在喬治·華盛頓大學的講話 《本屆政府對中華人民共和國的方針》
喬治·華盛頓大學
華盛頓特區
2022年5月26日
布林肯國務卿：謝謝。早上好。
很高興來到喬治·華盛頓大學。這所高等院校薈萃了來自世界各地的極為出色的學生和學者，師生們在這裏研究和辯論我們作為一個國家和星球所麵臨的最緊迫的挑戰。因此，謝謝你們邀請我們來到這裏。
我特別要感謝今天到場的亞洲協會（Asia Society）的朋友們，他們全心全意地致力於與亞洲國家和人民建立更密切的聯係，努力促進和平、繁榮、自由、平等和可持續發展。感謝你們主辦今天的活動，還要感謝你們每天發揮的領導作用——Kevin Rudd、Wendy Cutler、Danny Russel——所有的同事、思想領袖和實幹家，和你們在一起總是令人愉快。
我必須感謝羅姆尼參議員出席今天的活動——無論作為一個人還是一位領導者，您都讓我十分欽佩。您是一個光明磊落、堅持原則的人，在我們今天要討論的主題上一直發揮著領導作用。參議員，謝謝您的光臨。
我也非常高興地看到有這麽多外交使團成員在座，因為外交是塑造我們共同未來不可或缺的工具。
在過去兩年裏，我們齊心協力抗擊 新冠疫情並為未來的全球衛生緊急情況做好準備，在經曆了經濟衝擊、供應鏈中斷、債務危機及其他困難之後，我們開始重建，同時應對氣候變化，重新構想更清潔、更有保障、更經濟實惠的能源未來。
這些努力的共同點是一個簡單的事實，即任何國家都無法獨自應對這些挑戰。我們不得不共同麵對它們。
因此，我們把外交重新作為美國對外政策的中心，以幫助我們實現美國人民和世界各地人民所尋求的未來——在這個未來世界中，技術被用來增進人民的福祉，而不是壓製他們；貿易和商務被用於為勞動者謀福利、增加收入、創造機會；普世人權得到尊重，國家免受脅迫和侵略，人民、思想、商品和資本自由流動；各國都可以開辟自己的道路，同時又能夠在共同的事業中有效地合作。
為了建設這樣的未來，我們必須捍衛和改革基於規則的國際秩序——這是國際社會在經曆了兩次世界大戰之後共同建立的法律、協議、原則和機構機製體係，以管理國家之間的關係，防止衝突和維護所有人的權利。
其創始文件包括《聯合國憲章》和《世界人權宣言》，其中確立了自決、主權及和平解決爭端等概念。這些概念不是由西方國家構建的，它們反映了世界各國的共同願望。
此後的幾十年裏，盡管麵臨艱巨的挑戰，盡管在我們的理想和我們取得的某些成果之間存在差距，世界各國還是避免了另一場世界大戰和核大國之間的武裝衝突。我們建立了一個全球化經濟，數十億人因此脫貧。我們在增進人權方麵取得了前所未有的成就。
現在，當我們展望未來時，我們不僅要維持使這一進步成為可能的國際秩序，而且要使之現代化，以確保它代表各個地區所有國家——不分大小——的利益、價值觀和希望。更重要的是，要使它能夠應對我們現在和未來麵臨的挑戰，其中許多挑戰是世界在七十年前無法想象的。
但這種結果的實現並無保證——因為這一國際秩序的基礎正麵臨嚴峻而持續的挑戰。
俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾·普京造成了明確無誤的、迫在眉睫的威脅。三個月前，他對烏克蘭發動了攻擊，也重創了載入《聯合國憲章》、保護所有國家不被占領或脅迫的主權和領土完整原則。因此，眾多國家聯合起來，反對這場侵略戰爭——因為它們認識到這是對各國和平與安全基礎的直接侵犯。
在美國和世界各地眾多國家史無前例的援助下，烏克蘭正在英勇地捍衛其人民和獨立。雖然戰爭還沒有結束，但普京總統卻未能實現他的任何一個戰略目標。他不僅沒有能夠剝奪烏克蘭的獨立，反而加強了它。他不僅沒有能夠分裂北約，反而促成了它的團結。他不僅沒有能夠展示俄羅斯的實力，反而削弱了它。他不僅沒有能夠削弱國際秩序，反而讓國家團結起來捍衛它。
盡管普京總統發動的戰爭還在繼續，我們仍將聚焦於對國際秩序的最嚴峻的長期挑戰——這就是中華人民共和國帶來的挑戰。
中國是唯一不僅具有重塑國際秩序的意圖——其日益增強的經濟、外交、軍事和技術力量又使之具備這樣做的能力的國家。北京的願景將使我們遠離過去 75 年來保障世界持續進步的普世價值觀。
同時，中國是全球經濟不可或缺的一部分，也是我們應對從氣候到新冠疫情等各種挑戰的能力的一部分。簡言之，在可以預見的未來，美國和中國都不得不與對方打交道。
因此，這是我們當今世界上最複雜和最重要的關係之一。
過去一年裏，拜登政府製定並實施了一項綜合戰略，以利用我們的國家實力以及我們無與倫比的盟友和合作夥伴網絡來實現我們所尋求的未來。
我們不是在尋求衝突或新的冷戰。相反，我們決心避免這兩者。
我們不尋求阻止中國作為大國發揮作用，也不尋求阻止中國——或任何其他國家——發展經濟或促進本國人民的利益。
但我們將捍衛和加強用以維護和平與安全、保護個人和主權國家的權利並使包括美國和中國在內的所有國家能夠共存與合作的國際法、協議、原則和機構機製。
然而，今天的中國與 50 年前的中國截然不同，當時尼克鬆總統打破了數十年的緊張關係，成為第一位訪問該國的美國總統。
當時的中國陷於孤立，在大範圍的貧困和饑餓中掙紮。
現在，中國是一個具有巨大影響力、雄心勃勃的全球大國。它是第二大經濟體，擁有世界一流的城市和公共交通網絡。它擁有一批世界最大的科技公司，並尋求主導未來的技術和產業。它迅速實現了軍隊現代化，並打算使之成為一支具有全球投放能力的頂級戰鬥力量。它還宣示了在印太地區建立勢力範圍並成為世界領先大國的雄心。
中國的巨大變革源於中國人民的才華、智慧和辛勤勞動，也受益於國際秩序提供的穩定和機遇。可以說，地球上沒有哪個國家比中國從中受益更多。
但與其利用其權力來加強和振興促成其成功的法律、協議、原則和機構機製，以便其他國家也能從中受益，北京正在破壞它們。在習主席的領導下，執政的中國共產黨在國內變得更加具有壓製性，在國外變得更加咄咄逼人。
我們看到北京如何完善中國境內的大規模監控體係並將該技術出口到 80 多個國家，如何在南中國海推進非法海洋主張，破壞和平與安全、航行自由和商業；如何規避或違反貿易規則，傷害美國以及世界各地的工人和企業；以及如何聲稱支持主權和領土完整，同時與公然違反這些原則的政府站在一起。
在俄羅斯顯然在為入侵烏克蘭進行部署之時，習主席和普京總統宣布，他們兩國之間的友誼——原話是——“上不封頂”。就在本周，在拜登總統訪問日本之際，中國和俄羅斯在該地區共同進行了戰略轟炸機巡邏。
北京為普京總統旨在剝奪烏克蘭主權和在歐洲建立勢力範圍的戰爭所做的辯護應該對我們所有印太國家敲響警鍾。
由於這些原因以及其他原因，世界麵臨一個充滿變數的時刻。在這樣的時候，外交是至關重要的。通過外交，我們明確表達深切的關切，更好地理解彼此的觀點，並且避免對彼此的意圖產生誤解。我們隨時準備就各種問題加強與北京的直接溝通。我們希望雙方能夠做到這一點。
但我們不能指望北京改弦更張。因此，我們將塑造北京所處的戰略環境，以推進我們建設一個開放和包容的國際體係的願景。
拜登總統認為，未來十年將是決定性的十年。我們在國內和與世界上其他國家共同采取的行動將決定我們對未來的共同願景能否實現。
為了在這個決定性的十年取得成功，拜登政府的戰略可以用三個詞概括：“投資、協同、競爭”。
我們將投資於我們在國內的實力基礎——我們的競爭力、創新和民主。
我們將與我們的盟友和合作夥伴網絡協同，追求共同的目標，促進共同的事業。
基於這兩項關鍵舉措，我們將與中國競爭，以捍衛我們的利益，推進我們對未來的願景。
我們充滿信心地迎接這一挑戰。我們的國家擁有許多優勢。我們有和平的鄰國、多元且不斷增長的人口、豐富的資源、世界儲備貨幣、地球上最強大的軍隊、以及生機勃勃的創新和創業文化，例如我們生產了多種有效的疫苗，目前被用於保護世界各地的人民，使之免受新冠疫情的傷害。
我們還擁有處於最佳狀態的開放社會，能夠吸引人才和投資，並具有經過時間考驗的重塑能力，它植根於我們的民主體製，使我們能夠應對我們麵臨的任何挑戰。
首先談一下投資於我們的實力。
第二次世界大戰後，當我們和我們的合作夥伴建立基於規則的秩序時，我們的聯邦政府也在對科學研究、教育、基礎設施和勞動力進行戰略投資，創造了千百萬的中產階層就業機會以及數十年的繁榮和技術領先。但我們認為這些基礎的存在是必然的，因此，現在是重新審視的時候了。
拜登政府正在對我們的國家實力的核心來源進行意義深遠的投資——從一項產業現代化戰略開始，以維持和擴大我們的經濟和技術影響力，使我們的經濟和供應鏈更具複原力，並加強我們的競爭優勢。
去年，拜登總統簽署了美國曆史上最大的基礎設施投資法案，以推進我們的高速公路、港口、機場、鐵路和橋梁現代化，更快地將貨物送往市場，提高我們的生產力，並將高速互聯網擴展到全國每一個角落，為美國更多地區吸引更多企業，創造更多就業機會。
我們正在教育和勞動者培訓領域進行戰略投資，以使美國的勞動者——全世界最優秀的勞動者——能夠設計、構建及操作未來的技術。
由於我們的產業戰略以技術為核心，我們希望投資於研究、開發以及先進的生產製造。60年前，我們的政府用於研究的開支在我們的經濟中的占比是現在的兩倍多——這些投資轉而催化了私營部門的創新。我們就是這樣贏得了太空競賽、發明了半導體並構建了因特網。我們的研發投入在國內生產總值中的占比曾高居世界首位，而現在排名第九。與此同時，中國已從第八位上升到第二位。
在國會兩黨的支持下，我們將扭轉這些趨勢並對研究和創新進行曆史性投資，其中包括人工智能、生物技術和量子計算等領域。這些都是北京決心要引領的領域——但鑒於美國的種種優勢，我們才是競爭中的引領者，不僅是在新技術開發方麵，在影響其在世界各地的使用方式上也是如此，從而使它們植根於民主價值觀，而不是專製價值觀。
領導層——羅姆尼參議員及其他人——眾議院和參議院已通過法案支持這項議程，其中包括數十億美元用於在國內製造半導體並增強其他關鍵的供應鏈。現在，我們需要國會將這項法案送交總統簽署。
我們能夠完成這項工作，而且時不我待——供應鏈現在正在遷移，如果我們不將它們吸引到美國，它們將落戶於其他地方。正如拜登總統所言，中國共產黨正在遊說反對這項立法，因為要增強我們的全球地位和影響力，實現我們的國內振興是最佳方式。這些投資不僅將使美國更加強大，還將使我們成為一個更強大的夥伴和盟友。
