波伊列夫表示,他將通過一項淩駕於憲章權利之上的法律。這將是首相的首次嚐試。
https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/pierre-poilievre-notwithstanding-clause-1.7509802
聯邦政府從未動用過“盡管如此”條款。
馬克·戈洛姆 · CBC 新聞 · 2025年4月15日 馬克·戈洛姆是CBC新聞駐多倫多記者。他負責報道加拿大和美國的政治和時事。
波伊列夫承諾援引“盡管如此”條款,為何意義重大?| Hanomansing Tonight
保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波伊列夫表示,他將動用“盡管如此”條款,確保連環殺人犯死在獄中。桑科夫刑法首席顧問彼得·桑科夫發表了看法。
2006年1月,在聯邦領導人辯論中,自由黨領袖保羅·馬丁出乎意料地提出了“盡管條款”的問題,令許多政治觀察家感到意外。
馬丁挑戰保守黨領袖斯蒂芬·哈珀,要求他同意一項憲法修正案,確保渥太華永遠不會使用這項備受爭議的條款。哈珀拒絕了,而這個問題——一些人認為是馬丁為競選造勢——最終在競選活動中銷聲匿跡。
一名男子站在講台上。保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波利耶夫周一表示,如果他成為下一任總理,他將推翻一項禁止終身監禁的司法裁決。(格雷厄姆·休斯/加拿大新聞社)
但這個問題在本次競選中再次出現,這一次,這位保守黨領袖提出了這個問題,並做出了具有政治開創性的承諾,他將成為首位在任期間援引該條款的總理。
“這顯然是重要的一步,”前總理皮埃爾·特魯多的首席秘書托馬斯·阿克斯沃西(Thomas Axworthy)說道。阿克斯沃西曾在促成《權利與自由憲章》製定的憲法磋商中為特魯多提供谘詢。
觀看:波利耶夫雷稱將使用“盡管如此”條款:
波利耶夫雷稱將使用“盡管如此”條款,確保多重謀殺犯死在獄中
保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波利耶夫雷(Pierre Poilievre)周一在其司法議程中宣布了另一項聲明,承諾將使用“盡管如此”條款推翻《權利與自由憲章》,以確保被判犯有多重謀殺罪的人永遠不會出獄。
“關於“盡管如此”條款僅存的約束或限製慣例之一是,至今還沒有聯邦政府使用過它。現在有人熱情地提出這一點。這意義重大,”現任多倫多大學梅西學院公共政策係主任的阿克斯沃西說道。
渥太華大學法學助理教授斯特凡·塞拉芬(Stéphane Sérafin)也表示讚同,皮埃爾·波利耶夫(Pierre Poilievre)承諾使用“盡管條款”意義重大,因為迄今為止,隻有各省真正使用了該條款。
“總的來說,這足以改變遊戲規則,”他說。
連續終身監禁
周一,波利耶夫承諾使用“盡管條款”對多名殺人犯判處連續終身監禁。加拿大最高法院於2022年裁定,判處連續終身監禁違反了罪犯的《憲章》權利。
第33條——即“盡管條款”——允許各省省長或總理在五年內推翻法官認定違反《憲章》條款的立法裁決。
觀看 |卡尼稱波利耶夫計劃使用“盡管條款”是“危險的一步”:
卡尼稱波利耶夫計劃使用“盡管條款”是“危險的一步”
自由黨領袖馬克·卡尼表示,保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波利耶夫計劃使用“盡管條款”可能會讓加拿大陷入“滑坡”。波利耶夫表示,他將援引該條款,推翻《權利與自由憲章》,使被判犯有多重謀殺罪的人永遠無法出獄。
“對於那些畢生致力於支持《憲章》的人來說,他們一直非常擔心它會像我們現在看到的那樣被濫用,”阿克斯沃西說。
“這並非在危機情況下,並非在審慎的情況下,並非在大規模公開辯論之後,而是一個多數派政府出於自身政治原因,迎合其基本盤。”
該條款隻能推翻《憲章》的某些部分——包括第2條以及第7至15條,這些條款涉及基本自由、合法權利和平等權利——但不能用於推翻民主權利。
波利耶夫表示,他將使用“盡管如此”條款,以確保連環殺人犯在監獄中死亡。
波利耶夫試圖在特朗普擔憂情緒占據主導地位之際,引起選民對暴力犯罪的關注。
該條款已在省級層麵使用,包括薩斯喀徹溫省、魁北克省和安大略省,但聯邦政府從未使用該條款通過法律。該條款主要在魁北克省使用,魁北克省從1982年到1985年,將其作為一種政治抗議的形式納入每一項立法中。
多倫多大學政治學名譽教授納爾遜·懷斯曼表示,聯邦政府使用該條款是“不公平的”。
這無疑將是一項重大舉措。
“然而,在某種程度上,它並不像二三十年前那樣重要,也不像二三十年前那樣令人驚訝,因為它現在已在各省廣泛使用,”懷斯曼說道。
雖然一些保守黨議員,包括保守黨領袖候選人,公開支持在一係列問題上援引該條款,但黨內領導人迄今為止在競選期間一直回避這一立場。
“你們完全明白我的意思”
早在2024年5月,波利耶夫雷在加拿大警察協會的一次會議上就暗示將使用該條款來實施一些刑事司法改革。
“我們將使用憲法允許我使用的任何工具,使它們符合憲法。我想你們完全明白我的意思,”波利耶夫雷告訴人群。
