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Yanis Varoufakis 為什麽歐洲不能自由地與中國交往

(2024-02-09 07:57:07) 下一個

Yanis Varoufakis 為什麽歐洲不能自由地與中國交往 

2023 年 12 月 14 日

Yanis Varoufakis – Why Europe is not free to relate to China

https://braveneweurope.com/yanis-varoufakis-why-europe-is-not-free-to-relate-to-china?
歐盟陷入經濟困境,特別是在美國擴大霸權要求的情況下。 歐盟因此無法與中國發展必要的關係。

亞尼斯·瓦魯法基斯 (Yanis Varoufakis) 是 MeRA25 領導人、希臘前財政部長、雅典大學經濟學教授
本文最初發表於《中國日報》智庫《中國觀察》


第24次中歐領導人會晤於周四落下帷幕,人們很自然地想要審視這些宣言和官方演講的背後,以找出影響歐盟與中國關係及其對華政策的更深層次的力量。 但要理解這些力量的本質,至關重要的是要回到最初,即1971年8月,當時美國結束了自己設計的布雷頓森林國際金融體係。 我們之所以需要追溯到那麽久遠的時間,是因為歐盟的商業模式是為了應對從固定匯率製度到金融化資本主義時代的動蕩過渡而形成的。 同樣,中國的重大崛起及其與歐洲不斷發展的聯係也需要以同樣的眼光來審視。

在布雷頓森林體係下,隻要美國與歐洲國家和日本保持貿易順差,歐洲貨幣與美元之間的固定匯率(即歐洲的美元化)就會發揮作用——從某種意義上說,流入歐洲的美元會遷移 回到美國本土——得益於美國對歐洲的淨出口。 然而,一旦美國成為赤字國家,在 20 世紀 60 年代末的某個時候,布雷頓森林體係就不再可持續,並迅速被華盛頓秘密向歐洲和日本提出的我所說的黑暗協議所取代。

黑暗交易相當簡單:“我們將利用我們的貿易逆差來保持對你們產品的高需求。 作為回報,您將自願將您的利潤投資於我們的 FIRE——金融、保險和房地產領域。” 於是,美元就成了美化的借據。 美國可以用它或多或少地購買歐洲和日本工廠可以生產的所有東西,用美元支付,歐洲和日本資本家別無選擇,隻能投資美國的火。為什麽稱這為黑暗交易? 因為,在美國和歐洲資本家獲得巨額財富的同時,它還導致德國等淨出口國的工資受到永久性抑製,歐洲其他國家陷入緩慢的衰退,以及美國中心地帶的工業大規模衰退。

中國在 20 世紀 90 年代的巨大崛起讓美國和歐盟處於這種奇怪的關係中。 中國經濟受益於華盛頓的黑暗協議,該協議現已擴大到將整個工廠生產線從美國出口到中國,然後將其產品出口到美國,美國公民用美元支付,然後他們的中國接受者將投資於華爾街 ,例如,在美國國庫券中。 華爾街會用這些節省下來做什麽? 他們將把歐洲、日本和中國的大部分利潤投資到世界各地的新資本設備上。 簡而言之,美國回收了別人的錢,並保留了由此產生的利潤和租金的很大一部分。

這個以美國為中心的全球回收機製在2008年徹底崩潰。 所發生的事情是,在每天有數十億美元的歐洲和亞洲利潤湧入華爾街的背景下,美國和英國的金融家掀起了一場不可持續的賭注(也稱為結構性衍生品)的海嘯,這些賭注不可避免地崩潰了, 首先是雷曼兄弟倒閉,然後是惡性多米諾骨牌效應,導致整個北大西洋和歐洲銀行體係崩潰。

那時,西方國家對大多數人實行普遍緊縮政策,並代表金融及其大企業客戶大量印鈔。 其結果是金融市場出現極好的複蘇,但生產性資本投資崩潰(因為企業可以看到大多數人買不起昂貴的新商品),西方工人階級陷入蕭條,不平等程度令人心碎,以及 歐洲和美國的種族主義極右。