美國最強大的一個特點——甚至是魔幻般的特點——是我們長期以來一直是全球各地才華橫溢、奮發努力的人才的目的地。其中包括來自中國的數百萬名學生，他們豐富了我們的社區，同美國人建立起畢生的紐帶。去年，盡管存在疫情，我們仍在短短四個月裏就為中國學生簽發了超過10萬份簽證——簽發率創曆史新高。我們為他們選擇來美國留學感到非常高興——他們的到來令我們感到幸運。
還讓我們感到幸運的是，全球最傑出的人才不僅在這裏學習而且留在這裏——就像在美國研讀科技博士學位的80%以上的中國學生近年來一直做出的選擇。他們幫助驅動了在我們國家的創新，讓我們所有人都從中獲益。我們可以在不關閉國門的情況下對國家安全保持警惕。
我們的曆史還讓我們懂得，當我們在管理同另外一個政府的具有挑戰性的關係時，來自該國或有該國血統的人可能會因此感到他們不屬於這裏——或者他們是我們的對手。事實絕非如此。華裔美國人為我們的國家做出了寶貴的貢獻，而且世世代代一直都在這樣做。不公正地對待華裔違背了我們作為一個國家所代表的一切——不論是在這裏探訪或居住的中國國民，還是華裔美國人，亦或是在這個國家享有與其他任何人等同權利的任何其他亞裔美國人。在一個由一代代移民為實現人人都享有機會的承諾而建設的國家裏，種族主義和仇恨絕無立足之地。
我們同中國共產黨和中國政府有重大分歧。但這些分歧存在於政府和製度之間——不存在於人民之間。美國人民對中國人民懷有極大的尊重。我們尊重他們的成就、他們的曆史和他們的文化。我們深切珍視連接我們的家庭和友誼的紐帶。而且我們真誠地希望我們的政府能就事關他們的生活、事關美國人的生活乃至事關全世界人民生活的各項事務共同努力。
我們在這個決定性的十年還將依賴於國家實力的另外一個核心源泉：我們的民主。
一百年前，如果被問到一個國家的財富由什麽組成，我們可能會列舉我們廣袤的土地、我們眾多的人口、我們的軍事實力，或是我們富饒的自然資源。幸運的是，我們在所有這些特征方麵依然富有。但比以往都更重要的是，在21世紀，一個國家的真正財富在於我們的人民——我們的人力資源——以及我們釋放他們的全部潛能的能力。
我們通過我們的民主製度來做到這一點。我們展開辯論、爭論、提出異議並相互質疑，包括與我們的民選領導人。我們公開地應對我們的不足；我們不會假裝它們並不存在，或是將它們掃到地毯下麵。盡管有時進展可能緩慢得令人感到痛苦，而且可能是艱難的、險惡的，但總體而言，我們持續地向一個來自各種背景的人們都能夠在團結、激勵並提升我們的國家價值觀的指引下繁榮發展的社會邁進。
我們並不完美。但我們盡最大努力，始終力爭成為——引用我國憲法的語句——一個更完美的聯邦。而且我們的民主的宗旨就是將此付諸實現。
這就是美國模式和美國人民所能提供的，它是我們在這場競賽中最具實力的資產。
然而，北京認為它的模式更好——認為一個由政黨領導的集權體製更有效力、較少混亂，而且最終比民主更優越。我們不尋求改變中國的政治體製。我們的任務是再次證明民主能夠應對緊迫的挑戰，創造機會，並增進人類尊嚴；以及未來屬於那些相信自由的人們，所有國家都將不受脅迫地自由地規劃它們自己的道路。
我們的戰略的第二部分是同我們的盟友和合作夥伴協同一致，以推動我們對未來的共同願景。
拜登政府從就職第一天起，就努力地為美國無以倫比的聯盟及夥伴關係網絡注入活力，並重新參與國際機構。我們正在鼓勵夥伴方相互合作，並通過區域性和全球性組織合作。而且我們正在建立起新的同盟，服務於我們的人民，並迎接未來世紀的考驗。
在印太地區尤為如此，我們在該地區的各項關係，其中包括我們的條約聯盟，都屬於我們在全世界最牢固的關係。
美國與整個地區的國家和人民擁有共同的願景——一個自由與開放的印太地區，其各項規則以透明的方式製定並以公平的方式實行；各國都能自由地做出自己的主權決定；商品、創意和人員在整個陸地、天空、網絡空間和開放海域上自由地流通；而且在國家治理上順應民意。
拜登總統在就職以後於本周首次訪問該地區期間強調了這些優先要務，他重申了我們同韓國及日本的至關重要的安全聯盟，並深化了我們同這兩個國家的經濟和技術合作。
他啟動了印太經濟繁榮框架（Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity），這是該地區的第一個這樣的行動計劃。他發表講話指出，這將“有助於我們所有國家的經濟更快速和更公平地發展”。我們所說的印太經濟框架通過應對數字經濟、供應鏈、清潔能源、基礎設施和腐敗等最新和緊迫問題重振美國的經濟領導力，但也為適應21世紀做出調整。包括印度在內的12個國家已經加入其中。印太經濟框架成員國總計占全球經濟的三分之一以上。
總統還出席了四方（Quad）國家領導人峰會——澳大利亞、日本、印度和美國。在拜登總統就職以前，四方夥伴關係從未舉行過領導人峰會。自從他於去年召集首次領導人會議以來，四方峰會已舉行了四次，並已成為一個首要的區域性團隊。它於本周啟動了一個新的印太海域意識夥伴關係（Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness），以使我們在整個地區的合作夥伴都能更好地監測他們沿岸的水域，以解決非法捕魚問題，並保護他們的海事權利和他們的主權。
我們正在重振我們同東盟的夥伴關係，並於本月早些時候主持了美國-東盟峰會，以著手共同解決公共衛生和氣候危機等迫在眉睫的問題。本周，七個東盟國家已成為印太經濟框架的創始成員。而且我們正在我們的印太及歐洲夥伴之間構築橋梁，其中包括邀請亞洲盟國下個月出席在馬德裏舉行的北約峰會。
我們正在印太地區增進和平與穩定——例如，通過被稱為“AUKUS”的澳大利亞、英國和美國之間的新的安全夥伴關係。
而且我們正在幫助本地區及全世界各國戰勝新冠疫情。迄今為止，美國已為全球疫情應對行動提供了近200億美元。這其中包括不附加任何政治條件地捐助超過5.4億劑安全有效的疫苗——並非出售——逐步實現我們為全世界捐助12億劑疫苗的目標。我們還在同一個由19國組成的團體就一項全球行動計劃展開協作，以確保民眾接種疫苗。
所有這些外交努力的成果是，我們與整個印太地區的合作夥伴更加保持一致，而且我們正在以一種更加協調的方式向我們的共同目標邁進。
我們還深化了我們同整個大西洋地區的同盟。我們去年啟動了美國-歐盟貿易和技術委員會（U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council），引領合計占全球國內生產總值近50%的實力。上周，我同雷蒙多部長、戴大使以及我們歐洲委員會的對等官員出席了第二次會議，共同努力製定新的技術標準、協作進行投資審查和出口管製、增強供應鏈、發展綠色技術並在發展中國家改善糧食安全和數字基礎設施。
與此同時，我們和我們的歐洲夥伴擱置了長達17年的有關飛機的訴訟；現在，我們不再互相爭執，而是努力確保為我們在該部門的公司企業和員工提供一個平等的競爭環境。
同樣，我們和歐盟及其他方麵共同努力解決一項有關鋼材和鋁材進口的糾紛，而且現在正匯集在一個共同願景下，以製定更高的環境標準，並保護我們的員工和產業，使之不因北京為謀求一己之利蓄意扭曲市場而受到損害。
我們正在同歐盟進行夥伴合作，以保護我們公民的隱私，同時增強一個依賴於巨大的數據流的共同的數字經濟。
我們同二十國集團（G20）達成了一項具有裏程碑意義的有關全球最低稅率的協議，以製止逐底競爭，確保大型企業繳納它們應付的份額，並讓各國更有理由投資於它們的人民。迄今為止已有130多個國家簽署了這項協議。
我們和我們的七國集團（G7）夥伴正在尋求一種相互協調的、高標準的、透明的方式，以滿足發展中國家巨大的基礎設施需求。
我們主持召開了戰勝新冠疫情及重振全世界民主的全球峰會，並重新加入了聯合國人權理事會和世界衛生組織。
而且在一個麵臨巨大考驗的時刻，我們和我們的盟友為北約組織注入活力，該組織現在比以往任何時候都更加強大。
所有這些行動都致力於捍衛並在必要時改革應當讓所有國家受益的基於規則的秩序。我們希望引領一場在技術、氣候、基礎設施、全球衛生和包容性經濟增長方麵力爭上遊的競賽。而且我們希望增強一種體製，讓其中盡可能多的國家都能共同努力，有效合作、和平地解決分歧，並作為主權平等的國家譜寫各自的未來。
我們的外交以夥伴關係以及尊重相互的利益為基礎。我們不期待每個國家都對中國做出和我們完全相同的評估。我們知道很多國家——包括美國在內——都同中國有著它們希望保持的至關重要的經濟紐帶或民間聯係。這並不是強迫各國做出選擇，而是幫助它們獲得選擇能力——例如，使它們不再被迫做出唯一選擇，即選擇一種不透明的投資，致使其國家背負債務、助長腐敗、破壞環境、不能在當地創造就業或實現發展乃至無法行使國家主權。我們已經直接了解到這類交易可能留下的令買家懊悔的情況。
我們每走一步都同我們的合作夥伴磋商，聽取他們的意見，將他們的關切謹記在心，並製定應對他們特有的挑戰和優先要務的解決方案。
一個日漸趨同的共識是，需要以更現實的態度對待與北京的關係。我們許多合作夥伴已經從痛苦的經曆中知道，當北京不喜歡他們的選擇時會如何大力施壓。例如去年春季，北京禁止中國學生和遊客前往澳大利亞，並且對澳大利亞大麥出口課收80%的關稅，就是因為澳大利亞政府呼籲對新冠起源進行獨立調查。再如去年11月，中國海警局的艦艇在南中國海用水炮阻止一艘菲律賓海軍艦船補給。這類行動提醒世界，北京會如何對它所認為的對立行為進行報複。
我們還與盟國和夥伴在另一個領域協同一致：人權。
美國與世界各地的國家和人民站在一起，反對在新疆地區發生的種族滅絕和反人類罪行。那裏有一百多萬人因為他們的民族和宗教身份而被關入拘留營。
我們對西藏持共同立場，當局繼續在那裏開展殘酷壓製藏族人和他們的文化、語言和宗教傳統的運動。在香港，中國共產黨以國家安全為借口，實施嚴厲的反民主措施。
出於某種原因，北京堅持認為這些做法屬於內政，他國無權提及。這不對。它在新疆和西藏對待少數民族和宗教少數群體的做法以及其他許多行動，違背了北京經常引述的《聯合國憲章》的核心原則和所有國家都應遵守的《世界人權宣言》。
