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Joseph Stiglitz 新自由主義陰影下的全球選舉

(2024-05-13 07:17:20) 下一個

新自由主義陰影下的全球選舉

約瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨 2024 年 5 月 1 日

雖然醜聞、文化戰爭和民主威脅占據頭條新聞,但這個超級選舉年最大的問題最終還是經濟政策。 畢竟,反民主民粹主義威權主義的興起本身就是錯誤的經濟意識形態的遺產。

紐約 — — 在世界各地,民粹主義民族主義正在興起,常常為獨裁領導人提供權力。 然而,大約 40 年前在西方盛行的新自由主義正統觀念——政府縮編、減稅、放鬆管製——本應加強而不是削弱民主。 什麽地方出了錯?

中國的裙帶資本主義繁榮有多特殊?

Yuen Yuen Ang 解釋了腐敗如何既推動了國家的 GDP 增長,又為當前的經濟問題埋下了種子。

在不確定的經濟中應對重大轉型

ohamed A. El-Erian 解釋了如何在麵對另一次預測失敗時重新調整預期。

部分答案是經濟上的:新自由主義根本沒有兌現它的承諾。 在美國和其他接受這一政策的發達經濟體中,從 1980 年到 COVID-19 大流行期間,人均實際(經通脹調整後)收入增長比之前 30 年低了 40%。 更糟糕的是,底層和中間層的收入基本停滯,而頂層的收入則有所增加,而社會保護的故意削弱造成了更大的金融和經濟不安全感。

年輕人正確地擔心氣候變化會危及他們的未來,他們可以看到受新自由主義影響的國家一直未能製定強有力的汙染法規(或者在美國,未能解決阿片類藥物危機和兒童糖尿病的流行)。 可悲的是,這些失敗並不令人意外。 新自由主義的基礎是這樣的信念:不受約束的市場是實現最佳結果的最有效手段。 然而,即使在新自由主義崛起的早期,經濟學家就已經確定,不受監管的市場既不高效也不穩定,更不用說有利於產生社會可接受的收入分配。

新自由主義的支持者似乎從未認識到擴大企業自由會限製社會其他部分的自由。 隨意汙染意味著健康惡化(對於患有哮喘的人來說甚至死亡)、更極端的天氣和不適宜居住的土地。 當然,總會有一些權衡。 但任何理性的社會都會得出這樣的結論:生存權比虛假的汙染權更重要。

稅收同樣是新自由主義的憎惡,新自由主義將其視為對個人自由的侮辱:一個人有權保留自己所賺取的一切,無論一個人如何賺取它。 但即使他們誠實地計算自己的收入,這種觀點的倡導者也未能認識到他們的收入是通過政府對基礎設施、技術、教育和公共衛生的投資而實現的。 他們很少停下來考慮,如果他們出生在許多沒有法治的國家之一,他們會擁有什麽(或者如果美國政府沒有進行導致 COVID-19 的投資,他們的生活會是什麽樣子) 疫苗)。

具有諷刺意味的是,那些對政府負有最大責任的人往往是最先忘記政府為他們所做的事情的人。 如果沒有 2010 年巴拉克·奧巴馬 (Barack Obama) 總統能源部提供的近 5 億美元的生命線,埃隆·馬斯克 (Elon Musk) 和特斯拉會在哪裏? “稅收是我們為文明社會支付的費用,”最高法院法官奧利弗·溫德爾·霍姆斯(Oliver Wendell Holmes)有句名言。 這一點並沒有改變:稅收是建立法治或提供二十一世紀社會運轉所需的任何其他公共產品所需要的。

在這裏,我們超越了單純的權衡,因為每個人——包括富人——都因此類商品的充足供應而變得更好。 從這個意義上說,強製可以帶來解放。 人們普遍同意這樣的原則:如果我們要擁有必需品,我們就必須為它們付費,而這需要稅收。

