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Civilization: The West and the Rest

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文明:西方與世界

2012 年 10 月 30 日

https://www.amazon.ca/Civilization-West-Rest-Niall-Ferguson/dp/0143122061

作者:Niall Ferguson (作者)

西方文明崛起為全球霸主,是過去五個世紀中最重要的曆史現象。

西方是如何超越東方對手的?西方權力的巔峰是否已經過去?著名曆史學家 Niall Ferguson 認為,從 15 世紀開始,西方開發了六個強大的新概念或“殺手級應用”——競爭、科學、法治、現代醫學、消費主義和職業道德——而世界其他地區則缺乏這些概念,從而使西方超越了所有其他競爭對手。

然而現在,Ferguson 展示了世界其他地區如何下載了西方曾經壟斷的殺手級應用,而西方卻對自己失去了信心。 《文明:西方與其他》記錄了帝國的興衰以及文明的衝突(和融合),用力量和智慧重塑了世界曆史。本書論證大膽,人物形象令人難忘,是弗格森最出色的作品。

《文明:西方與其他》
https://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/publications/civilization-West-And-Rest

引文:

弗格森,尼爾。2011 年。《文明:西方與其他》。美國企鵝出版社。副本位於 http://www.tinyurl.com/22qpjkyn

下載引文

《文明:西方與其他》
摘要:
西方文明崛起為全球主導是過去五百年來最重要的曆史現象。如今,全世界有相當一部分人為西式公司工作,在西式大學學習,選舉西式政府,服用西藥,穿西式服裝,甚至工作時間也是西式的。然而,六百年前,西歐的小王國似乎不可能取得比永無休止的內戰更多的成就。明朝中國或奧斯曼土耳其才具有世界文明的麵貌。西方是如何超越東方對手的?西方權力的巔峰時代已經過去了嗎?

在《文明:西方與世界》一書中,暢銷書作家尼爾·弗格森認為,從 15 世紀開始,西方發展出了世界所缺乏的六個強大的新概念:競爭、科學、法治、消費主義、現代醫學和職業道德。這些“殺手級應用”讓西方國家領先於其他國家,開辟了全球貿易路線,利用新發現的科學定律,發展代議製政府體係,使預期壽命增加一倍以上,引發了工業革命,並接受了充滿活力的工作道德。《文明》展示了不到十幾個西方帝國如何控製了超過一半的人類和五分之四的世界經濟。

然而,弗格森認為,現在西方占主導地位的日子屈指可數——不是因為與敵對文明的衝突,而隻是因為其他國家現在已經下載了我們曾經壟斷的六個殺手級應用——而西方實際上已經對自己失去了信心。

《文明》不僅講述了西方緩慢崛起和突然消亡的扣人心弦的故事;它還以熱情、清晰和機智解釋了世界曆史。《文明》有爭議,但有說服力和引人入勝,是弗格森最好的作品。

評論
《文明:西方與世界》作者:尼爾·弗格森——評論
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2011/mar/25/civilization-west-rest-niall-ferguson-review

尼爾·弗格森的右翼對西方價值觀的讚美不適合在學校教授

伯納德·波特 2011 年 3 月 25 日星期五

尼爾·弗格森寫了這本他的最新著作,主要麵向青少年。“這本書的設計部分是為了讓 17 歲的男孩或女孩能夠以一種非常容易理解的方式了解大量曆史,並能夠與之產生共鳴,”他最近告訴《觀察家報》。其中一些出現在本書附帶的 Channel 4 係列的開頭。這將解釋他在這裏使用“殺手級應用”等術語的原因。在電影中,年輕人清楚地理解了這一點。(他們虛弱地笑了笑。)我仍然不明白(“殺手級”部分)。

弗格森還有另外兩個議程。一是要宣揚他對世界曆史的看法,他認為世界曆史已被“西方”文明(這裏通常簡稱為“文明”)主宰了 500 年。他認為,不能忽視這一點,這對我們的文化認同感很重要,因此,我們捍衛這種認同感以抵禦外部威脅的能力也很重要。否則,“文明”可能很快就會崩潰。現在有一個挑戰!二是要糾正他聲稱的英國學校目前教授曆史的方式中的缺陷。兩者是相互關聯的。鑒於我們的教育理論家厭惡正式知識和死記硬背,他們偏愛“除了我們自己的之外的所有人的曆史”,通常是“塊狀的”,並且癡迷於學習技巧,那麽如何才能向年輕人灌輸這種身份保護知識——“大故事”

弊病和文本分析?