周一,他表示將利用議會的“合法憲法權力”,保護守法加拿大人享有的生命、自由和安全的憲章權利。
分析:卡尼和普利耶夫正在爭取一場既關乎變革又關乎穩定的選舉。
該條款的使用一直受到那些將其視為踐踏既有權利工具的人的擔憂。本月早些時候,在加拿大公民自由協會的牽頭下,50多個組織、人權倡導者和法律專家發表了一封公開信,敦促所有聯邦政黨領導人承諾在新政府組建後六個月內就“盡管條款”進行公眾谘詢。
加拿大公民自由協會基本自由項目主任阿奈斯·布西埃爾·麥克尼科爾在一份與這封公開信相關的聲明中表示:“越來越多地使用‘盡管條款’來踐踏公民自由和人權,這對我們最基本的權利和自由構成了威脅。”
“現在是聯邦政黨領導人傾聽加拿大人民的擔憂並挺身而出維護其權利的時候了。”
周一,自由黨領袖馬克·卡尼和新民主黨領袖賈格米特·辛格均拒絕使用“盡管如此”條款。
觀看 | 辛格談“盡管如此”條款時表示:“我認為我們不應該使用它。”
辛格談“盡管如此”條款時表示:“我認為我們不應該使用它。”
新民主黨領袖賈格米特·辛格在聯邦選舉活動第23天於多倫多發表講話時,被問及保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波利耶夫承諾使用《加拿大權利與自由憲章》中的“盡管如此”條款來推動刑事司法改革。
阿克斯沃西表示,任何政府援引該條款都是一件“大事”,但當聯邦政府計劃使用該條款時,意義尤為重大。
“經過一代人的時間,這些限製慢慢地開始減弱,現在我們有一位聯邦領導人表示他很樂意這麽做,”他說。
刑法改革的必要性:教授
但支持使用該條款的塞拉芬表示,隻要有人試圖改革刑法,那麽它就變得必要,因為法院已經廢除了強製性最低刑罰等刑事禁令。
他駁斥了應該對援引“盡管如此”條款感到擔憂的觀點,並質疑加拿大??在1982年回歸憲法之前是否是一個暴政國家。
“答案是否定的,當然不是。第33條,即“盡管如此”條款,實際上的作用是允許議會或立法機構恢複到1982年之前的狀態,但期限隻有五年。”
塞拉芬表示,該條款的期限設定為五年並非巧合,這也是《憲章》規定的議會最長任期。
“如果保守黨獲勝,他們會通過第33條來推行這項[法律],然後舉行選舉,”他說。
“所以你要確保對此進行某種民主製約。”
Poilievre says he'd pass a law that overrides a Charter right. That would be a first for a PM
https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/pierre-poilievre-notwithstanding-clause-1.7509802?
No federal government has ever used the notwithstanding clause
Mark Gollom · CBC News · Mark Gollom is a Toronto-based reporter with CBC News. He covers Canadian and U.S. politics and current affairs.
Why is Poilievre's pledge to invoke notwithstanding clause significant? | Hanomansing Tonight
Martin challenged Conservative Leader Stephen Harper to agree to a constitutional amendment ensuring that Ottawa would never use the controversial clause. Harper refused, and the issue, which some saw as an effort by Martin to boost his campaign, fizzled from the election campaign landscape.
Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre said Monday that he'd override a judicial ruling against consecutive life sentences if he becomes the next prime minister. (Graham Hughes/The Canadian Press)
But the issue has returned to this election campaign and this time it's the Conservative leader who has raised it, with a politically groundbreaking promise to become the first prime minister to invoke the clause in office.