有兩件事拯救了西方資本主義:西方央行的印鈔已經提到了,還有……中國。 雷曼兄弟倒閉後,中國政府立即明智地增加投資,用國內投資來彌補預期的外國需求損失。 至此,中國免疫了西方金融危機病毒。 在此過程中,中國的投資熱潮對穩定美國和問題重重的歐元區發揮了重要作用。

這是理解當前中歐關係的曆史背景:歐盟對中國的需要遠遠超過中國對歐盟的需要,但在對華關係上卻受到美國的牽製。 要了解這一點,請注意 2008 年危機爆發之前

源於華爾街的歐洲,歐盟的基礎是有缺陷的,因為與美國不同,美國擁有聯邦財政部、完全統一的銀行體係和聯邦總投資計劃(當然,其中包括其龐大的預算) 強大的軍工聯合體),而歐洲卻沒有這些。 結果,2008年之後,希臘成為煤礦裏的金絲雀,歐洲民眾陷入嚴厲的緊縮政策,大多數歐洲政府陷入無法償還的債務,導致投資水平低於本已很低的歐洲國家。 美國遠低於中國。

十五年後,我們就能看到結果。 2008年,歐洲人的總收入比美國公民高出10%。 到 2022 年,美國公民的收入比歐洲人高 26%。 此外,歐洲人不僅在集體上而且在私人方麵都在變得更加貧窮。 更糟糕的是,自2009年以來的十五年裏,與中國或美國不同,歐洲未能對未來技術進行投資:電池、太陽能、微芯片和人工智能。 最重要的是,雖然美國和中國對新的基於雲的資本進行了大量投資,賦予其所有者對大型科技和數字金融交易的新興聯係的巨大權力,但歐洲卻沒有。

上述解釋了為什麽歐洲盡管擁有財富和財富,但卻是一個衰落的經濟集團,陷入了華盛頓針對中國發動的日益激烈的新冷戰,以阻止中國大型科技和數字支付係統的集聚增長,這對中國構成了威脅。 以美元為基礎的全球支付體係麵臨危險。 烏克蘭危機在歐洲現有的南北分歧上又增加了東西方分歧,並過度提高了能源成本,進一步削弱了歐洲獨立於歐洲意願選擇對華政策的自主權。 我們。

總之,當歐洲和中國官員在第24次中歐領導人會晤時,歐洲代表選擇談判立場的自由度將比以前少得多。 歐洲已經不再是以前的歐洲了。 這對歐洲和中國人民都沒有好處。

Yanis Varoufakis – Why Europe is not free to relate to China

https://braveneweurope.com/yanis-varoufakis-why-europe-is-not-free-to-relate-to-china?

December 14, 2023

The EU is in economic trouble, especially as the US expands its hegemonic demands. The EU is for this reason unable to develop its relations with China as is necessary.

Yanis Varoufakis is leader of MeRA25, former Greek finance minister and professor of economics at the University of Athens

This article originally appeared in China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily

As the 24th EU-China Summit concluded on Thursday, it is natural to want to look behind the declarations and official speeches to identify the deeper forces shaping the European Union’s relationship with China and its policies toward China. But to understand the nature of these forces, it is crucial to go back to the very beginning, August 1971, when the United States ended the Bretton Woods international financial system designed by itself. The reason we need to go that far back in time is that the EU’s business model was shaped in response to that tumultuous transition from a fixed exchange rate system to the era of financialized capitalism. Similarly, China’s momentous rise, and its evolving links to Europe, need to be examined under the same light.

Under the Bretton Woods system, fixed exchange rates between European currencies and the dollar (i.e., Europe’s dollarization) worked well as long as the US maintained a trade surplus with the European countries and Japan — in the sense that the dollars pumped into Europe would migrate back to US soil — courtesy of US net exports to Europe. However, once the US became a deficit country, sometime in the late 1960s, Bretton Woods was no longer sustainable and was speedily replaced by what I call a Dark Deal that Washington surreptitiously offered Europe and Japan.

