法國癌症 自由 平等 博愛

新的騷亂使法國麵臨老問題

法國做錯了什麽，導致一些人無法感受到所有人的平等和博愛？

https://www.sookenewsmirror.com/world-news/new-riots-make-france-confront-an-old-problem/

美聯社 2023 年 7 月 4 日

“自由、平等、博愛”：法國長期以來所追求的崇高理想被刻在硬幣上，刻在全國各地學校的門上。

然而，這與一些法國黑人或棕色人種在一段令人震驚的視頻中看到的情況截然相反，視頻中一名警察在交通堵塞期間射殺了一名 17 歲的北非裔送貨司機。

有些人對自己說，那個孩子可能是我——或者我的孩子，或者我的朋友。 幾個小時之內，第一場憤怒和複仇之火就照亮了巴黎郊區南泰爾的夜空，上周二上午 9 點 15 分，少年納赫爾 (Nahel) 在那裏被宣布死亡。 他的左臂和胸部被一發子彈從左到右射穿，隨後他駕駛的黃色奔馳撞上了納爾遜·曼德拉廣場上的路障。

這座位於法國首都高層商業區邊緣的小鎮，由於住房項目落後、貧富差距懸殊，以及來自法國前殖民地的種族和文化影響的大熔爐，憤怒的火焰迅速蔓延。

超過 200 個城鎮報告稱，在六個晚上的騷亂中，公共建築遭到縱火襲擊、車輛起火、與警察發生衝突、搶劫和其他騷亂。 暴力事件波及全國——從法國北部海岸的藍領港口到俯瞰比利牛斯山脈的南部城鎮，從去工業化的前礦盆地到曾經是法國奴隸貿易中心的大西洋西海岸的南特和拉羅謝爾。

在逮捕了 3,400 多人，並且有跡象表明暴力正在減弱之後，法國再次麵臨清算——就像 20 世紀 80 年代、1990 年代、2000 年代和 2010 年代在混血、弱勢社區發生騷亂之後所做的那樣。

令人不安的核心問題仍然是一樣的：法國做錯了什麽，導致其大部分人口，特別是非白人，無法相信其對所有人平等和博愛的承諾？

問題既老又新

受到指責和激烈爭議的因素包括新舊問題：警察隊伍和更廣泛的法國社會中的種族主義、烏克蘭戰爭相關成本上升使貧困變得更加絕望、數十年的城市忽視、婚姻和父母權威的破裂。 ，以及 COVID-19 大流行的連鎖反應。 因病毒宵禁和教學關閉而中斷學業的青少年參與了打砸、焚燒、盜竊和與警察打架的行為，並陶醉在社交媒體上的混亂之中。

亞齊德·凱爾菲 (Yazid Kherfi) 每天開車從一個住房項目到下一個住房項目，向年輕人講述如何避免走上犯罪和監獄之路，對他來說，暴力事件是一代人的痛苦呼聲，他說，他們感到不被愛和不被愛。 留在路邊。

赫菲使用的小型貨車背麵印有馬丁·路德·金的名言：“我們必須學會像兄弟一樣生活在一起，否則我們都會像傻瓜一樣一起滅亡。” 但凱爾菲說，在巡查過程中，他經常聽到年輕人抱怨警察因為膚色而將他們單獨挑選出來。

“警察沒有受過在困難社區工作的良好訓練。 有些警察是種族主義者。 有暴力警察。 它們存在。 我不是說所有警察，但仍然是一定數量，”他說。 “黑人和阿拉伯人被攔截的頻率遠遠高於白人。”

“我們距離自由、平等、博愛還有很長的路要走，”他補充道。 “現實情況是，人們發現所有這些情況都非常非常困難。 40多年來一直如此。 當然，法國每次發生騷亂都與警察行動中年輕人的死亡有關。 警察很少責怪自己。”

自法國總統埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍（Emmanuel Macron）以下，政府官員迅速譴責了這名因初步指控故意殺人罪而被監禁的警官的行為。 馬克龍稱槍擊事件“令人費解且不可原諒”。 該警官的律師表示，他的委托人擔心，當他們停下來的車輛再次開始移動時，他和他的同事會被拖走並被壓碎。

當種族主義無法衡量時如何應對？

由於法國官方的色盲政策以及對可收集數據的嚴格限製，衡量法國種族主義和種族不平等的規模變得複雜。 對於批評者來說，這種指導思想讓國家忽視了歧視。 法國的人口普查不存在種族或民族問題。

盡管如此，不平等現象仍然十分明顯，不容忽視。 政府統計機構發現，2020 年，在 COVID-19 大流行最嚴重的時候，法國撒哈拉以南非洲移民的死亡率翻了一番，巴黎地區的死亡率增加了兩倍，這承認了該病毒對黑人移民和成員造成的懲罰性和不成比例的影響 其他被係統性忽視的少數群體。 其他研究也揭露了工作場所和招聘中的種族主義。
“40、45年來，關於歧視的警告信號一直存在，”阿貝爾·博伊（Abel Boyi）說，他是一個名為“All Unique, All United”的組織的負責人，該組織旨在使年輕人與法國及其共和價值觀達成和解。