北京對香港自由的壓製違反它的移交承諾，這些承諾寫入了保存在聯合國的條約。
我們將繼續提出這些問題並呼籲作出改變——不是要反對中國，而是要維護和平、安全和人的尊嚴。
由此聯係到我們戰略中的第三點。由於國內投資增加和與盟國和夥伴更加協同一致，我們在重要的競爭領域中處於能夠超越中國的有利位置。
例如，北京想使中國成為全球創新和製造中心，以增加其他國家對其的技術依賴性，而後利用這種依賴性強加它的外交政策取向。北京正在竭盡全力贏得這場競賽——例如，利用我們經濟的開放性去刺探，去進行網上侵入，去竊取技術和知識，從而促進它的軍事創新和加強國家監控力。
因此，在我們確保美國和我們的盟國及夥伴推出下一波發明創新時，我們也將保護自己的創造不被盜用，我們的安全不受威脅。
我們在把我們的工具變得更銳利，以保護我們的技術競爭力，包括采用新的更有力的出口管製，確保我們的關鍵性創新不會落入行為不端者之手；加強保護學術研究，創造開放、安全和支持科學的環境；增強網絡防禦；加強敏感數據的安全；並且銳化投資篩選措施，保護公司和國家，防範北京獲得進入敏感技術、數據或關鍵基礎設施的渠道，傷害我們的供應鏈，或主宰重要的戰略產業。
我們相信——我們相信商界也理解——進入中國市場絕不能以犧牲我們的核心價值觀或長期的競爭和技術優勢為代價。我們要靠商企追求負責任的發展，冷靜地評估風險，並且與我們共同努力，不僅保護而且加強我們的國家安全。
太長時間以來，中國對我們的市場享有比我們的公司在中國大得多的市場準入。例如，美國人如果想讀中國的China Daily或者使用WeChat微信交流，他們可以自由地這樣做，但是，《紐約時報》（New York Times）和推特（Twitter）對中國人民是被禁止的——除非是那些為政府工作的人，他們利用這些平台散布宣傳和虛假信息。在中國運作的美國公司被係統化強迫要求提供技術轉讓，而在美國的中國公司受到我們的法治保護。中國電影製片人可以自由地向美國影院業主推銷他們的影片，美國政府不予任何審查，但是，北京對可以進入中國市場的外國影片有嚴格的數量限製——那些被允許進入的受到高壓政治審查。在美國的中國商企可毫無顧忌地利用我們公正的司法係統保護他們的權利——實際上，他們經常到法庭上向美國政府伸張索賠。外國公司在中國不是這樣。
這種不互惠是不可接受的，它也是不可持續的。
也可以看看在鋼材市場發生的情況。北京指示中國公司大規模超量投資，結果使廉價鋼材充斥全球市場。與美國公司和其他市場導向的公司不同，中國公司不需要盈利——當資金不足時，他們隻需讓國有銀行再注入一筆信貸。此外，他們為控製汙染或保護工人權利做得很少，從而也得以保持低成本。其結果是，中國現在占全球鋼產量一半以上，美國公司——以及印度、墨西哥、印度尼西亞、歐洲以及其他地方的工廠被擠出市場。
在太陽能板和電動車電池行業我們也見到同樣的模式——這些是21世紀經濟的關鍵行業，我們不能變得完全依靠中國。
這類經濟操縱使美國工人損失了數百萬份工作，也對全球各地國家的工人和企業造成傷害。我們將反製扭曲市場的政策和做法，例如補貼和市場準入障礙，這些是中國政府多年來慣用的方法，以此獲得競爭優勢。我們將把生產遷回或從其他國家獲取敏感產業原料，如製藥原料和關鍵礦物，從而增強供應鏈的安全性和複原力，使我們在這些方麵不僅僅依賴任何一個供應商。我們將與其他國家共同反對經濟脅迫和恫嚇。我們將努力確保美國公司不從事助長踐踏人權——包括強迫勞動——或從中獲利的商業活動。
總之，我們將運用我們手中的一切工具為美國工人和產業而戰——我們知道我們的合作夥伴也會為他們的工人而戰。
美國不想切斷中國經濟同我們或同全球經濟的聯係——盡管北京，無論言辭如何，是在力圖進行非對稱脫鉤，一方麵謀求減少中國對世界的依賴，另一方麵卻讓世界更加依賴中國。對我們來說，我們希望進行貿易和投資——隻要做到公平並且不危害我們的國家安全。中國擁有強大的經濟資源，包括高素質的勞動力。我們有信心，我們的勞動力，我們的公司能夠成功地在公平的環境中競爭——而且我們歡迎這種競爭。
因此，在我們以負責任的方式抵製不公平的技術和經濟行為的同時，在與我們的利益和價值觀一致的前提下，我們將努力保持美國和中國之間的經濟紐帶和民間交往。北京也許不願意改變它的行為。但是，如果它采取具體行動消除我們和許多其他國家提出的擔憂，我們將予以積極回應。
競爭不必導致衝突。我們不謀求衝突。我們將努力避免衝突。但是麵對任何威脅，我們將捍衛我們的利益。
為此，拜登總統指示國防部將中國列為步調挑戰（pacing challenge），並確保我軍保持領先。我們將尋求通過我們稱之為“一體化威懾”的新方針——包括盟國和合作夥伴——來維護和平；在常規、核、空間和信息各個領域努力；並且從我們相互加強的經濟、技術和外交領域汲取更大力量。
本屆政府正在將我們的軍事投資從針對20世紀衝突的平台轉向針對更遠程、更難發現和更易移動的非對稱係統。我們正在確立指導我國軍事行動的新概念。我們正在將軍事態勢和全球足跡多樣化，並且鞏固我們的網絡、關鍵的民用基礎設施，以及太空基能力。我們將幫助盟國和地區夥伴增進它們自身的非對稱能力。
我們將繼續反對北京在南中國海和東中國海咄咄逼人的、非法的活動。將近六年前，國際法庭裁決北京在南中國海的主權要求不具國際法基礎。我們將支持該地區沿海國家維護他們的海權。我們將與盟國和合作夥伴共同努力維護給這個地區帶來數十年繁榮的航行和飛越自由。我們將繼續在國際法允許的一切地方飛行和航行。
關於台灣：我們的方針在過去幾十年和曆屆政府中都是一致的。正如總統所說，我們的政策沒有改變。美國仍然堅定地奉行“一個中國”的政策，該政策以《台灣關係法》、三個聯合公報和六項保證為指導。我們反對任何一方單方麵改變現狀；我們不支持台灣獨立；我們期待兩岸的分歧以和平方式得到解決。
台海地區的和平與穩定依然符合我們的持久利益。我們將繼續履行我們在《台灣關係法》下的承諾，協助台灣保持足夠的自衛能力——正如《台灣關係法》所述，並保持我們抵製任何訴諸武力或可能危及台灣安全或社會或經濟體製的其他形式的脅迫的能力。台灣是一個充滿活力的民主體和在該地區領先的經濟體，我們與之保持著牢固的非官方關係。我們將繼續擴大與台灣在許多共同利益和價值觀上的合作，支持台灣以實質性方式參與國際社會，並深化我們的經濟聯係，這種做法符合我們的一個中國政策。
我們的政策沒有改變，變化來自北京日益增加的脅迫——例如試圖切斷台灣與世界各國的關係，阻止其參與國際組織。北京的言辭和活動日益具有挑釁性，例如幾乎每天都出動中國人民解放軍的飛機在台灣附近飛行。這些言行嚴重破壞穩定，造成誤判風險，威脅到台灣海峽的和平與穩定。正如我們從總統與印太地區盟友和夥伴的討論中看到的那樣，維護海峽兩岸的和平與穩定不僅符合美國的利益，也是一個受到國際關注的問題，對區域和全球安全與繁榮至關重要。
拜登總統總是說，唯一比故意衝突更糟糕的衝突是無意的衝突。我們將負責任地管理這種關係，以防止這種情況發生。我們已將與北京的危機溝通和降低風險措施列為優先事項。在這個問題上——以及其他所有問題上——我們仍然致力於在激烈競爭的同時開展密集的外交。
即使在我們投資、協同和競爭的同時，我們也會在利益一致的領域與北京合作。為了造福於我們的人民和世界，我們不能讓我們的分歧阻止我們在需要共同努力的優先事項上向前推進。
這要從氣候開始。中國和美國多年來在氣候危機上陷入僵局，使世界也陷入僵局——但也曾在一些時期取得進展，並激勵世界行動起來。2013年中美啟動的氣候外交渠道釋放了產生《巴黎協定》的全球動力。去年，在第26屆聯合國氣候變化大會（COP26）上，美國和中國發表了格拉斯哥聯合聲明——誓言共同努力解決從甲烷到煤炭的排放問題——鼓舞了世界的希望。
氣候與意識形態無關，但與數學相關。沒有中國發揮領導作用，就根本無法解決氣候變化問題，因為這個國家的排放量占全球排放量的 28%。國際能源署已經明確表示，如果中國堅持目前的計劃，直到 2030 年才達到排放峰值，那麽世界其他地區必須至遲在 2035 年達到零排放，而這是根本不可能的。
今天，大約 20 個國家構成 80% 的排放——中國第一，美國第二。除非我們都做得更多、更快，否則經濟和人力代價將是災難性的。此外，在清潔能源和氣候政策方麵的競爭可以產生有益於各方的結果。
美國和中國共同取得的進展——包括通過《格拉斯哥宣言》設立的工作組所取得的進展——對於我們成功避免這場危機的最壞後果至關重要。我敦促中國與我們一起加快這些共同努力的步伐。
同樣，在新冠疫情中，我們的命運息息相關。在中國遭受最新一波疫情時，我們因中國人民的災難而悲傷。我們自己也經曆了新冠疫情造成的深重苦難，因此，我們堅信所有國家必須共同努力，為全世界提供疫苗——不是為了換取好處或政治上的讓步，而是出於一個簡單的原因，即沒有全人類的安全就不會有任何國家的安全。所有國家都必須透明地共享數據和樣本——並為專家提供獲取便利——以應對新變種以及新出現和重新出現的病原體，在我們與當前疫情作鬥爭的同時防止下一場大規模流行病。
關於不擴散和軍備控製：遵守減少大規模殺傷性武器擴散的規則、規範和條約符合我們所有各方的利益。中國和美國必須繼續合作，並與其他國家一起應對伊朗和朝鮮的核計劃。我們仍然準備與北京直接討論我們各自作為核大國的責任。
為了打擊非法麻醉品，特別是去年造成超過 10 萬美國人死亡的芬太尼等合成阿片類藥物，我們希望與中國合作，阻止國際販毒組織獲得前體化學品，其中許多此類化學品的源頭在中國。
由於全球糧食危機威脅著世界各地的人民，我們期待中國——一個在農業領域取得巨大成就的國家——參與全球應對行動。上周，美國在聯合國召集了外長會議，以加強全球糧食安全。我們向中國發出了邀請，我們將繼續這樣做。
隨著世界經濟從疫情造成的破壞中複蘇，美國和中國之間在全球宏觀經濟上的協調是關鍵所在——包括通過20國集團、國際貨幣基金組織和其他渠道，當然，還有雙邊行動。這是世界上最大的兩個經濟體應負的責任。
