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這就是為什麽《非洲增長機會法案》下的美非貿易對一些國家來說是成功的,但對另一些國家來說則不然
https://www.brookings.edu/articles/heres-why-us-africa-trade-under-agoa-has-been-successful-for-some-countries-but-not-others/
蘭德裏·西涅 2023 年 7 月 11 日@LandrySigne
非洲增長計劃項目
《非洲增長與機會法案》(AGOA)是否實現了改善美國與非洲之間貿易和投資的目標? AGOA 於 2000 年創建,並於 2015 年更新,是美國政府的一項貿易計劃,為撒哈拉以南非洲國家提供進入美國市場的優惠,使它們能夠免關稅向美國出口產品。 《非洲增長機會法案》無疑有助於促進非洲對美國的出口,但貿易數據引發了人們的疑問:為什麽一些國家能夠更好地利用優惠貿易規則。 我發現政策實施理論——具體來說,彌合政策意圖和期望結果之間差距的能力——有助於解釋這種差異,並指出一種彌合未來高績效者和低績效者之間差距的方法。
當白宮和國會考慮 2025 年後 AGOA 的未來時,這些見解可以幫助政策製定者和商界領袖探索根據該計劃進一步擴大美非貿易和投資的戰略。
非洲國家對 AGOA 的利用各不相同
所有符合條件的撒哈拉以南非洲國家(截至 2023 年 5 月為 35 個國家)都將從美國貿易計劃中受益,但 AGOA 的利用率和結果差異很大。 肯尼亞和萊索托的 AGOA 利用率最高:肯尼亞 88% 的出口和萊索托對美國的 99% 的出口符合零關稅待遇的條件。 服裝產品在兩國對美國的出口中占主導地位。
但同期幾乎一半的受益國的利用率為 2% 或更低,這意味著美國從這些國家進口的商品中有 98% 需繳納美國關稅。 正如威特尼·施奈德曼 (Witney Schneidman)、凱特·麥克納爾蒂 (Kate McNulty) 和娜塔莉·迪查裏 (Natalie Dicharry) 先前指出的那樣,利用率上的這些差異阻礙了 AGOA “在經濟發展、商業機會增長和創造就業機會方麵扭轉局麵”的潛力。
為什麽有些國家沒有從 AGOA 中受益?
許多因素可以解釋 AGOA 利用率的差異,包括商業環境的差異、利益競爭、缺乏信貸、缺乏互聯網接入、能力不足、缺乏政府投資以及生產成本和瓶頸。 鑒於這些因素對 AGOA 實施的直接影響的經驗證據有限,我的研究通過政策實施理論以另一種方式看待 AGOA 的利用。
政治學家理查德·馬特蘭解釋了決定政策實施成敗的兩個主要因素:政策模糊性和政策衝突。 政策衝突的程度可以通過參與政策製定過程的理性且往往是自私的行為者之間的趨同或分歧程度來解釋。 由於利益經常存在分歧,這通常會導致衝突。 當認知界或關鍵決策者和利益相關者對於解決特定政策挑戰的方法存在分歧時,就會出現政策模糊性。 馬特蘭認為,高或低的模糊性和衝突的結合會給任何特定政策帶來獨特的實施挑戰。
在 AGOA 的背景下,如果一個國家不生產符合 AGOA 優惠的出口商品,或者使用 AGOA 的總體目標和收益不明確,那麽該國的政策就會高度模糊。 如果私營部門、政府、外國投資者、工人等各方對使用 AGOA 的條款、願景或策略存在分歧,或者美國將某個國家或其貿易夥伴從受益國名單中剔除,那麽一國內部的政策衝突可能會很嚴重。
截至 2022 年,39 個受益國中有 18 個製定了利用 AGOA 計劃的戰略。 公布2021年戰略的16個國家中有14個增加了非原油出口。 馬裏、莫桑比克、多哥和讚比亞等許多采用國家 AGOA 戰略的國家都取得了特別成功,在此期間對美國的出口增長了 90% 以上。
雖然值得注意,但可能還有其他因素在起作用。 製定國家 AGOA 戰略與看到積極成果之間的積極聯係是複雜的,而且可能是非線性的。 可以肯定的是,一個已經擁有有利資源、政治意願、私營部門支持或其他有利因素的國家可能更有可能從 AGOA 中受益,並且更有可能製定利用戰略。
與此同時,利用 AGOA 的國家戰略可以作為識別和加強這些因素的一種方式。 從馬特蘭的理論來看,利用策略可以確保每個人都達成共識,從而減少政策衝突。 製定適當的戰略可以為增加出口製定明確的前進道路,從而減少政策的模糊性。
例如,在美國實施製裁之前,埃塞俄比亞製定了利用戰略,確定了特定部門的限製因素並製定了解決這些問題的戰略,從而增加了符合《非洲增長和機會法案》資格的出口。 這一戰略促成了一站式技術和信息中心的創建,以協助埃塞俄比亞政府在該國 AGOA 利用戰略中確定的五個優先產品領域——紡織品和服裝、皮革和皮革製品、園藝、手工藝品和農產品加工。 該中心開業一年後,埃塞俄比亞對美國的出口增長了 50% 以上,遠高於 2015 年至 2016 年同期符合 AGOA 條件的國家對美國的出口增長總額(平均 19%)。
2017年,博茨瓦納製定了AGOA利用戰略,確定了具體的出口壁壘,並建立了評估標準和製度結構來跟蹤特定優先事項的關鍵指標。 2021年,博茨瓦納與各部委的公務員、私營部門協會、個體公司、婦女團體以及非政府和半政府組織進一步舉行了利益相關者參與會議,以收集有關經濟新關注領域的意見,從而修訂了戰略。 博茨瓦納不斷適應形勢變化的戰略,可以為非洲其他國家如何減少政策衝突和模糊性、成功彌合政策製定與實施之間的差距提供重要範例。
拜登的非洲戰略對 AGOA 的利用意味著什麽