當然,小政府的支持者會說應該削減許多支出,包括政府管理的養老金和公共提供的醫療保健。 但是,如果大多數人在老年時被迫忍受沒有可靠的醫療保健或足夠的收入的不安全感,社會就會變得不那麽自由:至少,他們缺乏自由,無法擺脫對未來可能遭受的創傷的恐懼。 即使如果億萬富翁被要求多繳納一點稅款來資助兒童稅收抵免,他們的福祉會受到一定程度的影響,但請考慮一下這會給一個沒有足夠食物的孩子的生活帶來多大的變化 ,或者父母無力承擔看病費用。 想想看,如果營養不良或患病的年輕人越來越少,這對整個國家的未來意味著什麽。

所有這些問題都應該

在今年的許多選舉中占據中心舞台。 在美國,即將舉行的總統選舉不僅在混亂和有序的政府之間做出了嚴峻的選擇,而且在經濟理念和政策之間做出了嚴峻的選擇。 現任總統喬·拜登致力於利用政府的權力來提高所有公民的福祉,特別是底層99%的人的福祉,而唐納德·特朗普更感興趣的是最大化最頂層1%的人的福利。 特朗普在豪華高爾夫度假村舉行法庭訴訟(當他本人不在法庭時),他已成為世界各地裙帶資本家和獨裁領導人的擁護者。

對於我們應該努力創建的社會類型,特朗普和拜登有著截然不同的願景。 在一種情況下,不誠實、破壞社會的暴利和尋租行為將盛行,公眾信任將繼續崩潰,物質主義和貪婪將獲勝; 另一方麵,民選官員和公務員將真誠地努力建設一個建立在信任和誠實基礎上、更具創造力、健康、以知識為基礎的社會。

當然,政治從來都不像這種描述所暗示的那麽純粹。 但沒有人可以否認,兩位候選人對自由和美好社會的構成有著根本不同的看法。 我們的經濟體係反映並塑造了我們是誰以及我們能成為什麽。 如果我們公開支持自私、厭惡女性的騙子——或者將這些特征視為小瑕疵——我們的年輕人就會吸收這一信息,最終我們的辦公室裏將會有更多的惡棍和機會主義者。 我們將成為一個沒有信任的社會,因此也沒有一個運轉良好的經濟。

最近的民意調查顯示,特朗普離開白宮僅僅三年後,公眾就幸福地忘記了他的政府的混亂、無能和對法治的攻擊。 但隻要看看候選人在這些問題上的具體立場,我們就會認識到,如果我們想生活在一個重視所有公民並努力為他們創造充實和滿意生活的社會,那麽選擇是顯而易見的。

Global Elections in the Shadow of Neoliberalism

  

While scandals, culture wars, and threats to democracy dominate the headlines, the biggest issues in this super election year ultimately concern economic policies. After all, the rise of anti-democratic populist authoritarianism is itself the legacy of a misbegotten economic ideology.

NEW YORK – Around the world, populist nationalism is on the rise, often shepherding to power authoritarian leaders. And yet the neoliberal orthodoxy – government downsizing, tax cuts, deregulation – that took hold some 40 years ago in the West was supposed to strengthen democracy, not weaken it. What went wrong?

Yuen Yuen Ang explains how corruption both drove the country's GDP growth and sowed the seeds for its current economic problems.

ohamed A. El-Erian explains how to recalibrate expectations in the face of yet another forecasting failure.

Part of the answer is economic: neoliberalism simply did not deliver what it promised. In the United States and other advanced economies that embraced it, per capita real (inflation-adjusted) income growth between 1980 and the COVID-19 pandemic was 40% lower than in the preceding 30 years. Worse, incomes at the bottom and in the middle largely stagnated while those at the very top increased, and the deliberate weakening of social protections has produced greater financial and economic insecurity.