總之，當我們能夠與中國進行建設性接觸時，我們將這樣做——不是作為對我們或其他任何人的恩惠，也絕不會以背離我們的原則為代價，而是因為共同努力戰勝重大挑戰是世界對大國的期望，還因為這樣做直接符合我們的利益。任何國家都不應因為相互之間的分歧而在危及人類生存的跨國問題上阻止進展。
中華人民共和國帶來的挑戰的規模和範圍將對美國外交構成前所未有的考驗。作為我提出的現代化議程的一部分，我決心為國務院和我們的外交官提供必需的工具來正麵應對這一挑戰。這包括成立一個“中國組”（China House）——一個由國務院各部門共同組建的綜合團隊——跨越不同問題和地區來協調和實施我們的政策，在必要時與國會合作。在這裏，我必須提到我們在北京大使館和中國各地領事館的優秀團隊。在尼克·伯恩斯大使領導下，他們每天都在出色地工作——最近幾周，許多人一直在嚴格的新冠疫情封隔措施下完成他們的工作。盡管存在這些極端困難的條件，他們仍然在堅守。我們為擁有這個非凡的團隊而心存感激。
我從未如此確信美國外交的力量和目的，或者如此確信我們有能力應對這個決定性十年的挑戰。對於美國人民，讓我們重新承諾投資於我們的核心優勢：我們的人民、我們的民主和我們的創新精神。正如拜登總統多次指出，做空美國從來都不是一項好賭注。但是，讓我們對自己下注，贏得未來的競爭。
對於致力於建設一個開放、安全和繁榮未來的世界各國，讓我們為了共同的事業而努力，維護使我們得以共同進步的原則，捍衛每一個國家締造自己的未來的權利。對於中國人民，我們將充滿信心地去競爭；我們將盡可能地合作；我們將進行必要的競賽。我們不尋求衝突。
我們兩個偉大的國家沒有理由不能和平共處，共同分享和促進人類進步。這就是我今天講話的要點所在：推動人類進步，為我們的子孫後代留下一個更和平、更繁榮、更自由的世界。
多謝各位聽我演講。（掌聲）
The Administration's Approach to the People's Republic of China
SPEECH
ANTONY J. BLINKEN, SECRETARY OF STATE
THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MAY 26, 2022
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Good morning.
It's a real pleasure to be here at The George Washington University. This is an institution that draws outstanding students and scholars from around the world and where the most urgent challenges that we face as a country and a planet are studied and debated. So thank you for having us here today.
And I especially want to thank our friends at the Asia Society, dedicated to forging closer ties with the countries and people of Asia to try to enhance peace, prosperity, freedom, equality, sustainability. Thank you for hosting us today, but thank you for your leadership every day. Kevin Rudd, Wendy Cutler, Danny Russel – all colleagues, all thought leaders, but also doers, and it’s always wonderful to be with you.
And I have to say I am really grateful, Senator Romney, for your presence here today – a man, a leader, that I greatly admire, a person of tremendous principle, who has been leading on the subject that we’re going to talk about today. Senator, thank you for your presence.
And I’m also delighted to see so many members of the diplomatic corps because diplomacy is the indispensable tool for shaping our shared future.
In the past two years we’ve come together to fight the COVID-19 pandemic and prepare for future global health emergencies, rebuild from economic shocks, from supply-chain disruptions to debt crises, and take on climate change, and reimagine an energy future that’s cleaner, more secure, and more affordable.
The common denominator across these efforts is the simple fact that none of us can meet these challenges alone. We have to face them together.
That’s why we’ve put diplomacy back at the center of American foreign policy, to help us realize the future that Americans and people around the world seek – one where technology is used to lift people up, not suppress them; where trade and commerce support workers, raise incomes, create opportunity; where universal human rights are respected; countries are secure from coercion and aggression, and people, ideas, goods, and capital move freely; and where nations can both forge their own paths and work together effectively in common cause.
To build that future, we must defend and reform the rules-based international order – the system of laws, agreements, principles, and institutions that the world came together to build after two world wars to manage relations between states, to prevent conflict, to uphold the rights of all people.
Its founding documents include the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which enshrined concepts like self-determination, sovereignty, the peaceful settlement of disputes. These are not Western constructs. They are reflections of the world’s shared aspirations.
In the decades since, despite daunting challenges and despite the gap between our ideals and some of the results we’ve achieved, the countries of the world have avoided another world war and armed conflict between nuclear powers. We’ve built a global economy that lifted billions of people out of poverty. We’ve advanced human rights as never before.