"It's a major step obviously," said Thomas Axworthy, former prime minister Pierre Trudeau's principal secretary, who advised Trudeau during the Constitution consultations that led to the creation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Poilievre says he'll use notwithstanding clause to ensure multiple-murderers die in prison
"One of the last remaining restraining or constraining conventions about the notwithstanding [clause] is that no federal government has used it. Now we have someone enthusiastically proposing that. That's major," said Axworthy, who is now chair of public policy at the University of Toronto's Massey College.
Stéphane Sérafin, an assistant professor of law at the University of Ottawa, echoed that Pierre Poilievre's pledge to use the notwithstanding clause is significant in the sense that the provinces are the only ones that have actually used it so far.
"Just generally that's a game-changer," he said.
On Monday, Poilievre promised to use the notwithstanding clause to impose consecutive life sentences on multiple murderers. The Supreme Court of Canada ruled in 2022 that imposing consecutive life sentences violates an offender's Charter rights.
Section 33 — known as the notwithstanding clause — allows for premiers or prime ministers to override rulings on legislation that judges have determined would violate sections of the Charter for a five-year period.
"For those who invested so much of their life in supporting a Charter, it's always been a tremendous concern that it could be used the way we're seeing now," Axworthy said.
"Not in crisis situations, not judiciously, not after massive public debates and so on, but a majority government for its own political reasons playing to its base."
The clause can only override certain sections of the Charter — including Section 2 and sections 7 to 15, which deal with fundamental freedoms, legal rights and equality rights — but can't be used to override democratic rights.
The clause has been used at the provincial level, including by Saskatchewan, Quebec and Ontario, but no federal government has ever used the clause to pass a law. It's mostly been used in Quebec, which included it in every piece of legislation from 1982 to 1985 as a form of political protest.
Nelson Wiseman, professor emeritus of political science at the University of Toronto, said federal use of the clause would certainly be a significant move.
"However, it's not as significant in one way or not as surprising as it would have been 20 or 30 or 40 years ago because it's been used now a lot in various provinces," Wiseman said.
While some Conservative members of Parliament, including Conservative leadership contenders, have publicly supported invoking it for a range of issues, party leaders have until now backed away from that stance during election campaigns.
Back in May 2024, Poilievre himself hinted at using the clause to implement some criminal justice reforms when speaking to a conference of the Canadian Police Association.
"We will make them constitutional, using whatever tools the Constitution allows me to use to make them constitutional. I think you know exactly what I mean," Poilievre told the crowd.
On Monday, he said he would use Parliament's "legitimate constitutional authority" to protect the Charter rights of law-abiding Canadians to life, liberty and security.
ANALYSIS Carney and Poilievre are fighting an election that's about both change and stability
The use of the clause has been a concern to those who see it as an instrument to trample established rights. Earlier this month, led by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, more than 50 organizations, human rights advocates and legal experts released an open letter urging all federal party leaders to commit to a public consultation on the notwithstanding clause within six months of forming a new government.
"The growing use of the notwithstanding clause to trample civil liberties and human rights is a threat to our most basic rights and freedoms," Anaïs Bussières McNicoll, director of the CCLA's Fundamental Freedoms program, said in a statement related to the open letter.
"Now is the time for federal political party leaders to listen to people of Canada's concerns and to stand up for their rights."
On Monday, both Liberal Leader Mark Carney and NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh rejected using the notwithstanding clause.
Axworthy said it's a "big deal" when any government invokes the clause, but it's especially significant when the federal government plans to use it.
"Slowly after a generation those constraints begin to weaken and weaken, and now we have a federal leader saying he's happy to," he said.
But Sérafin, who supports the use of the clause, said insofar as someone is trying to reform criminal law, it becomes necessary because of the way that courts have struck down criminal prohibitions like mandatory minimum sentences.
He rejected the idea that there should be concern about invoking the notwithstanding clause, asking whether Canada was a tyrannical state before it patriated the Constitution in 1982.
"The answer is no, of course not. What Section 33, the notwithstanding clause, effectively does is it kind of allows Parliament or legislature to return to the pre-1982 status quo, but only for a period of five years."
It's not a coincidence that it's set at five years, which is also the maximum duration for Parliament under the Charter, Sérafin said.
"If the Conservatives get in, they put this [law] through Section 33 and then there's an election," he said.
"So you're ensuring some kind of democratic check on this."