他以前也說過這樣的話,以支持他的新朋友邁克爾·戈夫改革學校曆史教學大綱的雄心。這意味著這本書或類似的書可以作為任何新的戈夫式教學大綱的教科書。但事實上,它幾乎完美地說明了為什麽孩子們需要學習分析技能,而不是“大故事”或事實。

無論如何,用曆史來教授“身份”是有問題的。這種要求通常來自政客;但這肯定是他們的工作,他們可以做得更好——通過保護英國人最引以為豪的機構,例如(想到了英國廣播公司和英國國民醫療服務體係),或者讓這個國家成為我們未來可以(甚至)更引以為豪的東西。曆史在其他方麵太重要和有價值了——比如幫助我們理解“我們自己的曆史以外的其他曆史”,不能被濫用於此。

然後還有一個棘手的問題,即應該教授哪種“身份”。人們通常喜歡教授英國身份,以便灌輸“英國特性”——正如戈夫喜歡說的那樣,“我們的島嶼故事”。但是哪個島嶼故事呢?國王、王後和戰爭?老輝格黨的故事——英國如何隨著時間的推移變得更加自由和美好?激進的故事——從農民起義到今天的英國工會大會遊行尋求替代?一個包括幾個世紀以來我們所有移民背景的島嶼故事?也許是《每日電訊報》讀者的故事:英國是如何衰落的?一個給予女性和男性同等關注的故事怎麽樣?好吧,我相信人們可以在所有這些故事之間取得某種平衡;但這肯定會讓學生感到困惑(這是正確的),這就是為什麽他們仍然需要分析技能來理清這些線索。

而且“英國”並不是唯一的“身份”。歐洲主義者更喜歡更廣泛的關注。現在,我們聽到弗格森呼籲曆史教育,將他所構想的整個“文明”都納入其中。戈夫會選擇哪一種呢?(當然,如果他在學校教學大綱中留出足夠的時間教授曆史,他可以選擇不止一種。)

如果將世界曆史納入其中,弗格森的新書表明,將其作為“正式知識”、死記硬背地教授將是多麽困難。從許多方麵來看,這是一本引人入勝的書:是的,內容參差不齊,而且秩序混亂,可能是因為它源自電視劇,以及弗格森認為他需要將他的“事實”強加進去的意識形態框架——“六個應用”。該論點存在巨大漏洞——選擇性證據、不合邏輯的推論等等——僅憑這一點,它就足以成為任何男學生或女學生真正曆史方法的一個非常糟糕的典範。人們認為他們會看穿那些更明顯的愚蠢之處——比如 1968 年學生革命的“真正目的”是“讓男生進入女生宿舍”。(弗格森應該小心,不要變成曆史上的傑裏米·克拉克森。)但這本書寫得很好,幾乎每一頁都有值得引用的內容,還有一些很棒的想法。

這本書非常肯定地講述了高級金融——弗格森的真正領域。(他是偶然進入帝國曆史的——同樣是受電視邀請。)對於任何期待帝國主義咆哮的人來說——弗格森在這方麵有一定的名聲——涵蓋殖民地非洲的章節會讓人大吃一驚。非洲“讓歐洲人最壞的一麵暴露無遺……戰後歐洲帝國的迅速瓦解似乎是一個恰如其分的句子”。自從 2003 年出版了更具慶祝性的《帝國》之後,他似乎學到了一些東西——也許培養了一些同理心。

