reveals that he was content to throw thumbtacks in the path of a careening, up-armored Presidential reelection bus with run-flat tires.

Esper comes to his readers in A Sacred Oath like Lady MacBeth, asking that we absolve him of the “damned spot” of enabling many, though not all, of the Trump administration’s threats to national security. It is hard to grant him this request. Esper may have delayed or diverted some of the most dangerous White House national defense ideas and directives, but far too few to prove his constitutional fealty. The reader can feel some sorrow for the recurring humiliations Esper describes enduring as Secretary while still wondering whether it was personal ambition and party loyalty that negated Esper’s more appropriate play of his resignation card. Many readers of A Sacred Oath will finish it justifiably unconvinced that former Secretary Esper faithfully fulfilled a truly sacred oath. 

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