Now, as we look to the future, we want not just to sustain the international order that made so much of that progress possible, but to modernize it, to make sure that it represents the interests, the values, the hopes of all nations, big and small, from every region; and furthermore, that it can meet the challenges that we face now and will face in the future, many of which are beyond what the world could have imagined seven decades ago.
But that outcome is not guaranteed because the foundations of the international order are under serious and sustained challenge.
Russian President Vladimir Putin poses a clear and present threat. In attacking Ukraine three months ago, he also attacked the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, enshrined in the UN Charter, to protect all countries from being conquered or coerced. That's why so many countries have united to oppose this aggression because they see it as a direct assault on the foundation of their own peace and security.
Ukraine is fighting valiantly to defend its people and its independence with unprecedented assistance from the United States and countries around the world. And while the war is not over, President Putin has failed to achieve a single one of his strategic aims. Instead of erasing Ukraine’s independence, he strengthened it. Instead of dividing NATO, he’s united it. Instead of asserting Russia’s strength, he’s undermined it. And instead of weakening the international order, he has brought countries together to defend it.
Even as President Putin's war continues, we will remain focused on the most serious long-term challenge to the international order – and that's posed by the People's Republic of China.
China is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it. Beijing's vision would move us away from the universal values that have sustained so much of the world's progress over the past 75 years.
China is also integral to the global economy and to our ability to solve challenges from climate to COVID. Put simply, the United States and China have to deal with each other for the foreseeable future.
That's why this is one of the most complex and consequential relationships of any that we have in the world today.
Over the last year, the Biden administration has developed and implemented a comprehensive strategy to harness our national strengths and our unmatched network of allies and partners to realize the future that we seek.
We are not looking for conflict or a new Cold War. To the contrary, we’re determined to avoid both.
We don't seek to block China from its role as a major power, nor to stop China – or any other country, for that matter – from growing their economy or advancing the interests of their people.
But we will defend and strengthen the international law, agreements, principles, and institutions that maintain peace and security, protect the rights of individuals and sovereign nations, and make it possible for all countries – including the United States and China – to coexist and cooperate.
Now, the China of today is very different from the China of 50 years ago, when President Nixon broke decades of strained relations to become the first U.S. president to visit the country.
Then, China was isolated and struggling with widespread poverty and hunger.
Now, China is a global power with extraordinary reach, influence, and ambition. It’s the second largest economy, with world-class cities and public transportation networks. It’s home to some of the world’s largest tech companies and it seeks to dominate the technologies and industries of the future. It’s rapidly modernized its military and intends to become a top tier fighting force with global reach. And it has announced its ambition to create a sphere of influence in the Indo-Pacific and to become the world’s leading power.
China’s transformation is due to the talent, the ingenuity, the hard work of the Chinese people. It was also made possible by the stability and opportunity that the international order provides. Arguably, no country on Earth has benefited more from that than China.
But rather than using its power to reinforce and revitalize the laws, the agreements, the principles, the institutions that enabled its success so that other countries can benefit from them, too, Beijing is undermining them. Under President Xi, the ruling Chinese Communist Party has become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad.