但他必須知道,他隻是看待現代世界曆史的一種方式,在許多方麵都很獨特,在政治光譜中極右——或者說是右派之一——因此,為了“身份”的目的,將其作為唯一的“大故事”教給孩子們,非常不適合。它讀起來就像宣傳。這本書的副標題非常成問題(就像《帝國》的副標題一樣:“英國如何創造了現代世界”,看在上帝的份上)。“西方與其他國家”建立了一種在許多方麵都極其錯誤的二分法,當然,對他歸為(他的話)“西方人”的人也是一種居高臨下的姿態。這與他在主標題中挪用“文明”一詞來僅涵蓋(主要是)資本主義世界及其相關的唯物主義價值觀完全不同。最後,就這些大問題而言,他在整本書中反複強調,西方在世界上的主導地位至少持續了 500 年。讀者和電視連續劇的觀眾必須注意,這絕對不是大多數帝國曆史學家所相信的。他們通常的估計隻有 150-200 年。(例如,參見約翰·達爾文的優秀著作《帖木兒之後:自 1405 年以來的帝國全球史》)。但即使他們都錯了,這至少表明,即使是最宏大的敘事,對“事實”也沒有一致的意見。這就是為什麽學校

首先,需要教會孩子批判性思維。

從很多方麵來說,弗格森是他那個時代的產物,也是他(現在)選擇居住的地方的產物。當然,那個時代的特點是他相當極端的新自由主義,盡管現在這種思想已經不像以前那麽流行了。他在序言中說,他選擇住在美國,是因為他對金錢和權力感興趣,而那裏正是“金錢和權力的真正所在”。這也是大多數“大曆史”的來源,簡單來說,就是那些應該解釋一切的總體主題,通常都有大標題:文明的衝突、大國的興衰、曆史的終結、帝國、巨人(後兩個都是弗格森的)。

這可能與美國作為世界主導力量的地位有關。大國;大曆史。英國在占主導地位時也提出了類似的總體理論。事實上,當我讀到弗格森的書時,我想起了約翰·西利爵士著名的《英格蘭的擴張》(1883 年)。如今,我們這些小不點的英國人很少會想出這種事情。我們大多數人都意識到,你越是延伸一個理論,它就越容易出現漏洞。文明及其“六大殺手級應用”是這一更古老、更宏大、漏洞百出的傳統中最新的一個。如果弗格森關於西方統治突然終結的警告成真,它也可能是最後一個。(當然,學校應該受到指責。)那麽下一個西利或弗格森可能是中國人。

關於
https://www.pbs.org/wnet/civilization-west-and-rest/about/

文明:西方與世界,尼爾·弗格森著
在過去的五個世紀裏,西方文明在世界各地盛行。全世界受西方食品、服裝、醫藥、政府和宗教影響的人比受任何其他文明影響的人都多。這是怎麽發生的?是什麽讓西方如此有影響力和強大?西方還能維持多久的霸權?隨著美國在地緣政治範式轉變中接近 2012 年總統大選,著名曆史學家尼爾·弗格森重返公共電視台,及時探討西方經濟崛起的原因以及東方文明現在可能占據主導地位的原因。

伴隨著一本重要的新書《文明:西方與其他國家》(企鵝出版社),該係列探討了西方史詩般和令人驚訝的全球主導地位的崛起。尼爾·弗格森運用基本的經濟和政治見解,確定了他所說的“六個殺手級應用”,這些應用是“其他國家”所缺乏的,但卻使西方成為經濟和政治超級大國。然而,沒有一種文明能夠永遠存在,弗格森推測,“其他國家”也許可以通過“下載”和升級這些“應用程序”來超越西方。

每集兩小時的節目都關注其中三個因素:競爭;科學、現代醫學、民主、消費主義和(新教)職業道德。弗格森從古今帝國興衰的理論角度出發,闡述了西方如何向他人傳授其思想和製度。

弗格森認為,競爭、科學和以財產為導向的政府使西方領先於亞洲、穆斯林世界和南美洲,並提出現代醫學、消費主義和職業道德支持了西方向非洲的擴張、對大眾營銷和消費的掌握以及對其工作文化的推廣。

