周恩來年譜英文參考資料--1945年8月30日毛周與魏德邁會見

1945年8月，毛澤東在周恩來和美國特使赫爾利陪同下來到重慶與蔣介石談判。8月30日，毛澤東和周恩來會見了接替史迪威的魏德邁（Albert C. Wedemeyer）將軍。
周恩來年譜：
1945 年8 月30 日－9 月1 日
連日和王若飛同國民黨方麵代表王世傑、張治中、張群、邵力子會晤，就軍事、政治等問題廣泛交換意見。
1945 年8 月30 日－10 月11 日
△陪同毛澤東與各方人士會晤，就國是交換意見。會見的有宋慶齡、於右任、孫科、覃振、馮玉祥、戴季陶、白崇禧、陳立夫、柳亞子、吳稚暉、張瀾、沈鈞儒、左舜生、羅隆基、章伯鈞、黃炎培、鄒魯等。並和蘇、英、法、加拿大等國大使會晤，招待合眾社、路透社等駐重慶的外國記者。
沒有提到與魏德邁將軍的會見。

本博來自：魏德邁將軍回憶錄，《魏德邁報到！》（Wedemeyer Reports！by General Albert C. Wedemeyer Henry Holt & Company,New York 1958）,是原文的翻譯（因為這段比較重要，所以把英文原文附後），文中的“我”指魏德邁：
 我在重慶家裏和毛澤東，周恩來討論共產主義的時候，我問他們：難道你們不能放棄外國的意識形態而自力更生地完成孫中山三民主義中的崇高目標嗎？周恩來回答道：中國的解放者不能與社會主義國家相分離，而沒有國際無產階級的幫助，他們也不能成功。然後我問道：這是不是說你們必須接受蘇聯的援助？他很肯定地回答說：中國共產黨必須接受蘇聯的幫助，以及美國，英國和世界上其它國家的無產階級的幫助。他說：“否則我們就不能戰勝資產階級專政。”
  毛澤東認真地聽我們談話，與他們同來的一位女翻譯給他翻譯。此時毛澤東插話：“中國革命是反對帝國主義，封建主義和資本主義的世界革命的一部分。”他又說：“我們要堅定地進行中國的政治革命和經濟革命，讓人民擁有嶄新的政治，經濟和文化體係。我們不僅要掃除政治壓迫和經濟剝削，我們還要幫助那些不識字又落後的人們受教育，懂文明，使他們進步；換句話說，一個為人民服務的新文化。”
  我回憶起1927-1937年期間蔣介石和他的政府也努力要完成類似的目標，周恩來毛澤東都不認為蔣介石取得任何進步，他們強調指出貧窮，髒亂，腐敗和管理不善等都是國民黨造成的。接著我說如果你自己去閱讀，或者聽一個虔誠的共產主義分子的宣傳，馬克思主義的很多目標顯得是人道主義的，也很有建設意義，但是每當共產黨掌握政權後，這些美好的目標就變成了泡影和陷阱。所謂的無產階級被剝奪了言論自由，失去了決定政府組織機構的機會，不能得到與他們的工作相應的工資，以及宗教自由。周恩來急著要打斷我，但我繼續說：“共產黨奪取政權的方法--欺騙，脅迫，謀殺和奴役，都是共產黨奪取和維護政權的特征。”
 周恩來明顯被我的話激怒了，脫口說起中國話來，然後意識到我聽不懂，他又說起了不熟練的英語，努力搜尋反駁我的恰當的詞。他強調指出，世界上反革命的力量太強大，普通老百姓不得不利用一切可以利用的方法來推翻他們的死敵。他引用列寧的話：“無產階級必須繼續鬥爭，直到摧毀資本主義。”
  這次討論，主要是通過翻譯進行的，很慢，很艱難。艱難是因為我要毫無疑義地搞清楚這兩個共產黨人的追求的目標是什麽。很多次我聽到別人說，他們不是真正的馬克思主義者，而不過是關心中國人民利益的農業改革者（agrarian reformers），但是，這次曆史性的會談，雖然是非正式的，卻否定了這種在美國很流行的說法。我在這些中國共產黨客人離開後，立即把這次很具挑戰的討論記錄下來。

上圖，1945年7月，魏德邁將軍巡視中國東南方，與村民一起；下圖，1944年重慶，左旗，朱世明將軍，蔣介石，英國將軍Wiart，魏德邁，ferris.

以上是魏德邁的記述，他沒有說明會談是哪一天，本博從OSS in China Prelude to Cold War一書（ by Maochun Yu， Yale University Press 1997）中得知（p240），此事發生在1945年8月30日。魏德邁回憶錄相關部分英文原文：
P.285
In discussing communism with Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai in my home in Chungking I asked them why they and their followers could not on their own initiative and without adopting foreign ideology accomplish the excellent objectives embodied in the San Min Chu I from Sun Yat-sen. Chou En-lai replied that the Chinese liberators could not be separated from the socialist state nor could they operate without the aid of the international proletariat. I then asked, “Does this mean that you must obtain aid from the Soviet Union?” and he replied categorically that the Chinese Communists must accept the assistance of the Soviet Union as well as of the proletariat in the United States, Great Britain, and other (p286) countries of the world. “Otherwise we cannot win a victory over bourgeois dictatorship,” he said.
Mao Tse-tung, who had been listening carefully to our conversation, translated to him by a female interpreter who accompanied them, interrupted:”Chinese revolution is an intergral part of world revolution against imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism.” He added: “We are definitely committed to the struggle for political and economic revolution in China so that the people will have a new system of politics, economy, and culture. Not only must we eliminate political oppression and econimic expoitation but also we want to help our people who are so ignorant and backward to become educated, civilized, and progressive; in other words, a new culture for all of our people.”
I then recalled the period 1927-1937 in China when Chiang Kai-shek and his government were striving to accomplish similar objectives. Neither Chou En-lai nor Mao Tse-tung would agree that forward steps had been made; in fact they emphasized the poverty, squalor, corruption, and maladministration which they maintained were directly attributable to the Kuomintang. I then commented that many of the objectives of Marxism when read or even expressed by an ardent Communist would seem humanitarian and constructive, but uniformly after the Communists came into power these worthy objectives proved to be a delusion and a snare. The so-called proletariat were denied freedom of speech, the opportunity of determining how and by whom they would be governed, commensurate reward for their work, and even freedom to worship their God. Chou En-lai was very anxious to interrupt but I continued:” The methods employed by the Communists to obtain control--lying, intimidations, murder, and enslavement--have in every instance been the hallmarks of Communist acquisition and maintenance of power.”
Chou En-lai was obviously aroused by my remarks, because he burst forth in Chinese. Then, realizing that I did not understand, he returned rather haltingly to English, trying to find the correct words to refute my statements. He emphasized that the power of the reactionary forces in the world was so great that the common people were compelled to resort to any means in order to accomplish the overthrow of their deadly enemies. He then quoted Lenin:(p287)”The proletariat must continue the struggle against capitalism until it is destroyed.”
 This discussion, much of which was conducted through the interpreter, was slow and painful, the latter because I was trying to establish unmistakably the objectives of these two Communist leaders. I had heard many times that they were not true Marxists but were simply agrarian reformers interested in the welfare of the Chinese people. However, this historic meeting under informal circumstances gave the lie to such reports, which were being widely disseminated in the United States. I recorded this provocative discussion immediately after my Chinese Communist guests had departed.