We see that in how Beijing has perfected mass surveillance within China and exported that technology to more than 80 countries; how its advancing unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, undermining peace and security, freedom of navigation, and commerce; how it’s circumventing or breaking trade rules, harming workers and companies in the United States but also around the world; and how it purports to champion sovereignty and territorial integrity while standing with governments that brazenly violate them.
Even while Russia was clearly mobilizing to invade Ukraine, President Xi and President Putin declared that the friendship between their countries was – and I quote – “without limits.” Just this week, as President Biden was visiting Japan, China and Russia conducted a strategic bomber patrol together in the region.
Beijing’s defense of President Putin’s war to erase Ukraine’s sovereignty and secure a sphere of influence in Europe should raise alarm bells for all of us who call the Indo-Pacific region home.
For these reasons and more, this is a charged moment for the world. And at times like these, diplomacy is vital. It’s how we make clear our profound concerns, better understand each other’s perspective, and have no doubt about each other’s intentions. We stand ready to increase our direct communication with Beijing across a full range of issues. And we hope that that can happen.
But we cannot rely on Beijing to change its trajectory. So we will shape the strategic environment around Beijing to advance our vision for an open, inclusive international system.
President Biden believes this decade will be decisive. The actions that we take at home and with countries worldwide will determine whether our shared vision of the future will be realized.
To succeed in this decisive decade, the Biden administration’s strategy can be summed up in three words – “invest, align, compete.”
We will invest in the foundations of our strength here at home – our competitiveness, our innovation, our democracy.
We will align our efforts with our network of allies and partners, acting with common purpose and in common cause.
And harnessing these two key assets, we’ll compete with China to defend our interests and build our vision for the future.
We take on this challenge with confidence. Our country is endowed with many strengths. We have peaceful neighbors, a diverse and growing population, abundant resources, the world’s reserve currency, the most powerful military on Earth, and a thriving culture of innovation and entrepreneurship that, for example, produced multiple effective vaccines now protecting people worldwide from COVID-19.
And our open society, at its best, attracts flows of talent and investment and has a time-tested capacity for reinvention, rooted in our democracy, empowering us to meet whatever challenges we face.
First, on investing in our strength.
After the Second World War, as we and our partners were building the rules-based order, our federal government was also making strategic investments in scientific research, education, infrastructure, our workforce, creating millions of middle-class jobs and decades of prosperity and technology leadership. But we took those foundations for granted. And so it’s time to get back to basics.
The Biden administration is making far-reaching investments in our core sources of national strength – starting with a modern industrial strategy to sustain and expand our economic and technological influence, make our economy and supply chains more resilient, sharpen our competitive edge.
Last year, President Biden signed into law the largest infrastructure investment in our history: to modernize our highways, our ports, airports, rail, and bridges; to move goods to market faster, to boost our productivity; to expand high-speed internet to every corner of the country; to draw more businesses and more jobs to more parts of America.
We’re making strategic investments in education and worker training, so that American workers – the best in the world – can design, build, and operate the technologies of the future.
Because our industrial strategy centers on technology, we want to invest in research, development, advanced manufacturing. Sixty years ago, our government spent more than twice as much on research as a percentage of our economy as we do now – investments that, in turn, catalyzed private-sector innovation. It’s how we won the space race, invented the semiconductor, built the internet. We used to rank first in the world in R&D as a proportion of our GDP – now we’re ninth. Meanwhile, China has risen from eighth place to second.
With bipartisan congressional support, we’ll reverse these trends and make historic investments in research and innovation, including in fields like artificial intelligence, biotechnology, quantum computing. These are areas that Beijing is determined to lead – but given America’s advantages, the competition is ours to lose, not only in terms of developing new technologies but also in shaping how they’re used around the world, so that they’re rooted in democratic values, not authoritarian ones.
The leadership – Senator Romney and others – the House and Senate have passed bills to support this agenda, including billions to produce semiconductors here and to strengthen other critical supply chains. Now we need Congress to send the legislation to the President for his signature.
We can get this done, and it can’t wait – supply chains are moving now, and if we don’t draw them here, they’ll be established somewhere else. As President Biden has said, the Chinese Communist Party is lobbying against this legislation – because there’s no better way to enhance our global standing and influence than to deliver on our domestic renewal. These investments will not only make America stronger; they’ll make us a stronger partner and ally as well.
One of the most powerful, even magical things about the United States is that we have long been a destination for talented, driven people from every part of the planet. That includes millions of students from China, who have enriched our communities and forged lifelong bonds with Americans. Last year, despite the pandemic, we issued more than 100,000 visas to Chinese students in just four months – our highest rate ever. We’re thrilled that they’ve chosen to study in the United States – we’re lucky to have them.
And we’re lucky when the best global talent not only studies here but stays here – as more than 80 percent of Chinese students who pursue science and technology PhDs in the United States have done in recent years. They help drive innovation here at home, and that benefits all of us. We can stay vigilant about our national security without closing our doors.
We also know from our history that when we’re managing a challenging relationship with another government, people from that country or with that heritage can be made to feel that they don’t belong here – or that they’re our adversaries. Nothing could be further from the truth. Chinese Americans made invaluable contributions to our country; they’ve done so for generations. Mistreating someone of Chinese descent goes against everything we stand for as a country – whether a Chinese national visiting or living here, or a Chinese American, or any other Asian American whose claim to this country is equal to anyone else’s. Racism and hate have no place in a nation built by generations of immigrants to fulfill the promise of opportunity for all.
We have profound differences with the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Government. But those differences are between governments and systems – not between our people. The American people have great respect for the Chinese people. We respect their achievements, their history, their culture. We deeply value the ties of family and friendship that connect us. And we sincerely wish for our governments to work together on issues that matter to their lives and to the lives of Americans, and for that matter the lives of people around the world.
There’s another core source of national strength that we’ll be relying on in this decisive decade: our democracy.
A hundred years ago, if asked what constitutes the wealth of a nation, we might list the expanse of our land, the size of our population, the strength of our military, the abundance of our natural resources. And thankfully, we’re still wealthy in all of those attributes. But more than ever, in this 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in our people – our human resources – and our ability to unleash their full potential.
We do that with our democratic system. We debate, we argue, we disagree, we challenge each other, including our elected leaders. We deal with our deficiencies openly; we don’t pretend they don’t exist or sweep them under the rug. And though progress can feel painfully slow, can be difficult and ugly, by and large we consistently work toward a society where people from all backgrounds can flourish, guided by national values that unite, motivate, and uplift us.
We are not perfect. But at our best, we always strive to be – in the words of our Constitution – a more perfect union. Our democracy is designed to make that happen.
That’s what the American people and the American model offer, and it’s one of the most powerful assets in this contest.
Now, Beijing believes that its model is the better one; that a party-led centralized system is more efficient, less messy, ultimately superior to democracy. We do not seek to transform China’s political system. Our task is to prove once again that democracy can meet urgent challenges, create opportunity, advance human dignity; that the future belongs to those who believe in freedom and that all countries will be free to chart their own paths without coercion.
The second piece of our strategy is aligning with our allies and partners to advance a shared vision for the future.
From day one, the Biden administration has worked to re-energize America’s unmatched network of alliances and partnerships and to re-engage in international institutions. We’re encouraging partners to work with each other, and through regional and global organizations. And we’re standing up new coalitions to deliver for our people and meet the tests of the century ahead.
Nowhere is this more true than in the Indo-Pacific region, where our relationships, including our treaty alliances, are among our strongest in the world.
The United States shares the vision that countries and people across the region hold: one of a free and open Indo-Pacific where rules are developed transparently and applied fairly; where countries are free to make their own sovereign decisions; where goods, ideas, and people flow freely across land, sky, cyberspace, the open seas, and governance is responsive to the people.
President Biden reinforced these priorities this week with his trip to the region, where he reaffirmed our vital security alliances with South Korea and Japan, and deepened our economic and technology cooperation with both countries.
He launched the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, a first-of-its-kind initiative for the region. It will, in the President’s words, “help all our countries’ economies grow faster and fairer.” IPEF, as we call it, renews American economic leadership but adapts it for the 21st century by addressing cutting-edge issues like the digital economy, supply chains, clean energy, infrastructure, and corruption. A dozen countries, including India, have already joined. Together, IPEF members make up more than a third of the global economy.
