個人資料
正文

美國的全球主導地位正在終結:接下來會發生什麽?

(2023-07-05 08:12:26) 下一個

美國的全球主導地位正在終結:接下來會發生什麽?


https://www.cigionline.org/articles/americas-global-dominance-is-ending-what-comes-next/

丹尼爾·阿拉亞 2022 年 10 月 5 日

多極秩序中的全球化將越來越有利於區域自治和界定新的權力平衡的鬥爭。

2009 年 11 月 10 日,阿拉巴馬州 Bayou La Batre 的一個墓地裏可以看到一麵破爛的美國國旗。(Carlos Barria/REUTERS)

牛津曆史學家彼得·弗蘭科潘表示,我們正在目睹全球秩序的瓦解。 在一個以西方金融危機、全球冠狀病毒大流行、歐洲戰爭、政府債務增加和發達民主國家政治不穩定為標誌的曆史時期,西方時代正在走向終結。 事實上,一段時間以來,全球秩序一直在穩步走向“後美國世界”或“後西方世界”。 這一轉變的核心是中國的崛起和多極體係的出現。
雖然我們已經習慣於從自由民主和西方主導的多邊主義的角度來思考全球化,但多極秩序內的全球化將越來越有利於區域自治和定義新的權力平衡的鬥爭。 總的來說,中國、印度、俄羅斯、土耳其、伊朗、印度尼西亞、沙特阿拉伯和巴西正在成為鬆散耦合的全球體係中的地區大國。

顯而易見的是,我們正處於一個過渡期,這段曆史時期連接著由西方國家主導的日漸衰落的工業時代和由中國崛起和龐大的亞洲貿易體係支撐的新數字時代。 自第二次世界大戰結束以來,美國的主導地位一直依賴於龐大的美國軍隊監督下的聯盟網絡。 但是,正如美國研究人員亞曆山大·庫利和丹尼爾·尼克森所解釋的那樣,世界正在退出美國的霸權。 隨著美國主導的秩序逐漸結束,西方對全球體係的影響力將會減弱。

競爭性多邊主義
權力分配的快速轉變使全球體係從冷戰時期的兩極秩序(1945年至1989年)轉變為“美帝國”的單極秩序(1989年至2008年),再到當前以中國崛起為代表的多極秩序 。 中國與其他新興經濟體之間關係的深化以及亞洲作為世界貿易中心的崛起正在重塑全球力量平衡。 隨著亞洲回歸到“大航海時代”之前繁榮的商業和文化交流模式,一個新的曆史時期正在形成。

未來幾十年,人工智能、機器人、量子計算、6G(第六代)電信、基因工程、可再生能源和納米技術等前沿技術將成為競爭性多極秩序的基本組成部分。 這個未來包括硬實力外交和資源競爭的回歸。 中國對世界供應鏈日益增強的主導地位和俄羅斯的地區野心共同標誌著“競爭性多邊主義”的新時代。

許多西方國家堅持 1945 年後的布雷頓森林體係,而中國政府正在將世界重新構想為一個由供應鏈和貿易動脈組成的單一複雜網絡。 在世界各地大宗商品的推動下,中國現已成為全球經濟的基石和全球化的主要引擎。 隨著國家主導的巨大產能繼續聚焦前沿技術,其取代美國成為世界重心的力量將會增強。 事實上,利用這種“岩土技術”轉變是中國的大戰略。

需要新的維旺迪模式

在美國,與中國爭奪美國主導地位的競爭已成為國家政策的主要驅動力。 從政治上講,這包括希望繼續充當世界警察,利用其龐大的軍隊來管理衝突。 從經濟上講,這包括保持世界最大市場的願望,支持全球化。 在文化上,這包括渴望保持在思想的中心,推動世界的想象力、價值觀和文化交流。 這一切似乎都不可能繼續下去。

在新興經濟體中,中國主導的全球化已經開始取代美國的“基於規則的秩序”。 這體現在區域全麵經濟夥伴關係協定、亞洲基礎設施投資銀行、上海合作組織、歐亞經濟聯盟、全麵且先進的跨太平洋夥伴關係協定、亞洲基礎設施新開發銀行等多邊機構的崛起。 巴西、俄羅斯、印度、中國和南非(金磚國家)。 通過利用這一多邊機構體係,中國將擴大其影響範圍,使力量平衡向有利於其的方向傾斜。

除了政治混亂之外,氣候事件也開始加速全球人口結構的變化。 美國地理學家帕拉格·卡納表示,氣候災難將迫使印度次大陸、東南亞、中非、西亞和中美洲的數百萬難民前往其他地方尋求生活。 加拿大、斯堪的納維亞半島和俄羅斯的老齡化和人口稀少的北部地區將不可避免地成為大量人口躲避幹旱、洪水和野火的目的地。

駕馭這個新的多極體係將是艱巨的。 過去一個世紀,聯合國、世界貿易組織、世界銀行等多邊機構一直是西方主導的全球化的支柱。 但新興經濟體日益增長的影響力現在需要適當的代表性。 改革聯合國係統以反映這些變化對於維護全球穩定至關重要。

所有這些都表明需要新一代的多邊協調。 在西方,多邊主義常常被等同於捍衛“自由國際秩序”——這一術語由國際關係學者約翰·伊肯伯裏在 20 世紀 90 年代創造。 但麵對經濟、技術和生態的破壞,多邊治理將越來越多地受到相互競爭的利益的影響。 顯然,西方對領導權的壟斷已不再可能。 隨著地緣政治競爭加劇地區競爭,多邊合作將變得越來越不穩定。 需要一種新的權宜之計。

