憑墟
廣漠寒山碧海蒼天，三墳五典八索九丘
張純如認為美國社會長期忽視南京大屠殺，在書裏試圖分析其原因。張著出版後，有的書評人否認美國社會忽視南京大屠殺，指出美國雖然沒有出專書、沒寫進曆史教科書，但一直有人研究。有的書評人批評作者一味站中國立場、以中國代言人自居。對於華裔美國人，這是誅心之論。但就這本書而言，這種批評有失公允。張著（第209-10頁）完整記錄了南京國際委員會的貝德士等人遭到中華人民共和國批判、軟禁和驅逐的事實。如果中國共產黨人是中國人，這種行為按照中華文化屬於忘恩負義。作者並沒有不加分析站在中國的立場上。
外籍華人的身份認同、效忠國家和自處之道，因人而異，見仁見智。但張女士去世多年，印太形勢已經豁然開朗。印太和平威脅來自何方，是曾經軍國主義當道的日本，還是現在厲害了我的國，美國社會已達成共識。
張純如寫作此書的另一意圖，是為了讓華裔美國人世代不忘南京大屠殺的“曆史遺產”。這份遺產如果是曆史經驗，的確是有價值的。如果是血海深仇，就毫無價值。章開沅先生說得好，“我們回憶充滿恐怖與罪行的往事，決不是為了複仇，而是為了尋求真理與伸張正義，同時也是為了汲取曆史經驗，教育包括日本在內的全世界人民，反對侵略戰爭，維護世界和平。”
有人煽動對日本的仇恨，說什麽“原子彈下無冤魂”。實際上，長崎核爆死難者絕大部分是無辜平民，還包括至少8名盟軍戰俘、上百名中國人、上千名朝鮮人。仇恨日本的人，無視當代日本社會承認曆史、熱愛和平的主流，但他們一般不會拒絕使用日本產品。
中日是近鄰，兩國關係曆史複雜。小澤 征爾1935年出生在偽滿洲國奉天市，在中國生活到6歲。他父親小澤 開作是滿洲國協和會、華北新民會的創始人之一，積極推動日本侵華事業，因為崇拜策劃九一八事變的關東軍軍官板垣 征四郎和石原 莞爾，從二者名字中各取一字，就成了征爾、後來舉世聞名的指揮家。中國一直將小澤征爾視作友好人士。小津安二郎的人生就更複雜了，曾是日本侵華毒氣部隊的一員，擔任班長，後升軍曹；南京大屠殺期間曾到句容，其後駐紮南京數月；其戰時日記曾寫到慰安婦。但小津戰後影片人情味濃鬱，體現普遍人性、東方道德、和平傾向，被認為是“史上最具人文精神的導演。”
嚴肅認真的批評是學術尊重的一種形式，可惜張純如女士再也聽不到我們的意見，再也沒有改進著作的機會。張著2011年英文版增添了她先生布雷特·道格拉斯（Bretton Douglas）新寫的跋。跋寫得好，客觀全麵。在道格拉斯先生看來，前妻發病原因複雜，包括對日本右翼的憂懼、家族遺傳、多次流產帶來的身心創傷、經常熬夜、新書推介的辛勞、不信西醫常服中藥、驕傲等因素，跟張母說的不完全一樣（265-68頁）。無論如何，願逝者安息。
2007年底日本同時代社出了張著日語版。張女士如果知道，不知是否會為日本社會的容量感到些許欣慰。
我手頭有本複刻版《高等科國史》，是日本文部省編寫和發行的曆史教科書，原版發行於1945年7月31日。當時學製裏的高等科，相當於現在的初中一、二年級。教科書出版兩個星期後日本投降，所以並未真正投入使用。前幾年右翼促成當年曆史教科書再版，以右翼人權活動家自居的三浦 小太郎先生寫了一篇解說詞附在書後。解說詞的結語，“我們在令和時代的使命，是嚐試建立一個新的‘神國’，一個‘開放的神國’，遠離狹隘民族主義、霸權主義、排他性原教旨主義以及將自己價值觀強加於人的那種意識形態。”這段結語，除了“神國”的說法仍令人不安，其餘似乎問題不大。不論再版者用意，這本書無疑具有時代標本意義，我們正好可以從中了解軍國主義日本當年的思維和立場。
我料到軍國主義者會有一套強盜邏輯，沒想到竟似曾相識。該書最後一章《昭和的宏謨》【宏謨，宏謀之意】，講滿洲事變的意義和大東亞戰爭的使命，聲稱：滿洲事變的緣由，在於西方列強尤其是英美長期對日本的壓迫和遏製。美國操弄中國仇日排日反日，英國在新加坡加強軍事。蔣介石統一中國之後，在美國慫恿下，壓迫在華和人，抵製日貨，蹂躪日本在華利益，觸發九•一八滿洲事變。事變之初，日方堅持克製。但中國竟訴諸國聯，國聯偏袒中國。國聯背後，是一戰確立的凡爾賽體係，代表舊的世界秩序。滿洲事變動搖舊世界秩序，是大東亞建設的發端。
日本人感受到西方壓力，從1850年代被迫開國時就開始了，稱當時簽訂的開國條約為“不平等條約”。在凡爾賽和約談判期間，日方訴求中反種族歧視的成分是合理的、獲得中方支持，但日本力爭取得跟列強同等地位的目標未能實現。長期遭人欺壓的弱國心態，常會刺激民族主義瘋狂生長，到國家已經強大時都不能止步。日本在日俄戰爭中擊敗沙俄後，就已成為遠東第一強國，但民族思維還是弱國心理。新型強國堅守弱國心理，不啻民族災難，給日本帶來毀滅性打擊。
曆史會重複。不一定是抵製日貨，可以是“去風險”，抵製一帶一路、太陽能板、鋰電池和電車。不一定是大東亞共榮圈，可以是“命運共同體”。掠奪的不一定是他國礦藏，可以是外國先進的知識產權。軍國主義日本挑戰的是一戰確立的國際秩序，現在中、俄挑戰的是二戰確立的國際秩序；共同點是挑戰、破壞規則，而不是維護、遵守規則。當年日本、現在中國謀求的，都是民族振興，和相應的“國際新秩序”。“富國強兵”，是日本軍國主義的核心內容，也是共產黨中國的基本國策。富國落實到強兵，就是試圖用暴力征服理性、破壞規則。富國強兵是軍國主義，“落後就要挨打”難道不是？“落後就要挨打”是典型的社會達爾文主義，跟日、德、意法西斯主義的主張沒有本質區別。
曆史的教訓，值得警醒。
南京大屠殺已經87年了。如果我們總結不出真正的曆史教訓，紀念館修得再悲壯，在圍繞曆史問題的外交糾紛中態度再強硬，學術爭議中調門再高，都毫無意義。日本法西斯主義在二戰中遭受毀滅性打擊，戰後得以有效抑製。倒是當代中國，存在淪為法西斯主義國家的現實危險。曆史的教訓，在延續，在轉移。
什麽是法西斯主義？《韋氏詞典》是這樣定義的，“一種民粹主義政治哲學、運動或政權（如意大利墨索裏尼政權），宣揚民族和種族高於個人，與獨裁領導人領導的集權專製政府相關，其特點是嚴酷的經濟社會管製和暴力鎮壓反對派。”
在南京大屠殺87周年之際，我們看到，曆史的教訓，對於當前中日兩國，其實大體相同。對於中國人民，中國法西斯主義並不比日本法西斯主義更可接受。
20241213初稿
20250129從日本返回美國後改定
作為一個華人後代，對祖國能有如此激情，彌足珍貴。她的書不能用純學術的尺子去量，而要著眼於其曆史貢獻。可以說，全世界華人加起來都不如張女士對這段曆史介紹的貢獻大。其他學者雖然是先驅，治學很嚴謹，但是西方人認識日本侵華曆史卻不是從他們那兒得來的，而是張純如用她的巨著把這個鐵門敲開的。
評價張純如不能著眼小處，還是要看她偉大的貢獻。
馮兄，僅供討論。
Bretton Douglas: I believe Iris’s prolonged fear and apprehension about Japanese right-wing extremists, her genetics, her multiple miscarriages, her countless all-nighters, her strenuous book tours, and her herbal supplements all may have contributed to her breakdown in Louisville in August of 2004. Paula Kamen wrote that one form of mental illness is the inability to control one’s fears. This is how Iris’s fears escalated: When our son Christopher started showing signs of autism, she discovered that many believed vaccines were the cause. She dug deeper and found that