弗格森斷言,在太空競賽之前,有香料競賽。在 15 世紀,經濟和政治競爭促進了資本主義,並將財富從王室傳播到支離破碎的歐洲國家體係。歐洲王國招募了葡萄牙的瓦斯科·達·伽馬等探險家,通過貿易站繪製地圖並征服世界。很快,歐洲的綜合經濟就超過了東方富裕但龐大的中國帝國。

1683 年奧斯曼帝國戰敗後,普魯士國王弗雷德裏克將政教分離,並建立了以科學探究為基礎的教育體係。相比之下,奧斯曼帝國蘇丹奧斯曼三世開創了一個禁止科學研究的宗教法時代。結果,科學進步在東方受到宗教規則的阻礙,而在西方卻蓬勃發展。借助現代科學,西方推動了炮兵戰爭的前沿,確立了其作為世界軍事霸主的地位。

弗格森認為,在美國建立的財產所有製民主實踐從根本上改變了權力分配,讓土地所有者在政府中擁有發言權。西班牙和英國爭奪新大陸的財富。一開始,南美洲擁有豐富的黃金和其他自然資源,由一小群征服者統治階級控製,似乎會成為更強大、更繁榮的帝國。然而,北美憑借勤勞的契約勞工和下放的土地所有權為實現有利可圖的民主社會鋪平了道路。

韋斯

非洲的“文明”嚴重依賴現代醫學。醫學充其量隻能治愈疾病,延長殖民者和非洲人的壽命。

在兩次世界大戰的破壞威脅到西方文明的毀滅之後,消費主義在冷戰期間統一並加速了西方的影響。弗格森解釋了當社會主義與資本主義對抗時,服裝革命如何推動了 20 世紀第一波全球化浪潮。牛仔褲和 T 恤成為全球“必備”時尚。牛仔布受到娛樂業(主要是好萊塢和搖滾樂)的歡迎,成為具有大眾吸引力的文化貨幣,並成為美國工業主義和資本主義的大眾信息。

最後一個“應用”——新教工作倫理,對西方的成功也至關重要。1904 年,馬克斯·韋伯概述了工作倫理,它體現了資本主義精神。勤奮工作、儲蓄和延遲消費被視為榮耀上帝的手段。本集結束時,弗格森回到中國,盡管共產主義盛行,但基督教在中國仍然蓬勃發展。隨著基督教在中國的普及度越來越高,中國的經濟成功也隨之增長。

隨著中國和伊斯蘭教不可阻擋的崛起,西方是否已成為曆史?弗格森認為,這不一定是。西方在政治多元化、商業競爭、科學發展和醫學進步方麵仍然占有優勢。最重要的是,西方保持著自由和創造力,可以書寫西方文明的下一章。

《文明:西方與其他》是 Chimerica Media Limited、BBC 和 THIRTEEN 與 WNET 聯合製作的。

尼爾·弗格森,文學碩士、哲學博士,是哈佛大學勞倫斯·A·蒂施曆史學教授。他還是斯坦福大學胡佛研究所的高級研究員和牛津大學耶穌學院的高級研究員。

製作和網絡致謝

Civilization: The West and the Rest 

Oct. 30 2012

https://www.amazon.ca/Civilization-West-Rest-Niall-Ferguson/dp/0143122061

by Niall Ferguson (Author)

 
Western civilization's rise to global dominance is the single most important historical phenomenon of the past five centuries.

How did the West overtake its Eastern rivals? And has the zenith of Western power now passed? Acclaimed historian Niall Ferguson argues that beginning in the fifteenth century, the West developed six powerful new concepts, or “killer applications”—competition, science, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism, and the work ethic—that the Rest lacked, allowing it to surge past all other competitors.

Yet now, Ferguson shows how the Rest have downloaded the killer apps the West once monopolized, while the West has literally lost faith in itself. Chronicling the rise and fall of empires alongside clashes (and fusions) of civilizations, Civilization: The West and the Rest recasts world history with force and wit. Boldly argued and teeming with memorable characters, this is Ferguson at his very best.
 