The President also took part in the leaders’ summit of the Quad countries – Australia, Japan, India, the United States. The Quad never met at the leader level before President Biden took office. Since he convened the first leaders’ meeting last year, the Quad has held four summits. It’s become a leading regional team. This week, it launched a new Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness, so our partners across the region can better monitor the waters near their shores to address illegal fishing and protect their maritime rights and their sovereignty.
We’re reinvigorating our partnership with ASEAN. Earlier this month, we hosted the U.S.-ASEAN Summit to take on urgent issues like public health and the climate crisis together. This week, seven ASEAN countries became founding members of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. And we’re building bridges among our Indo-Pacific and European partners, including by inviting Asian allies to the NATO summit in Madrid next month.
We’re enhancing peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific; for example, with the new security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, known as AUKUS.
And we’re helping countries in the region and around the world defeat COVID-19. To date, the United States has provided nearly $20 billion to the global pandemic response. That includes more than 540 million doses of safe and effective vaccines donated – not sold – with no political strings attached, on our way to 1.2 billion doses worldwide. And we’re coordinating with a group of 19 countries in a global action plan to get shots into arms.
As a result of all of this diplomacy, we are more aligned with partners across the Indo-Pacific, and we’re working in a more coordinated way toward our shared goals.
We’ve also deepened our alignment across the Atlantic. We launched the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council last year, marshaling the combined weight of nearly 50 percent of the world’s GDP. Last week, I joined Secretary Raimondo, Ambassador Tai, and our European Commission counterparts for our second meeting to work together on new technology standards, coordinate on investment screening and export controls, strengthen supply chains, boost green tech, and improve food security and digital infrastructure in developing countries.
Meanwhile, we and our European partners set aside 17 years of litigation about aircraft; now, instead of arguing with each other, we’re working to secure a level playing field for our companies and workers in that sector.
Similarly, we worked with the European Union and others to resolve a dispute on steel and aluminum imports, and now we’re coming together around a shared vision on higher climate standards and protecting our workers and industries from Beijing’s deliberate efforts to distort the market to its advantage.
We’re partnering with the European Union to protect our citizens’ privacy while strengthening a shared digital economy that depends on vast flows of data.
With the G20, we reached a landmark deal on a global minimum tax to halt the race to the bottom, make sure that big corporations pay their fair share, and give countries even more resources to invest in their people. More than 130 countries have signed on so far.
We and our G7 partners are pursuing a coordinated, high-standard, and transparent approach to meet the enormous infrastructure needs in developing countries.
We’ve convened global summits on defeating COVID-19 and renewing global democracy, and rejoined the UN Human Rights Council and the WHO, the World Health Organization.
And at a moment of great testing, we and our allies have re-energized NATO, which is now as strong as ever.
These actions are all aimed at defending and, as necessary, reforming the rules-based order that should benefit all nations. We want to lead a race to the top on tech, on climate, infrastructure, global health, and inclusive economic growth. And we want to strengthen a system in which as many countries as possible can come together to cooperate effectively, resolve differences peacefully, write their own futures as sovereign equals.
Our diplomacy is based on partnership and respect for each other’s interests. We don’t expect every country to have the exact same assessment of China as we do. We know that many countries – including the United States – have vital economic or people-to-people ties with China that they want to preserve. This is not about forcing countries to choose. It’s about giving them a choice, so that, for example, the only option isn’t an opaque investment that leaves countries in debt, stokes corruption, harms the environment, fails to create local jobs or growth, and compromises countries’ exercise of their sovereignty. We’ve heard firsthand about buyer’s remorse that these deals can leave behind.
At every step, we’re consulting with our partners, listening to them, taking their concerns to heart, building solutions that address their unique challenges and priorities.
There is growing convergence about the need to approach relations with Beijing with more realism. Many of our partners already know from painful experience how Beijing can come down hard when they make choices that it dislikes. Like last spring, when Beijing cut off Chinese students and tourists from traveling to Australia and imposed an 80 percent tariff on Australian barley exports, because Australia’s Government called for an independent inquiry into COVID’s origin. Or last November, when Chinese Coast Guard vessels used water cannons to stop a resupply of a Philippine navy ship in the South China Sea. Actions like these remind the world of how Beijing can retaliate against perceived opposition.
There’s another area of alignment we share with our allies and partners: human rights.
The United States stands with countries and people around the world against the genocide and crimes against humanity happening in the Xinjiang region, where more than a million people have been placed in detention camps because of their ethnic and religious identity.
We stand together on Tibet, where the authorities continue to wage a brutal campaign against Tibetans and their culture, language, and religious traditions, and in Hong Kong, where the Chinese Communist Party has imposed harsh anti-democratic measures under the guise of national security.
Now, Beijing insists that these are somehow internal matters that others have no right to raise. That is wrong. Its treatment of ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang and Tibet, along with many other actions, go against the core tenets of the UN Charter that Beijing constantly cites and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that all countries are meant to adhere to.
Beijing’s quashing of freedom in Hong Kong violates its handover commitments, enshrined in a treaty deposited at the United Nations.
We’ll continue to raise these issues and call for change – not to stand against China, but to stand up for peace, security, and human dignity.
That brings us to the third element of our strategy. Thanks to increased investments at home and greater alignment with allies and partners, we are well-positioned to outcompete China in key areas.
For example, Beijing wants to put itself at the center of global innovation and manufacturing, increase other countries’ technological dependence, and then use that dependence to impose its foreign policy preferences. And Beijing is going to great lengths to win this contest – for example, taking advantage of the openness of our economies to spy, to hack, to steal technology and know-how to advance its military innovation and entrench its surveillance state.
So as we make sure the next wave of innovation is unleashed by the United States and our allies and partners, we’ll also protect ourselves against efforts to siphon off our ingenuity or imperil our security.
We’re sharpening our tools to safeguard our technological competitiveness. That includes new and stronger export controls to make sure our critical innovations don’t end up in the wrong hands; greater protections for academic research, to create an open, secure, and supportive environment for science; better cyber defenses; stronger security for sensitive data; and sharper investment screening measures to defend companies and countries against Beijing’s efforts to gain access to sensitive technologies, data, or critical infrastructure; compromise our supply chains; or dominate key strategic sectors.
We believe – and we expect the business community to understand – that the price of admission to China’s market must not be the sacrifice of our core values or long-term competitive and technological advantages. We’re counting on businesses to pursue growth responsibly, assess risk soberly, and work with us not only to protect but to strengthen our national security.
For too long, Chinese companies have enjoyed far greater access to our markets than our companies have in China. For example, Americans who want to read the China Daily or communicate via WeChat are free to do so, but The New York Times and Twitter are prohibited for the Chinese people, except those working for the government who use these platforms to spread propaganda and disinformation. American companies operating in China have been subject to systematic forced technology transfer, while Chinese companies in America have been protected by our rule of law. Chinese filmmakers can freely market their movies to American theater owners without any censorship by the U.S. Government, but Beijing strictly limits the number of foreign movies allowed in the Chinese market, and those that are allowed are subjected to heavy-handed political censorship. China’s businesses in the United States don’t fear using our impartial legal system to defend their rights – in fact, they’re frequently in court asserting claims against the United States Government. The same isn’t true for foreign firms in China.
This lack of reciprocity is unacceptable and it’s unsustainable.
Or consider what happened in the steel market. Beijing directed massive over-investment by Chinese companies, which then flooded the global market with cheap steel. Unlike U.S. companies and other market-oriented firms, Chinese companies don’t need to make a profit – they just get another injection of state-owned bank credit when funds are running low. Plus, they do little to control pollution or protect the rights of their workers, which also keeps costs down. As a consequence, China now accounts for more than half of global steel production, driving U.S. companies – as well as factories in India, Mexico, Indonesia, Europe, and elsewhere – out of the market.
We’ve seen this same model when it comes to solar panels, electric car batteries – key sectors of the 21st century economy that we cannot allow to become completely dependent on China.
Economic manipulations like these have cost American workers millions of jobs. And they’ve harmed the workers and firms of countries around the world. We will push back on market-distorting policies and practices, like subsidies and market access barriers, which China’s government has used for years to gain competitive advantage. We’ll boost supply chain security and resilience by reshoring production or sourcing materials from other countries in sensitive sectors like pharmaceuticals and critical minerals, so that we’re not dependent on any one supplier. We’ll stand together with others against economic coercion and intimidation. And we will work to ensure that U.S. companies don’t engage in commerce that facilitates or benefits from human rights abuses, including forced labor.