vaccines and drugs given to Gulf War veterans caused various illnesses. Around the same time, we went to see the 2004 version of The Manchurian Candidate, in which the government used mind control on Gulf War soldiers. The movie heightened her anxiety. She spent the next few days preparing for an upcoming business trip to Louisville to meet with Colonel Arthur Kelly and interview survivors of the Bataan Death March. Instead of sleeping, she spent the next few nights visiting web sites on autism, Gulf War Syndrome, and many conspiracy theories. We were all quite concerned about her at the time she left for Louisville, but we thought if she went on the research trip she would focus on her work and not on all the conspiracies. However, her mind began to play tricks on her due to the lack of sleep. She believed that the government was trying to poison her, so she refused to eat or drink anything after she left our home. Her condition deteriorated rapidly due to the deprivation of food, water, and sleep. She called her mother in terrible condition, and her mother contacted Colonel Kelly. When Colonel Kelly and his wife, a retired nurse, saw her condition, they called for an ambulance. Iris had never met Colonel Kelly in person; she became convinced they were part of a conspiracy to do harm to her, so she tried to flee. Police and paramedics forced her to go to the Louisville Hospital for extensive tests. She was placed in the psychiatric ward, where, according to Iris, she was repeatedly threatened by the orderlies. By this time she was firmly convinced that they were trying to drug her or poison her, so she once again refused to eat, drink anything, or sleep while she was there. If Iris had her breakdown at home surrounded by people she loved and trusted, it would not have been nearly as traumatic for her. Instead, she concluded that the people who had tried to help her in Louisville were all part of a Bush Administration conspiracy to harm her. During the last three months of her life, we could never get her to let go of that belief. After her parents brought her home from the Louisville hospital, we had trouble finding a good psychiatrist to treat her. To compound the problem, Iris was not a cooperative mental health patient. Iris’s experience solving our fertility problems caused her to lose respect for most medical doctors. Iris would so thoroughly research the topic that she would overwhelm the doctors she met. After that experience, she had very little faith in most medical doctors. This was a time when we desperately needed to find a good psychiatrist. We even more desperately needed Iris to follow the treatment plan, but she fought it every step of the way. Iris’s parents and I thought it would be a good idea to bring her to a bipolar personality support group, so they brought her to a meeting at Stanford University. The people she saw there were not winning the battle with bipolar disorder. Almost none of them were working, and many were on five or six medications. Iris described them as zombies, and she said she would never allow herself to be medicated like that. Shortly afterwards, her psychiatrist formally diagnosed her with bipolar personality disorder, meaning she should be treated with mood-stabilizing drugs rather than antidepressant and antipsychotic drugs. The suicide risk for mental