Civilization: The West and The Rest

https://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/publications/civilization-West-And-Rest

Citation:

Civilization: The West and The Rest

Abstract:

The rise to global predominance of Western civilization is the single most important historical phenomenon of the past five hundred years. All over the world, an astonishing proportion of people now work for Western-style companies, study at Western-style universities, vote for Western-style governments, take Western medicines, wear Western clothes, and even work Western hours. Yet six hundred years ago the petty kingdoms of Western Europe seemed unlikely to achieve much more than perpetual internecine warfare. It was Ming China or Ottoman Turkey that had the look of world civilizations. How did the West overtake its Eastern rivals? And has the zenith of Western power now passed?

In Civilization: The West and the Rest, bestselling author Niall Ferguson argues that, beginning in the fifteenth century, the West developed six powerful new concepts that the Rest lacked: competition, science, the rule of law, consumerism, modern medicine, and the work ethic. These were the "killer applications" that allowed the West to leap ahead of the Rest, opening global trade routes, exploiting newly discovered scientific laws, evolving a system of representative government, more than doubling life expectancy, unleashing the Industrial Revolution, and embracing a dynamic work ethic. Civilization shows just how fewer than a dozen Western empires came to control more than half of humanity and four fifths of the world economy.

Yet now, Ferguson argues, the days of Western predominance are numbered-not because of clashes with rival civilizations, but simply because the Rest have now downloaded the six killer apps we once monopolized-while the West has literally lost faith in itself.

Civilization does more than tell the gripping story of the West's slow rise and sudden demise; it also explains world history with verve, clarity, and wit. Controversial but cogent and compelling, Civilization is Ferguson at his very best.

Civilization: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson – review

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2011/mar/25/civilization-west-rest-niall-ferguson-review

Niall Ferguson's rightwing paean to western values is unsuited to being taught in schools

 Fri 25 Mar 2011 

Niall Ferguson has written this, his latest book, largely for teenagers. "The book is partly designed so a 17-year-old boy or girl will get a lot of history in a very digestible way, and be able to relate to it," he told the Observer recently. Some of them appear at the beginning of the Channel 4 series accompanying the book. That will account for his use here of terms such as "killer apps". In the film the youngsters clearly understood this. (They smiled weakly.) I still don't (the "killer" part, that is).

Ferguson also has two other agendas. One is to put over his view of world history, which he sees as having been dominated by "western" civilization (here generally just called "civilization") for 500 years. It's important for our sense of cultural identity, he believes, and consequently our ability to defend that identity against external threats, not to lose sight of this. Otherwise "civilization" could very quickly collapse. Now there's a challenge! The second is to correct deficiencies in the way he claims that history is currently taught in British schools. The two are connected. How can this identity-preserving knowledge – the "big story" – be inculcated in the young, "given our educational theorists' aversion to formal knowledge and rote-learning", their preference for "everyone's history but our own", usually in "chunks", and their obsession with study skills and textual analysis?

He has said this sort of thing before, in support of his new friend Michael Gove's reforming ambitions for the school history syllabus. The implication is that this book, or something like it, could serve as a textbook for any new Goveian syllabus. But in fact it furnishes an almost perfect illustration of why children need to be taught analytical skills, more than "big stories" or facts.

There are anyway problems with using history to teach "identity". The demand usually comes from politicians; but surely this is their job, which they could do much better – by preserving the institutions the British are most proud of, for example (the BBC and the NHS come to mind), or by making the country something we can be (even) prouder of in the future. History is too important and valuable in other ways – helping us to understand "other histories than our own", for one – to be prostituted to this end.

And then there's the vexed question of which "identity" should be taught. The favoured one is usually British, in order to inculcate "Britishness" – "Our island story", as Gove likes to put it. But which island story? Kings, queens and battles? The old Whig one – how Britain has got freer and better over time? A radical one – from the peasants' revolt to today's TUC march for the alternative? An island story that includes the backgrounds of all our immigrants over the centuries? A Daily Telegraph readers' one, perhaps: how Britain has gone to the dogs? How about one that gives as much attention to women as to men? Well, I'm sure one could strike some kind of balance among all these; but it would be bound to confuse students (rightly), which is why they would still need analytical skills to sort out the strands.