In short, we’ll fight for American workers and industry with every tool we have – just as we know that our partners will fight for their workers.
The United States does not want to sever China’s economy from ours or from the global economy – though Beijing, despite its rhetoric, is pursuing asymmetric decoupling, seeking to make China less dependent on the world and the world more dependent on China. For our part, we want trade and investment as long as they’re fair and don’t jeopardize our national security. China has formidable economic resources, including a highly capable workforce. We’re confident that our workers, our companies will compete successfully – and we welcome that competition – on a level playing field.
So as we push back responsibly on unfair technology and economic practices, we’ll work to maintain economic and people-to-people ties connecting the United States and China, consistent with our interests and our values. Beijing may not be willing to change its behavior. But if it takes concrete action to address the concerns that we and many other countries have voiced, we will respond positively.
Competition need not lead to conflict. We do not seek it. We will work to avoid it. But we will defend our interests against any threat.
To that end, President Biden has instructed the Department of Defense to hold China as its pacing challenge, to ensure that our military stays ahead. We’ll seek to preserve peace through a new approach that we call “integrated deterrence” – bringing in allies and partners; working across the conventional, the nuclear, space, and informational domains; drawing on our reinforcing strengths in economics, in technology, and in diplomacy.
The administration is shifting our military investments away from platforms that were designed for the conflicts of the 20th century toward asymmetric systems that are longer-range, harder to find, easier to move. We’re developing new concepts to guide how we conduct military operations. And we’re diversifying our force posture and global footprint, fortifying our networks, critical civilian infrastructure, and space-based capabilities. We’ll help our allies and partners in the region with their own asymmetric capabilities, too.
We’ll continue to oppose Beijing’s aggressive and unlawful activities in the South and East China Seas. Nearly six years ago, an international tribunal found that Beijing’s claims in the South China Sea have no basis in international law. We’ll support the region’s coastal states in upholding their maritime rights. We’ll work with allies and partners to uphold freedom of navigation and overflight, which has enabled the region’s prosperity for decades. And we’ll continue to fly and sail wherever international law allows.
On Taiwan, our approach has been consistent across decades and administrations. As the President has said, our policy has not changed. The United States remains committed to our “one China” policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, the Six Assurances. We oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side; we do not support Taiwan independence; and we expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means.
We continue to have an abiding interest in peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. We’ll continue to uphold our commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability – and, as indicated in the TRA, to “maintain our capacity to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security or the social or economic system, of Taiwan.” We enjoy a strong unofficial relationship with Taiwan, a vibrant democracy and leading economy in the region. We’ll continue to expand our cooperation with Taiwan on our many shared interests and values, support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in the international community, deepen our economic ties, consistent with our “one China” policy.
While our policy has not changed, what has changed is Beijing’s growing coercion – like trying to cut off Taiwan’s relations with countries around the world and blocking it from participating in international organizations. And Beijing has engaged in increasingly provocative rhetoric and activity, like flying PLA aircraft near Taiwan on an almost daily basis. These words and actions are deeply destabilizing; they risk miscalculation and threaten the peace and stability of the Taiwan Strait. As we saw from the President’s discussions with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, maintaining peace and stability across the strait is not just a U.S. interest; it is a matter of international concern, critical to regional and global security and prosperity.
As President Biden likes to say, the only conflict worse than an intended one is an unintended one. We’ll manage this relationship responsibly to prevent that from happening. We’ve prioritized crisis communications and risk reduction measures with Beijing. And on this issue – and every other – we remain committed to intense diplomacy alongside intense competition.
Even as we invest, align, and compete, we’ll work together with Beijing where our interests come together. We can’t let the disagreements that divide us stop us from moving forward on the priorities that demand that we work together, for the good of our people and for the good of the world.
That starts with climate. China and the United States had years of stalemate on climate, which gridlocked the world – but also periods of progress, which galvanized the world. The climate diplomacy channel launched in 2013 between China and the United States unleashed global momentum that produced the Paris Agreement. Last year at COP26, the world’s hopes were buoyed when the United States and China issued our Glasgow Joint Declaration to work together to address emissions from methane to coal.
Climate is not about ideology. It’s about math. There’s simply no way to solve climate change without China’s leadership, the country that produces 28 percent of global emissions. The International Energy Agency has made clear that if China sticks with its current plan and does not peak its emissions until 2030, then the rest of the world must go to zero by 2035. And that’s simply not possible.
Today about 20 nations are responsible for 80 percent of emissions. China is number one. The United States is number two. Unless we all do much more, much faster, the financial and human cost will be catastrophic. Plus, competing on clean energy and climate policy can produce results that benefit everyone.
The progress that the United States and China make together – including through the working group established by the Glasgow Declaration – is vital to our success in avoiding the worst consequences of this crisis. I urge China to join us in accelerating the pace of these shared efforts.
Likewise, on the COVID-19 pandemic, our fates are linked. And our hearts go out to the Chinese people as they deal with this latest wave. We’ve been through our own deeply painful ordeal with COVID. That’s why we’re so convinced that all countries need to work together to vaccinate the world – not in exchange for favors or political concessions, but for the simple reason that no country will be safe until all are safe. And all nations must transparently share data and samples – and provide access to experts – for new variants and emerging and re-emerging pathogens, to prevent the next pandemic even as we fight the current one.
On nonproliferation and arms control, it’s in all of our interests to uphold the rules, the norms, the treaties that have reduced the spread of weapons of mass destruction. China and the United States must keep working together, and with other countries, to address Iran and North Korea’s nuclear programs. And we remain ready to discuss directly with Beijing our respective responsibilities as nuclear powers.
To counter illegal and illicit narcotics, especially synthetic opioids like fentanyl that killed more than 100,000 Americans last year, we want to work with China to stop international drug trafficking organizations from getting precursor chemicals, many of which originate in China.
As a global food crisis threatens people worldwide, we look to China – a country that’s achieved great things in agriculture – to help with a global response. Last week at the United Nations, the United States convened a meeting of foreign ministers to strengthen global food security. We extended an invitation to China to join. We’ll continue to do so.
And as the world’s economy recovers from the devastation of the pandemic, global macroeconomic coordination between the United States and China is key – through the G20, the IMF, other venues, and of course, bilaterally. That comes with the territory of being the world’s two largest economies.
In short, we’ll engage constructively with China wherever we can, not as a favor to us or anyone else, and never in exchange for walking away from our principles, but because working together to solve great challenges is what the world expects from great powers, and because it’s directly in our interest. No country should withhold progress on existential transnational issues because of bilateral differences.
The scale and the scope of the challenge posed by the People’s Republic of China will test American diplomacy like nothing we’ve seen before. I’m determined to give the State Department and our diplomats the tools that they need to meet this challenge head on as part of my modernization agenda. This includes building a China House – a department-wide integrated team that will coordinate and implement our policy across issues and regions, working with Congress as needed. And here, I must mention an outstanding team at our embassy in Beijing and our consulates across China, led by Ambassador Nick Burns. They do exceptional work every day, and many have been doing their jobs in recent weeks through these intense COVID lockdowns. Despite extreme conditions, they’ve persisted. We’re grateful for this terrific team.
I’ve never been more convinced about the power and the purpose of American diplomacy or sure about our capacity to meet the challenges of this decisive decade. To the American people: let’s recommit to investing in our core strengths, in our people, in our democracy, in our innovative spirit. As President Biden often says, it’s never a good bet to bet against America. But let’s bet on ourselves and win the competition for the future.
To countries around the world committed to building an open, secure, and prosperous future, let’s work in common cause to uphold the principles that make our shared progress possible and stand up for the right of every nation to write its own future. And to the people of China: we’ll compete with confidence; we’ll cooperate wherever we can; we’ll contest where we must. We do not see conflict.
There’s no reason why our great nations cannot coexist peacefully, and share in and contribute to human progress together. That’s what everything I’ve said today boils down to: advancing human progress, leaving to our children a world that’s more peaceful, more prosperous, and more free.
Thank you very much for listening. (Applause.)
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific AffairsChinaOffice of the SpokespersonThe Secretary of StateTibet
