沒有“時間可以浪費”:讓·克雷蒂安的前得力助手要求賈斯汀·特魯多下台
https://nationalpost.com/news/jean-chretiens-right-hand-man-justin-trudeau
埃迪·戈登伯格的呼籲是在數十名自由黨人呼籲特魯多辭職之際發出的
凱瑟琳·勒維克 2024 年 10 月 18 日
渥太華——讓·克雷蒂安最親密的顧問之一正在呼籲賈斯汀·特魯多辭去總理一職,以支持更大的事業——他的國家的團結。一些自由黨人呼籲對特魯多的領導權進行秘密投票
埃迪·戈登伯格 (Eddie Goldenberg) 曾是克雷蒂安數十年的得力助手,並在克雷蒂安執政期間擔任幕僚長和高級政策顧問,他於周五撰寫了一篇名為“賈斯汀·特魯多對加拿大的義務”的文章,他在文中指出,不敗的特魯多可能更有助於領導魁北克打擊分離主義的鬥爭。
“從社會學和政治角度來看,特魯多是個白癡”:烏賈爾·多桑 (Ujjal Dosanjh) 解釋為什麽總理要為加拿大錫克教極端主義負責
來信:賈斯汀·特魯多的“政治悲劇”
“特魯多可能會決定參加下次選舉,輸掉比賽,就像古羅馬將軍一樣,被用盾牌殺死。但如果特魯多決定放棄自己的保護,加拿大可能會麵臨嚴重甚至致命的後果,”戈登伯格寫道,他現在是渥太華全球公共事務公司的高級顧問。
“總理麵臨的問題是,他帶領自由黨走向幾乎注定失敗的局麵更有價值,還是他應該盡一切努力保持強勢,在可能的魁北克獨立公投中為加拿大發聲,”他補充道。
加拿大麵臨著未來兩年魁北克人黨政府的前景,以及第一任期內的第三次獨立公投。戈登伯格說,“很難想象”保守黨領袖皮埃爾·波利耶夫會以非魁北克人的身份領導聯邦主義部隊,而且如今魁北克沒有很多“可信的聯邦主義發言人”。
“想想賈斯汀·特魯多,他在領導政府九年多後以不敗戰績退休,他在魁北克捍衛加拿大統一方麵可以發揮什麽作用。賈斯汀·特魯多將留下積極的遺產,被人們銘記和尊重。”
賈斯汀·特魯多對加拿大的義務
https://nationalnewswatch.com/2024/10/19/justin-trudeaus-obligation-to-canada
Eddie Goldenberg 2024 年 10 月 19 日
2024 年 10 月 16 日星期三,總理賈斯汀·特魯多在渥太華出席聯邦外國幹涉調查時作為證人出席。特魯多預計將再次改組內閣。加拿大通訊社/肖恩·基爾帕特裏克
總理沒有時間浪費在做出重大決定上,這一決定可能會對國家團結產生深遠影響,甚至在國際上產生一些影響。對自由黨來說,這顯然也會有黨派後果。
在正常情況下,人們可能會說,特魯多政府的記錄,無論其九年來積累的所有缺點如何,都值得連任。但這不是正常情況。民主政治中最強大的力量是“改變的時候”。多年來,執政約十年後,變革的時機已經到來,法國的戴高樂、英國的撒切爾夫人、加拿大的皮埃爾-埃利奧特·特魯多以及斯蒂芬·哈珀等人都已下台。同樣,變革的時機也降臨到了賈斯汀·特魯多身上,盡管他已經盡了最大努力,但大多數加拿大人還是決定,他們想要一位不是賈斯汀·特魯多的總理,但如果有其他選擇,他們可能不一定會選擇皮埃爾·波利耶夫。
特魯多可能會決定參加下一次選舉,輸掉選舉,就像古羅馬將軍一樣,被人用盾牌殺死。但是,如果特魯多決定用盾牌殺死加拿大,可能會給加拿大帶來嚴重甚至致命的後果。
總理麵臨的問題是,他帶領自由黨走向幾乎必敗的局麵更有價值,還是他應該盡一切努力保持強勢,以便在可能的魁北克獨立公投中為加拿大發聲。加拿大麵臨著未來兩年內由魁北克人黨執政的前景,並承諾就魁北克獨立舉行全民公投。很難想象皮埃爾·波利耶夫爾作為非魁北克人,能夠領導魁北克省的聯邦主義力量。如今魁北克也沒有多少可信的聯邦主義發言人能夠影響公投結果。一個被恥辱地擊敗的賈斯汀·特魯多不會有任何影響力。
想想賈斯汀·特魯多在領導政府九年多後以不敗戰績退休,他在魁北克捍衛加拿大統一方麵可以發揮什麽作用。這個賈斯汀·特魯多將留下積極的遺產,被人們銘記和尊重。當人們回顧他的成就時,他將在公眾輿論中占有一席之地,這將使他成為一股強大的力量,向魁北克人解釋成為加拿大一部分的好處。一個不敗的賈斯汀·特魯多很可能就是拯救加拿大和看到加拿大分裂之間的區別。這是特魯多先生現在退休的最有力理由,否則就太遲了。
其次,我們正處於國際上的危險時期。失敗的賈斯汀·特魯多在國際上的信譽不會比他在國內的信譽更高。但是,在領導加拿大進步政府九年後以不敗戰績退休的賈斯汀·特魯多可能會在缺乏足夠可信的進步聲音的時候對國際產生積極影響。這是他決定現在退休的另一個重要原因。
第三,從簡單的黨派意義上講,他對自由黨負有責任,不能讓自由黨陷入災難性的失敗,如果可能的話,從失敗中恢複過來將是漫長、痛苦和困難的。
有些人可能會說這是不現實的,因為沒有時間召開自由黨領導人大會,而通常需要幾個月的時間來組織。因此,需要一種富有想象力的方法。有一種大膽的創新方法可以在幾周內選出新的自由黨領袖和總理。
特魯多先生可能會在兩三周內宣布退休。自由黨可以立即舉行市政廳會議,向加拿大人和黨內推介幾位候選人。自由黨黨??團隨後將選出一位臨時領導人,根據憲法慣例,該領導人將立即宣誓就任總理。自由黨執政委員會隨後可以宣布,鑒於今天議會的不確定性,領導人大會將在下次選舉後舉行。如果新總理贏得選舉,大會將隻是走個過場。如果他或她輸了,可能會有一場真正的競選。
未來幾周的新總理將有時間組建新內閣,宣布自己的議程,並準備舉行選舉,讓既不想要特魯多也不想要波利耶夫的加拿大人有真正的選擇。這將是一場全新的比賽,結果遠非定局。
埃迪·戈登伯格,C.M. (前總理讓·克雷蒂安幕僚長兼全球公共事務高級顧問)
每周六,Peter Mansbridge 都會對本周的新聞報道進行深入分析。
No 'time to waste': Jean Chrétien's former right-hand man asks Justin Trudeau to step down
https://nationalpost.com/news/jean-chretiens-right-hand-man-justin-trudeau
Eddie Goldenberg’s call comes when dozens of Liberals are calling for Trudeau to resign
https://nationalnewswatch.com/2024/10/19/justin-trudeaus-obligation-to-canada
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appears as a witness at the federal inquiry into foreign interference in Ottawa on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024. Trudeau is expected to shuffle his cabinet yet again.THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick
The Prime Minister does not have time to waste to make a momentous decision that could have profound consequences for national unity, and even some consequences internationally. There are obviously partisan consequences as well for the Liberal Party.
In normal circumstances, one could argue that the record of the Trudeau government, regardless of all its accumulated faults over nine years, deserves re-election. But these are not normal circumstances. The most powerful force in democratic politics is “time for a change.” Over the years, time for a change after around ten years in power has taken down Charles de Gaulle in France, Margaret Thatcher in the UK, Pierre-Elliott Trudeau in Canada as well as Stephen Harper and others. Similarly, time for a change has hit Justin Trudeau, and much as he has tried, a majority of Canadians have decided that they want a Prime Minister who is not Justin Trudeau, but they might not necessarily choose Pierre Poilievre if they were to have a different alternative.