博伊是黑人，他譴責政府的色盲行為是“法國人的虛偽”。 他說，他經常遇到有色人種年輕人和來自貧困社區的白人，他們申請了數十份工作，但沒有被錄用，“因為姓氏聽起來很陌生，因為地址不好。”

“不幸的是，當出現不公正現象時，總有一些激進分子會走向暴力。 我們看到這些12歲到19歲的年輕人……在淩晨1點、2點、3點燒毀汽車，向警察投擲石塊，向公共汽車投擲石塊。 這太可怕了，”博伊說。 “憤怒是正義的，但方法是錯誤的。”

視覺效果火上澆油

納赫爾死亡的視頻也有助於解釋暴力的迅速蔓延和突然的強度。 與喬治·弗洛伊德在美國被殺的鏡頭一樣，這些圖像讓一些人懷疑警察的虐待行為有時是否會因為沒有被攝像機捕捉到而不受懲罰。 南泰爾的噴漆塗鴉上寫著：“如果沒有視頻，納赫爾將成為一個統計數字。”

然而，警官瓦利德·赫拉爾 (Walid Hrar) 表示，法國治安部隊與他工作的弱勢社區之間的關係並不像騷亂看上去那麽破裂。

他管理著一個由警官組成的誌願組織“兄弟會守護者”，他們與鄰居的孩子們會麵，試圖建立理解，幫助他們認識到在製服背後，他們也是人。 “有時，談判非常艱難，非常激烈，”他承認。

但擁有摩洛哥血統和穆斯林身份的赫拉爾表示，自從他加入以來，警察部隊已經“發生了巨大變化”，變得更加多元化。

那是2004年的事。次年法國爆發騷亂。 他的職業生涯一直在巴黎北郊度過，那裏是暴力事件首次爆發的地方，當時 15 歲的布納·特拉奧雷 (Bouna Traoré) 和 17 歲的齊德·本納 (Zyed Benna) 在克利希蘇布瓦 (Clichy-sous-Bois) 的一個變電站躲避警察時觸電身亡。

赫拉爾說，當時和現在的一個區別是，新一代暴徒似乎沒有界限，他們破壞學校、市政廳、警察局和其他權威象征。

“對於某些人來說，確實是徹底崩潰了，”赫拉爾說。 “確實需要做一些基礎工作。”

另一個關鍵區別：社交網絡。 政府表示，這一代人不僅在短視頻中慶祝了 TikTok 和 Snapchat 的混亂，有時也在他們的網絡上組織了混亂。 有關搶劫的表情包和標簽很快就淹沒了有關納赫爾正義的內容。 馬克龍表示，一些騷亂者似乎正在表演“讓他們陶醉的電子遊戲”。

所有這些加起來都是有毒和危險的，一個國家的根基出現了深深的裂痕，這個國家仍然與其經常發生的暴力殖民曆史不可調和，而且根深蒂固的歧視和不平等現象無法快速解決。

“我們如何將眾多的曆史匯聚成一部與我們所有人有關的共同曆史，無論膚色和出身如何？” 伯益說道。 “這是法國在21世紀麵臨的巨大挑戰。”

New riots make France confront an old problem

What is France doing wrong that prevents some from feeling equality and fraternity for all?

https://www.sookenewsmirror.com/world-news/new-riots-make-france-confront-an-old-problem/

ASSOCIATED PRESS Jul. 4, 2023

“Liberty, Equality, Fraternity”: The lofty ideals to which France has long aspired are embossed on coins and carved above school doors across the land.

Yet they are the polar opposite of what some French people who are Black or brown saw in a shocking video of a police officer shooting and killing a 17-year-old delivery driver of north African descent during a traffic stop.

That kid, some said to themselves, could have been me — or my children, or my friends. Within hours, the first fires of anger and revenge were lighting up the night skies of Nanterre, the Paris suburb where the teenager, Nahel, was declared dead at 9:15 a.m. last Tuesday. His left arm and chest had been pierced from left to right by a single shot fired before the yellow Mercedes he was driving then slammed into barriers on Nelson Mandela Square.

From the town on the fringe of the French capital’s high-rise business district, with its disadvantaged housing projects, glaring wealth gaps, and melting-pot mix of races and cultural influences imported from France’s former colonies, the flames of fury quickly spread.

More than 200 cities and towns reported arson attacks on public buildings, vehicle fires, clashes with police, looting and other mayhem in six nights of unrest. The violence was nationwide — from blue-collar ports on France’s northern coast to southern towns overlooking the Pyrenees, from de-industrialized former mining basins to Nantes and La Rochelle on the western Atlantic coast, once hearts of the French slave trade.

After more than 3,400 arrests and signs that the violence is now abating, France is once again facing a reckoning — as it did after previous riots in mixed-race, disadvantaged neighborhoods in the 1980s, 1990s, 2000s and 2010s.

And the uncomfortable central question remains the same: What is France doing wrong that prevents chunks of its population, particularly among non-whites, from being able to buy into its promise of equality and fraternity for all?