And "British" isn't the only "identity" in the running. Europeanists will prefer a wider focus. And now we have Ferguson's plea for history education that takes in the whole of "civilization" as he conceives it. Which will Gove choose? (Of course, if he makes enough time for history in the school syllabus, he can choose more than one.)

If world history comes into it, Ferguson's new book shows how difficult it will be to teach it as "formal knowledge", rote-learned. In many ways it's an engaging book: uneven, yes, and ill-ordered, probably as a result of its derivation from the TV series, and of the ideological framework – the "six apps" – that Ferguson feels he needs to force his "facts" into. There are huge holes in the argument – selective evidence, non-sequiturs, and so on – that alone would make it a very poor model of true historical method for any schoolboy or girl. One assumes they would see through the more obvious sillinesses – such as the statement that the "true aim" of the student revolutions of 1968 was "male access to the female dorms". (Ferguson should watch out that he doesn't turn into history's Jeremy Clarkson.) But it's well written, with something quotable on nearly every page, and some terrific ideas.

It reads very assuredly on high finance – Ferguson's true field. (He came into imperial history accidentally – invited, again, by TV.) For anyone expecting an imperialist rant – Ferguson has a certain reputation along these lines – the chapter that covers colonial Africa will come as a surprise. Africa "brought out the destructive worst in Europeans . . . The rapid dissolution of the European empires in the postwar years appeared to be a just enough sentence". He seems to have learned something, then – perhaps developed some empathy – since the publication of his rather more celebratory Empire in 2003.

 

But he must know that his is only one way of looking at modern world history, idiosyncratic in many ways, far to the right – or one of the rights – of the political spectrum, and consequently highly unsuited to be taught to children as their only "big story", for "identity" purposes. It reads like propaganda. The book's subtitle is highly problematical (just as Empire's was: "How Britain Made the Modern World", for goodness sake). "The West and the Rest" sets up a dichotomy that is profoundly false in many ways, and of course patronising to the people he lumps together as (his word) "resterners". That's quite apart from his appropriation – in his main title – of the word "civilization" to cover only the (mainly) capitalist world and the materialist values associated with it. And – lastly, so far as these big issues are concerned – there's his claim, repeated throughout the book, that "western" predominance in the world has lasted 500 years, no less. Readers, and viewers of the TV series, must be warned that this is emphatically not what most imperial historians believe. A mere 150-200 years is their usual estimate. (See, for example, John Darwin's excellent After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405.) But even if they're all wrong, this at least shows that there can be no agreement about the "facts" of even the grandest narrative. That's why schoolchildren need to be taught to be critical, before anything else.

In many ways Ferguson is a creature of his time, and of the place he has chosen (for now) to live. The time, of course, is represented by his pretty extreme neo-liberalism, though that is becoming less fashionable now than it was. He chose to live in America, he states in his preface, because he was interested in money and power, and that was where "the money and power actually were". It's also where most of the "big history" comes from, in the sense of simple, over-arching themes that are supposed to explain everything, usually with big titles: The Clash of Civilisations, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, The End of History, Empire, Colossus (the last two both Ferguson's).

It probably has something to do with America's status as the dominant power in the world. Big countries; big histories. Britain produced similar over-arching theories when she was dominant. Indeed, I was reminded of Sir John Seeley's famous The Expansion of England (1883) when I read Ferguson's book. Nowadays we littler Britons come up with this sort of thing less often. Most of us realise that the more you stretch a theory, the more holes tend to appear in it. Civilization, with its "six killer apps", is the latest in that older, grander, holey-er tradition. It may also be the last, if Ferguson's warnings about the sudden end of western domination come true. (The schools, of course, will be to blame.) Then the next Seeley, or Ferguson, may be Chinese.