Rightly worried that climate change jeopardizes their future, young people can see that countries under the sway of neoliberalism have consistently failed to enact strong regulations against pollution (or, in the US, to address the opioid crisis and the epidemic of child diabetes). Sadly, these failures come as no surprise. Neoliberalism was predicated on the belief that unfettered markets are the most efficient means of achieving optimal outcomes. Yet even in the early days of neoliberalism’s ascendancy, economists had already established that unregulated markets are neither efficient nor stable, let alone conducive to generating a socially acceptable distribution of income.

Neoliberalism’s proponents never seemed to recognize that expanding the freedom of corporations curtails freedom across the rest of society. The freedom to pollute means worsening health (or even death, for those with asthma), more extreme weather, and uninhabitable land. There are always tradeoffs, of course; but any reasonable society would conclude that the right to live is more important than the spurious right to pollute.

Taxation is equally anathema to neoliberalism, which frames it as an affront to individual liberty: one has the right to keep whatever one earns, regardless of how one earns it. But even when they come by their income honestly, advocates of this view fail to recognize that what they earn was made possible by government investment in infrastructure, technology, education, and public health. Rarely do they pause to consider what they would have if they had been born in one of the many countries without the rule of law (or what their lives would look like if the US government had not made the investments that led to the COVID-19 vaccine).

Ironically, those most indebted to government are often the first to forget what government did for them. Where would Elon Musk and Tesla be if not for the near-half-billion-dollar lifeline they received from President Barack Obama’s Department of Energy in 2010? “Taxes are what we pay for civilized society,” the Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes famously observed. That hasn’t changed: taxes are what it takes to establish the rule of law or provide any of the other public goods that a twenty-first-century society needs to function.

Here, we go beyond mere tradeoffs, because everyone – including the rich – is made better off by an adequate supply of such goods. Coercion, in this sense, can be emancipatory. There is a broad consensus on the principle that if we are going to have essential goods, we have to pay for them, and that requires taxes.

Of course, advocates of smaller government would say that many expenditures should be cut, including government-managed pensions and publicly provided health care. But, again, if most people are forced to endure the insecurity of not having reliable health care or adequate incomes in old age, society has become less free: at a minimum, they lack freedom from the fear of how traumatic their future might be. Even if multibillionaires’ well-being would be crimped somewhat if each were asked to pay a little more in taxes to fund a child tax credit, consider what a difference it would make in the life of a child who doesn’t have enough to eat, or whose parents cannot afford a doctor’s visit. Consider what it would mean for the whole country’s future if fewer of its young people grew up malnourished or sick.

All these issues should take center stage in this year’s many elections. In the US, the upcoming presidential election offers a stark choice not only between chaos and orderly government, but also between economic philosophies and policies. The incumbent, Joe Biden, is committed to using the power of government to enhance the well-being of all citizens, especially those in the bottom 99%, whereas Donald Trump is more interested in maximizing the welfare of the top 1%. Trump, who holds court from a luxury golf resort (when he is not in court himself), has become the champion of crony capitalists and authoritarian leaders around the world.

Trump and Biden have vastly different visions of the kind of society we should be working to create. In one scenario, dishonesty, socially destructive profiteering, and rent-seeking will prevail, public trust will continue to crumble, and materialism and greed will triumph; in the other, elected officials and public servants will work in good faith toward a more creative, healthy, knowledge-based society built on trust and honesty.

Of course, politics is never as pure as this description suggests. But no one can deny that the two candidates hold fundamentally different views on freedom and the makings of a good society. Our economic system reflects and shapes who we are and what we can become. If we publicly endorse a selfish, misogynistic grifter – or dismiss these attributes as minor blemishes – our young people will absorb that message, and we will end up with even more scoundrels and opportunists in office. We will become a society without trust, and thus without a well-functioning economy.

Recent polls show that barely three years after Trump left the White House, the public has blissfully forgotten his administration’s chaos, incompetence, and attacks on the rule of law. But one need only look at the candidates’ concrete positions on the issues to recognize that if we want to live in a society that values all citizens and strives to create ways for them to live full and satisfying lives, the choice is clear.

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