THE PROBLEMS ARE BOTH OLD AND NEW

Among the factors being blamed and hotly disputed are problems both old and new: racism in police ranks and French society more broadly, poverty made more desperate by rising costs related to the war in Ukraine, decades of urban neglect, breakdowns in marriages and parental authority, and the ripples of the COVID-19 pandemic. Young teenagers whose schooling was interrupted by virus curfews and teaching shutdowns were among those smashing, burning, stealing and fighting with police — and reveling in the mayhem on social media.

For Yazid Kherfi, who spends his time driving from one housing project to the next, speaking to young people about how to avoid the route that he took into crime and prison, the violence was a cry of distress from a generation he says feels unloved and left by the wayside.

The minivan Kherfi uses has a quote from Martin Luther King painted on the back: “We must learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools.” But on his rounds, Kherfi says he frequently hears young people complain that police single them out because of their color.

“The police aren’t well trained to work in difficult neighborhoods. Some police are racist. There are violent police. They exist. I’m not saying all the police but it’s still a certain number,” he says. “Blacks and Arabs are stopped far more frequently than whites.”

“We are a long way from liberty, equality, fraternity,” he adds. “The reality is that people find all these situations very, very hard. It’s been like this for more than 40 years. So of course, every time there are riots in France, it’s linked to a young person’s death related to a policing operation. And the police rarely blames itself.”

From French President Emmanuel Macron down, government officials were quick to condemn the actions of the officer now incarcerated on a preliminary charge of voluntary homicide. Macron called the shooting “inexplicable and inexcusable.” The officer’s lawyer says his client feared, when the vehicle they’d stopped started moving again, that he and his colleague would be dragged along with it and crushed.

HOW TO TACKLE RACISM WHEN IT CAN’T BE MEASURED?

Measuring the scale of racism and racial inequality in France is complicated by its official policy of color blindness, with strict limits on data that can be collected. For critics, that guiding philosophy has made the state oblivious to discrimination. France’s census has no questions about race or ethnicity.

Still, inequalities are too glaring to be ignored. The government’s statistics agency found in 2020 that death rates among immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa doubled in France and tripled in the Paris region at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic — an acknowledgement of the virus’s punishing and disproportionate impact on Black immigrants and members of other systemically overlooked minority groups. Other research has also exposed racism in workplaces and hiring.

“For 40, 45 years there have been warning signs about discrimination,” says Abel Boyi, head of a group called “All Unique, All United” that aims to reconcile young people with France and its republican values.

Boyi, who is Black, decries the state’s colorblindness as “a French hypocrisy.” He says he regularly encounters young people of color and also white people from disadvantaged neighborhoods who apply for dozens of jobs but aren’t hired “because the family name sounds foreign, because the address isn’t a good one.”

“Unfortunately, when there’s an injustice, there’s always a radical fringe that tips into violence. We saw these young people, aged 12 to 19 … at 1, 2, 3 o’clock in the morning burning cars, stoning police officers, stoning buses. It’s terrible,” Boyi says. “The anger is righteous but the method is wrong.”

THE VISUALS ADDED FUEL TO THE FLAMES

The video of Nahel’s death also helps explains the rapid spread and sudden intensity of the violence. As was also the case with the footage of George Floyd’s killing in the United States, the images left some people wondering whether police abuses sometimes go unpunished because they aren’t captured on camera. Spray-painted graffiti in Nanterre read: “Without video, Nahel would be a statistic.”

Police officer Walid Hrar says, however, that the relationship between France’s forces of law and order and disadvantaged neighborhoods he works in isn’t as broken as the rioting made it seem.

He runs a volunteer group of officers, The Guardians of Fraternity, who meet with neighborhood kids to try to build understanding and help them see that behind their uniforms, they are people, too. “Sometimes, the talks are very hard, very stormy,” he acknowledges.

But Hrar, who is of Moroccan descent and Muslim, says the police force has “changed enormously” and become more diverse since he joined up.

That was in 2004. France was swept by rioting the following year. He has spent his career in Paris’ northern suburbs where that violence first erupted, when 15-year-old Bouna Traoré and 17-year-old Zyed Benna were electrocuted while hiding from police in a power substation in Clichy-sous-Bois.

One difference between then and now, Hrar says, is that the new generation of rioters seems to know no limits, trashing schools, town halls, police stations and other symbols of authority.

“With some, the breakdown is total, that is true,” Hrar says. “There is real groundwork that needs to be done.”

Another key difference: social networks. This generation weaned on TikTok and Snapchat not only celebrated mayhem in short videos but, the government says, sometimes organized on their networks, too. Memes and hashtags about looting quickly swamped references about justice for Nahel. Macron said some rioters seemed to be acting out “the video games that have intoxicated them.”

It all adds up to something toxic and dangerous, with deep cracks in the foundations of a country still unreconciled with its often violent colonial past and with engrained discrimination and inequalities that defy quick fixes.

“How do we bring together the multitude of histories into one common history that concerns us all, regardless of skin color and origin?” said Boyi. “That is France’s great challenge for the 21st century.”