ABOUT

https://www.pbs.org/wnet/civilization-west-and-rest/about/

Civilization: The West and the Rest with Niall Feruguson
For the past five centuries, Western civilizations have prevailed around the world. More people have been influenced by Western food, clothing, medicine, government and religion worldwide than by any other civilization. How did that happen? What led the West to be so influential and powerful? And how long will the West sustain its supremacy? As America approaches the 2012 presidential election in the midst of a geopolitical paradigm shift, acclaimed historian Niall Ferguson returns to public television with a timely look at the reasons behind the West’s economic ascendancy and why Eastern civilizations may now be taking the lead.

Accompanied by a major new book, Civilization: The West and the Rest (Penguin Press), the series explores the West’s epic and surprising rise to global dominance. Applying essential economic and political insights, Niall Ferguson identifies what he calls “the six killer applications” that “the Rest” lacked, but which enabled the West to become an economic and political superpower. Yet no civilization lasts forever, and Ferguson speculates that perhaps “The Rest” can overtake the West by “downloading” and upgrading these “apps” too.

Each two-hour episode focuses on three of these factors: competition; science; modern medicine; democracy; consumerism; and the (Protestant) work ethic. Spanning theories on the rise and fall of empires past and present, Ferguson explains how the West taught others its ideas and institutions.

Ferguson argues that competition, science and property-oriented government put the West ahead of Asia, the Muslim world, and South America and proposes that modern medicine, consumerism and work ethic supported the West’s expansion into Africa, its mastery of mass marketing and consumption, and promotion of its work culture.

Before the space race, Ferguson asserts, there was the spice race. In the 15th century, competition, both economic and political, fostered capitalism and spread the wealth from royal courts to a fragmented European state system. European kingdoms enlisted explorers such as Portugal’s Vasco da Gama to map and conquer the world with trading posts. Soon, Europe’s combined economy overtook the wealthy but monolithic empire of China to the East.

After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in 1683, Prussian King Frederick separated church and state and fostered an education system based on scientific inquiry. By contrast, the Ottoman Sultan Osman III ushered in an era of religious laws that forbade the study of science. As a result, scientific progress was hindered by religious rules in the East, while it flourished in the West. With modern science, the West pushed the frontiers of artillery warfare and established its position as the world’s military master.

Ferguson suggests that the practice of property-owning democracy, established in America, fundamentally altered the distribution of power by giving landowners a voice in the government. Spain and England competed for New World riches. In the beginning, it seemed that South America with its abundance of gold and other natural resources, controlled by a small ruling class of conquistadors, would become the greater, more prosperous empire. However, North America, with its hardworking indentured servants and devolved land-ownership paved the way for a profitable democratic society.

The West’s “civilization” of Africa relied heavily on modern medicine. At best, medicine cured diseases and prolonged the lives of both colonists and Africans.

After the destruction of two World Wars threatened to destroy Western civilization, consumerism unified and accelerated Western influences during the Cold War. Ferguson explains how, as socialism faced off with capitalism, a sartorial revolution fueled the first wave of globalization in the 20th century. Jeans and T-shirts became the “must-have” fashion around the world. Popularized by the entertainment industry, mainly Hollywood and rock ‘n’ roll, denim was cultural currency with mass appeal and a mass message about American industrialism and capitalism.

The final “app,” the Protestant work ethic, was also critical to the West’s success. Outlined in 1904 by Max Weber, the work ethic encapsulates the spirit of capitalism. Hard work, savings, and deferred consumption were seen as the means to glorify God. As the episode closes, Ferguson returns to China, where Christianity has flourished in spite of communism. And as the popularity of Christianity rises ever more rapidly in China, so too does the country’s economic success.

With the inexorable rise of China and Islam re-energized, is the West history? Ferguson believes it doesn’t have to be. The West still has an edge in political pluralism, commercial competition, scientific development, and medical advances. Most of all, the West maintains the freedom and creativity to write the next chapter in Western civilization.

Civilization: The West and the Rest is a co-production of Chimerica Media Limited, BBC and THIRTEEN in association with WNET.

Niall Ferguson, MA, D.Phil., is Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and a Senior Research Fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.

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