The Dark Deal was rather simple: “We shall keep demand for your products high, using our trade deficit. In return, you will voluntarily invest your profits in our FIRE — finance, insurance and real estate sectors.” Thus, the US dollar became a glorified IOU. The US could use it to buy more or less everything that Europe’s and Japan’s factories could produce, paying in dollars that European and Japanese capitalists had no alternative but to invest in the US’ FIRE.Why call this Dark Deal? Because, along with fabulous riches for US and European capitalists, it yielded permanent wage repression in net exporting countries, such as Germany, a slow burning recession in the rest of Europe, and a massive industrial decline in the heartlands of the US.

China’s momentous rise in the 1990s found the US and the EU in this strange relationship. China’s economy benefited from Washington’s Dark Deal which was now extended to export entire factory lines from the US to China, whose output would then be exported to the US, with US citizens paying for it in dollars that their Chinese recipients would then invest in Wall Street, for example, in US treasury bills. And what would Wall Street do with these savings? They would invest much of European, Japanese and Chinese profits into new capital equipment around the world. In short, the US recycled other people’s moneys and kept a significant portion of the resulting profits and rents.

This US-centered global recycling mechanism broke down in 2008 once and for all. What had happened was that, on the back of the billions of dollars of European and Asian profits rushing into Wall Street on a daily basis, the US and UK financiers built tsunamis of unsustainable bets (also called structured derivatives) which, inevitably, crashed and burned, first when Lehman Brothers collapsed and then in a vicious domino effect that brought down the entire North Atlantic and European banking system.

At that point, the West practiced universal austerity for the majority and huge money printing on behalf of finance and its Big Business clients. The result was a superb recovery for financial markets, but a collapse of productive capital investments (as business could see that the majority could not afford pricey new goods), depression for the West’s working class, soulcrushing levels of inequality, and the rise of the racist ultraright both in Europe and the US.

Two things saved Western capitalism: the Western central banks’ money printing already mentioned and … China. Immediately after Lehman’s collapse, the Chinese government wisely boosted investment to replace the anticipated loss of foreign demand with domestic investment. Thus, China was immunized from the Western financial crisis virus. In the process, China’s investment spree played a major role in stabilizing both the US and the problematic eurozone.

This is the historical background against which to understand the current relationship between China and the EU: The EU needs China much more than China needs the EU, but it is restrained by the US in its relationship with China. To see this, note that before the 2008 crisis hit Europe, emanating from Wall Street, the very foundations of the EU were faulty, for unlike the US, which has a Federal Treasury, a fully unified banking system and a federal aggregate investment program (which, of course, includes the large budget of its mighty military-industrial complex), Europe has none of that. As a result, after 2008, with Greece being the canary in the coal mine, as European populations were being immersed in harsh austerity, most European governments were allowed to sink into unpayable debt, leading to investment levels lower than the already low levels of the US and far lower than those of China.

Fifteen years later, we can see the results. In 2008, Europeans earned, in aggregate, 10 percent more than the US citizens. By 2022, the US citizens were earning 26 percent more than Europeans. Moreover, Europeans are becoming poorer not just collectively but also privately. What is worse is that for fifteen years, since 2009, Europe has failed to invest, unlike China or the US, into the technologies of the future: batteries, solar power, microchips and artificial intelligence. Most importantly, while the US and China have invested massively in the new cloud-based capital that grants its owners great power over the emerging nexus of Big Tech and digital financial transactions, Europe has not.

The above explains why Europe, despite its wealth and riches, is a fading economic bloc caught up in the mounting new Cold War that Washington has unleashed against China in order to stem the growth of China’s agglomeration of Big Tech and digital payment systems which pose a danger to the global dollar-based payments system. By adding an East-West divide to Europe’s existing North-South divide, and by boosting inordinately its energy costs, the crisis in Ukraine has diminished even further Europe’s autonomy to choose its own policies vis-a-vis China independently of the will of the US.

In conclusion, when the European and Chinese officials meet at the 24th EU-China Summit, Europe’s representatives will have far fewer degrees of freedom to choose their negotiating position than they once had. Europe is not what it used to be. And that is good for the peoples of neither Europe nor China.

 

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