最終,AGOA 計劃為那些更多使用該計劃的非洲國家帶來了好處,但正如利用率的差異所表明的那樣,這些好處並未在各國之間平等分享。 拜登總統的非洲戰略意味著 AGOA 的利用率將受到更嚴格的審查,因為政策製定者希望了解 AGOA 是否兌現了其承諾以及未來的發展方向。 這裏討論的數據和政策實施理論表明,解決這些差異和加速促成因素的最佳方法是製定明確、全麵和不斷發展的利用戰略。 不言而喻,這種成功實施的努力應該會帶來長期的社會經濟成果,並通過將《非洲增長機會法案》延長到 2025 年以後,更好地促進美國和非洲的共同利益。
Here's why US-Africa trade under AGOA has been successful for some countries but not others
Landry Signé July 11, 2023 @LandrySigne
Has the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) achieved its goal of improving trade and investment between the U.S. and Africa? Created in 2000 and renewed in 2015, AGOA is a U.S. government trade program that gives countries in sub-Saharan Africa preferential access to U.S. markets, allowing them to export products to the United States tariff-free. AGOA has certainly helped boost African exports to the United States, but the trade data raise questions about why some countries are better able to capitalize on the preferential trade rules. I found that policy implementation theory—specifically, the ability to bridge the gap between policy intentions and desired outcomes—helps explain this variation and points a way to bridge the gap between high and low performers going forward.
As the White House and Congress consider the future of AGOA post-2025, these insights can aid policymakers and business leaders alike as they explore strategies to further expand U.S.-Africa trade and investment under the program.
All eligible sub-Saharan African countries (35 countries as of May 2023) stand to benefit from the U.S. trade program, but AGOA utilization rates and results vary widely. Kenya and Lesotho have had some of the highest AGOA utilization rates: 88 percent of Kenyan exports and 99 percent of Lesotho’s exports to the U.S. qualified for zero-tariff treatment. Apparel products dominated both countries’ exports to the United States.
But almost half of all beneficiary countries had a utilization rate of 2 percent or lower during the same time period—this means 98 percent of U.S. imports from those countries were subject to U.S. tariffs. These discrepancies in utilization rates have hindered AGOA’s potential “to tip the scales when it comes to economic development, growth of commercial opportunities, and job creation,” as Witney Schneidman, Kate McNulty, and Natalie Dicharry previously noted.