本文/多媒體中表達的觀點是作者的觀點,並不一定反映 CIGI 或其董事會的觀點。

關於作者
丹尼爾·阿拉亞
Daniel Araya 是 CIGI 高級研究員、世界法律峰會高級合夥人,也是對人工智能、技術政策和治理特別感興趣的顧問和顧問。

 

America's Global Dominance Is Ending: What Comes Next?

https://www.cigionline.org/articles/americas-global-dominance-is-ending-what-comes-next/

Daniel Araya  October 5, 2022

Globalization within a multipolar order will increasingly favour regional autonomy and a struggle to define a new balance of power.

 
flag
A tattered American flag is seen at a cemetery in Bayou La Batre, Alabama, November 10, 2009. (Carlos Barria/REUTERS)
 
According to Oxford historian Peter Frankopan, we are witnessing the unravelling of the global order. In a period of history marked by a Western financial crisis, a global coronavirus pandemic, war in Europe, rising government debt and political instability across advanced democracies, the Western era is winding down. Indeed, the global order has been steadily moving toward a “post-American World” or “post-Western World” for some time. At the heart of this shift is the rise of China and the emergence of a multipolar system.

While we have grown used to thinking of globalization in terms of liberal democracy and Western-led multilateralism, globalization within a multipolar order will increasingly favour regional autonomy and a struggle to define a new balance of power. Taken together, China, India, Russia, Turkey, Iran, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and Brazil are becoming regional powers within a loosely coupled global system.

What is clear is that we are living through an interregnum — a period in history that bridges a fading industrial era dominated by Western countries and a new digital era underwritten by the rise of China and a vast Asian trading system. Since the end of the Second World War, American predominance has depended on a network of alliances overseen by a sprawling US military. But, as American researchers Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon explain, the world is exiting US hegemony. As the US-led order winds down, Western influence over the global system will wane.

Competitive Multilateralism

Rapid shifts in the distribution of power have transformed the global system from the bipolar order of the Cold War (1945 to 1989) to the unipolar order of “American empire” (1989 to 2008) to the current multipolar order typified by the rise of China. Deepening ties between China and other emerging economies and the rise of Asia as the centre of world trade are reshaping the global balance of power. As Asia returns to the patterns of commerce and cultural exchange that thrived before the “age of exploration,” a new period of history is taking shape.

In the decades ahead, frontier technologies including artificial intelligence, robotics, quantum computing, 6G (sixth-generation) telecommunications, genetic engineering, renewables and nanotechnology will be the basic building blocks of a competitive multipolar order. This future includes a return to hard-power diplomacy and the competition for resources. Together, China’s increasing dominance over the world’s supply chains and Russia’s regional ambitions mark a new period of “competitive multilateralism.”

Where many Western countries cling to the post-1945 Bretton Woods system, China’s government is reimagining the world as a single complex network of supply chains and trade arteries. Fuelled by commodities from around the world, China is now the keystone of the global economy and the principal engine of globalization. As the country’s immense state-led production capacity continues to focus on frontier technologies, its power to displace the United States as the world’s centre of gravity will grow. Indeed, leveraging this “geotechnological” shift is China’s grand strategy.

A New Modus Vivendi Is Needed

In the United States, competition with China in the pursuit of US primacy has become the main driver of national policy. Politically, this includes a desire to remain the world’s police, using its enormous military to manage conflict. Economically, this includes a desire to remain the world’s largest market, underwriting globalization. Culturally, this includes a desire to remain at the centre of ideas, driving the world’s imagination, values and cultural exchange. None of this seems likely going forward.

Across emerging economies, Chinese-led globalization has already begun displacing America’s “rules-based order.” This is reflected in the rise of multilateral institutions such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the Eurasian Economic Union, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the New Development Bank of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS). As it leverages this system of multilateral institutions, China will grow its sphere of influence, tipping the balance of power in its favour.

In addition to political disruption, climate events have begun accelerating changes in global demography. According to American geographer Parag Khanna, climate disasters are set to drive millions of refugees across the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, Central Africa, West Asia and Central America to seek life elsewhere. Aging and underpopulated northern regions across Canada, Scandinavia and Russia will invariably become destinations for large populations escaping drought, flooding and wildfire.

Navigating this new multipolar system will be daunting. Over the past century, multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization and the World Bank have served as pillars of Western-led globalization. But the growing weight of emerging economies now requires proper representation. Reforming the UN system to reflect these changes will be critical to maintaining global stability.

All of which suggests the need for a new generation of multilateral coordination. In the West, multilateralism is often equated with defending the “liberal international order” — a term coined by international relations scholar John Ikenberry in the 1990s. But in the face of economic, technological and ecological disruption, multilateral governance will increasingly be shaped by competing interests. It’s clear that a Western monopoly on leadership is no longer possible. As geopolitical rivalry fuels regional competition, multilateral cooperation will become increasingly precarious. A new modus vivendi is needed.

The opinions expressed in this article/multimedia are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIGI or its Board of Directors.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Daniel Araya is a CIGI senior fellow, a senior partner with the World Legal Summit, and a consultant and an adviser with a special interest in artificial intelligence, technology policy and governance.

[ 打印 ]
閱讀 ()評論 (0)
評論
目前還沒有任何評論
登錄後才可評論.