health patients goes up during changes in medication. After Iris’s death, her mother did a lot of research on the drugs prescribed to Iris, and she discovered that Asians may be more sensitive to many of the commonly prescribed drugs. These drugs have been tested on very few Asians because they make up such a small portion of the US population, so the medications pose more risk of side effects to Asian patients. This was likely the case with Iris. The powerful antipsychotic and mood-altering drugs she took seemed to cause many side effects on her. Two days after the diagnosis and change in medication her mother found a gun safety course brochure from Reed’s Gun Shop in Iris’s purse. This was the first indication we had that she had any plans to buy a gun. When we questioned her, she told us she believed the US government was out to get her, and she needed a gun to protect herself. The combination of meeting the heavily medicated bipolar personality disorder patients, Iris’s formal diagnosis of bipolar personality disorder, her change of medications, and the resulting side effects all put Iris in a very unstable state. Iris’s parents, her psychiatrist, and I tried to find people who were successfully coping with bipolar personality disorder to talk to Iris and to give her encouragement, but we ran out of time. After her experience in Louisville, Iris firmly believed the Bush Administration meant to do harm to her. She was hopeful that John Kerry would defeat George Bush in the November 2004 election, but Bush’s victory was announced on November 3. Her thoughts of four more years of persecution were too much for her. The police investigation after her death concluded that she purchased the first handgun on the very next day. The last factor that I believe led to Iris’s suicide was something that no one else has mentioned: Pride. In her suicide note, she wrote: “It is far better that you remember me as I was—in my heyday as a best-selling author—than the wild-eyed wreck who returned from Louisville.” On a personal level, Iris was completely unpretentious. She drove a Geo Metro for five years. If someone had stopped by our home unannounced, they would likely find Iris wearing glasses, no makeup, a t-shirt, and a baggy pair of sweats. However if Iris made a public appearance, her hair and makeup were always perfect, she wore her contacts and a conservative business suit, and she always had a speech prepared and rehearsed. She invested a tremendous amount of time and effort into building up and maintaining her public persona. I don’t believe she felt like she could maintain that after her breakdown.
Chang, Iris. The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II (pp. 265-268). Basic Books. Kindle Edition.
好奇心引著我看完了你的第一篇，有點不解其意，所以硬著頭皮看了第二篇，不料更不解了，看完第三篇，恍然大悟你狐狸尾巴裏藏的什麽貨！
你批評張純如的書不專業，帶著感情，或南京大屠殺的數據，時間，細節不合理，也許都有一定道理。在中國的曆史，傳統文化中對人命的漠視，對數字的模糊，常常以”數萬將士陣亡”這種形容看得我一頭霧水，不知是2，3萬？或是5-6，7-8萬人？多少將？多少士？
民國時期，百姓民智未開，政府腐敗，地方割據，日日內戰，國貧民弱，實在缺乏一個現代國家基本架構和能力。在兵荒馬亂，麵對強敵的慌亂時刻，要統計被屠殺的軍民人數，姓名，具體細節，你實在是書生談兵，太高估了一個腐敗政府的能力。其後，改朝換代，後任政府黨天下，根本不關心前朝軍民的生死血淚。
所以，對與南京大屠殺這一人類慘史的記錄，一定有諸多細節上的矛盾，甚至錯誤，但是日軍大規模殘酷殺害我同胞軍民的事實是鐵的事實！！故意糾纏於數字，或一些細節，不是蠢，就是極卑鄙！以為旁人看不出你企圖以細枝末節，來轉移注意力，借以局部細碎的小錯誤，來否定大事實！
二戰中，納粹到底屠殺了多少猶太人？遇難者是誰？有多少吉普賽人也在其中？從來就沒有人糾纏於數字的精確，或遇難者的具體名字。納粹屠殺猶太人就是鐵一般的事實！
你反天朝，是你的自由。但不要為了你的政治訴求，去消費30萬軍民的血海深仇
隻要強了，幹什麽都是高尚的。
隻要是弱了，被打了，連喊疼，都是錯。