A number of factors could explain variations in AGOA utilization, including differences in business environments, competing interests, lack of credit, lack of internet access, insufficient capacity, lack of government investment, and production costs and bottlenecks. Given the limited empirical evidence on the direct effects of these factors on AGOA implementation, my research looks at AGOA utilization another way, by using policy implementation theory.
Political scientist Richard Matland explains the two primary factors that determine success or failure in policy implementation: policy ambiguity and policy conflict. The degree of policy conflict is explained by the level of convergence or divergence between rational and often self-interested actors involved in the policymaking process. Since interests regularly diverge, this usually leads to conflict. Policy ambiguity arises when there is a divergence within the epistemic community or key policymakers and stakeholders about approaches to solve specific policy challenges. Matland argues that a combination of high or low ambiguity and conflict create a unique implementation challenge for any given policy.
In the context of AGOA, a country would have high policy ambiguity if it doesn’t produce goods to export that fall under AGOA preferences, or if the overall goals and benefits of AGOA utilization are unclear. Policy conflict within a country may be high if various players—the private sector, the government, foreign investors, workers, etc.—disagree over the terms, vision, or strategy for using AGOA, or if the U.S. takes a country or its trading partners off the beneficiary list.
As of 2022, 18 of the 39 beneficiary countries had developed a strategy to utilize the AGOA program. And 14 of the 16 countries that had published strategies in 2021 increased their non-crude oil exports. Many countries that adopted a national AGOA strategy—such as Mali, Mozambique, Togo, and Zambia—experienced particular success and saw their exports to the U.S. rise by over 90 percent during this period.
While noteworthy, there may be other factors at work. The positive association between having developed a national AGOA strategy and seeing positive outcomes is complex and likely nonlinear. To be sure, a country that already has favorable resources, political will, private sector support, or other enabling factors may be more likely to benefit from AGOA and be more likely to develop a utilization strategy.
At the same time, a national strategy for utilizing AGOA can serve as a way to identify and strengthen those factors. Seen in terms of Matland’s theory, a utilization strategy reduces policy conflict by making sure everyone is on the same page. And having a strategy in place reduces policy ambiguity by laying out a clear path forward to increase exports.
For example, prior to U.S. sanctions, Ethiopia boosted its AGOA-eligible exports after developing a utilization strategy that identified sector-specific constraints and formulated strategies to address them. This strategy led to the creation of a one-stop technical and information hub to assist the five priority product areas the Ethiopian government identified in the country’s AGOA utilization strategy—textiles and garments, leather and leather products, horticulture, handcrafts, and agro-processing. One year after the hub opened, Ethiopia increased its exports to the United States by over 50 percent—much more than the total increase of exports from AGOA-eligible countries to the United States during the same time period, from 2015 to 2016 (19 percent on average).
In 2017, Botswana developed an AGOA utilization strategy that identified specific barriers to exports, and established evaluation criteria and an institutional structure to track key metrics of specific priorities. In 2021, Botswana held further stakeholder engagement meetings with civil servants in various ministries, private sector associations, individual firms, women’s groups and nongovernmental and semi-governmental organizations to gather input on new areas of concern in the economy, resulting in a revised strategy. Botswana’s strategy of continuously adjusting to changing circumstances, may offer an important example for other countries in Africa on how to reduce policy conflict and ambiguity to successfully bridge the gap between policy formulation and implementation.
Ultimately, the AGOA program has shown benefits for those African countries that use the program more, but as the variance in utilization rates demonstrates, these benefits have not been shared equally among countries. President Biden’s Africa strategy means that AGOA utilization rates will be coming under increased scrutiny as policymakers look to see whether AGOA has delivered on its promise and what is the way forward. The data and the policy implementation theory discussed here suggest that the best way to address these discrepancies and accelerate enabling factors will be by mobilizing a clear, comprehensive, and continuously evolving utilization strategy. It goes without saying that such efforts toward successful implementation should deliver long-term socioeconomic outcomes and better advance mutual U.S. and African interests with the extension of AGOA beyond 2025.