Trudeau could decide to fight the next election, lose, and like the old Roman general, be carried out on his shield. But there is a risk of serious and potentially even fatal consequences for Canada of a decision by Mr. Trudeau to go out on his shield
The question for the Prime Minister is whether he is more valuable leading the Liberal Party to an almost certain defeat or whether he should do all he can to be in a strong position to be available to take a leading role in speaking up for Canada in a possible Quebec independence referendum. Canada is facing the prospect of a Parti Quebecois government in the next two years with a promise to hold a referendum on independence for Quebec. It is hard to imagine that Pierre Poilievre as a non-Quebecer would have the credibility to lead the federalist forces in the province. Nor are there a lot of credible federalist spokespersons in Quebec today who could influence a referendum result. A Justin Trudeau who had been ignominiously defeated would have no influence.
Consider the role a Justin Trudeau, who had retired undefeated after more than nine years leading a government, could play in Quebec defending Canadian unity. This Justin Trudeau would have a positive legacy that would be remembered and respected. As people reflect on his accomplishments, he would have a standing in public opinion that would make him a formidable force in explaining to Quebecers the benefits of being part of Canada. An undefeated Justin Trudeau could very well be the difference between saving Canada and seeing the breakup of it. This is a most powerful reason for Mr. Trudeau to retire now before it is too late.
Second, we are living at a dangerous time internationally. A defeated Justin Trudeau would have no more credibility internationally than he would domestically. But a Justin Trudeau who had retired undefeated after nine years of leading a progressive government in Canada could have an impact for good internationally at a time when there are not enough credible progressive voices. This is another important reason for him to decide to retire now.
Third, in a simply partisan sense, he has a responsibility to the Liberal Party not to lead it into a disastrous defeat from which recovery, if possible, would be long, painful, and difficult.
Some may say that this is unrealistic because there is no time left for a Liberal leadership convention which normally would take several months to organize. Therefore, an imaginative approach is needed. There is a bold innovative way which could allow for a new Liberal leader and Prime Minister to be chosen within weeks.
Mr. Trudeau could announce that he would retire within two or three weeks. The Liberal Party could hold an immediate town hall to showcase several candidates to Canadians and to the Party. The Liberal caucus would then choose an interim leader, who, according to constitutional practice, would immediately be sworn in as Prime Minister. The Liberal Party Executive could then announce that given parliamentary uncertainty today, a leadership convention would not be held until after the next election. If the new Prime Minister wins the election, the convention would be a formality. If he or she loses, there could be a real contest.
A new Prime Minister in the next few weeks would have time to form a new Cabinet, announce his or her own agenda, and be ready to call an election where Canadians who want neither Trudeau nor Poilievre would have a real choice. It would be a whole new ball game and the result would be far from a foregone conclusion.
Eddie Goldenberg, C.M.
(Former Chief of Staff to Prime Minister Jean Chretien and Senior Advisor, Global Public Affairs)
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