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Long shadow of sin

(2015-06-23 15:48:33) 下一個

[Inspiration] Original sin: long shadow [複製鏈接]

   

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本帖最後由 LongLeeLu 於 2015-6-23 14:47 編輯

Slavery’s Long Shadow  by Paul Krugman
JUNE 22, 2015
America is a much less racist nation than it used to be, and I’m not just talking about the still remarkable fact that an African-American occupies the White House. The raw institutional racism that prevailed before the civil rights movement ended Jim Crow is gone, although subtler discrimination persists. Individual attitudes have changed, too, dramatically in some cases. For example, as recently as the 1980s half of Americans opposed interracial marriage, a position now held by only a tiny minority.

Yet racial hatred is still a potent force in our society, as we’ve just been reminded to our horror. And I’m sorry to say this, but the racial divide is still a defining feature of our political economy, the reason America is unique among advanced nations in its harsh treatment of the less fortunate and its willingness to tolerate unnecessary suffering among its citizens.

Of course, saying this brings angry denials from many conservatives, so let me try to be cool and careful here, and cite some of the overwhelming evidence for the continuing centrality of race in our national politics.

My own understanding of the role of race in U.S. exceptionalism was largely shaped by two academic papers.

The first, by the political scientist Larry Bartels, analyzed the move of the white working class away from Democrats, a move made famous in Thomas Frank’s “What’s the Matter With Kansas?” Mr. Frank argued that working-class whites were being induced to vote against their own interests by the right’s exploitation of cultural issues. But Mr. Bartels showed that the working-class turn against Democrats wasn’t a national phenomenon — it was entirely restricted to the South, where whites turned overwhelmingly Republican after the passage of the Civil Rights Act and Richard Nixon’s adoption of the so-called Southern strategy.

And this party-switching, in turn, was what drove the rightward swing of American politics after 1980. Race made Reaganism possible. And to this day Southern whites overwhelmingly vote Republican, to the tune of 85 or even 90 percent in the deep South.

The second paper, by the economists Alberto Alesina, Edward Glaeser, and Bruce Sacerdote, was titled “Why Doesn’t the United States Have a European-style Welfare State?” Its authors — who are not, by the way, especially liberal — explored a number of hypotheses, but eventually concluded that race is central, because in America programs that help the needy are all too often seen as programs that help Those People: “Within the United States, race is the single most important predictor of support for welfare. America’s troubled race relations are clearly a major reason for the absence of an American welfare state.”

Now, that paper was published in 2001, and you might wonder if things have changed since then. Unfortunately, the answer is that they haven’t, as you can see by looking at how states are implementing — or refusing to implement — Obamacare.

For those who haven’t been following this issue, in 2012 the Supreme Court gave individual states the option, if they so chose, of blocking the Affordable Care Act’s expansion of Medicaid, a key part of the plan to provide health insurance to lower-income Americans. But why would any state choose to exercise that option? After all, states were being offered a federally-funded program that would provide major benefits to millions of their citizens, pour billions into their economies, and help support their health-care providers. Who would turn down such an offer?

The answer is, 22 states at this point, although some may eventually change their minds. And what do these states have in common? Mainly, a history of slaveholding: Only one former member of the Confederacy has expanded Medicaid, and while a few Northern states are also part of the movement, more than 80 percent of the population in Medicaid-refusing America lives in states that practiced slavery before the Civil War.

Continue reading the main story

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RobbyStlrC'd
1 day ago
I posted this text (sublinear) a few days ago, on one of the (many) NYT's Charlotte, S.C. church shooting articles. It probably fits here...



DH
1 day ago
Thank you, Paul. This is one of the more brilliant, and important commentaries I've seen on the Internet. And lots of people have been...



Ted Gemberling
1 day ago
The new racism is basically libertarianism. This is a subtle point, because it would be wrong to say that all libertarians are racist. In...

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And it’s not just health reform: a history of slavery is a strong predictor of everything from gun control (or rather its absence), to low minimum wages and hostility to unions, to tax policy.

So will it always be thus? Is America doomed to live forever politically in the shadow of slavery?

I’d like to think not. For one thing, our country is growing more ethnically diverse, and the old black-white polarity is slowly becoming outdated. For another, as I said, we really have become much less racist, and in general a much more tolerant society on many fronts. Over time, we should expect to see the influence of dog-whistle politics decline.

But that hasn’t happened yet. Every once in a while you hear a chorus of voices declaring that race is no longer a problem in America. That’s wishful thinking; we are still haunted by our nation’s original sin.

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奧巴馬:即使不說黑鬼了,種族歧視仍深入美國DNA

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上周五在舊金山,奧巴馬走出空軍一號。笑星馬克·馬龍采訪了總統,並錄製成播客節目,於本周一播出。

南卡羅來納州一座教堂的九名黑人教徒遭槍殺幾天後,奧巴馬總統表示,奴隸製的遺毒仍在美國人的生活中“投下長長的陰影”,他說,即使人們不在公眾場合說“黑鬼”這個詞,美國社會中的種族主義也依然存在。

在一個有關種族問題的訪談中,奧巴馬談到很多事情,包括他作為一個黑人父親、白人母親的兒子所經曆的成長。奧巴馬堅稱,在他度過的這幾十年中,種族關係無疑得到了改善。但他也說,種族主義仍然深深植根於美國社會。

“奴隸製的遺毒、吉姆·克勞(Jim Crow),以及在我們的所有製度中都存在的歧視,投下了長長的陰影,而且仍然在我們的DNA裏,被傳遞給下一代。”他在接受馬克·馬龍(Marc Maron)的播客“WTF”訪談時說,該節目於本周一播出。“這個問題並未治愈。而且這不隻是在公眾場合說‘黑鬼’很不禮貌的問題。那不是種族主義是否仍然存在的衡量標準。”

他還說,“社會不會在一夜之間完全抹去之前兩、三百年發生的一切。”

在第二個任期裏,奧巴馬在種族問題上更加暢所欲言,部分原因是過去幾年裏發生了一些帶有種族歧視色彩的事件。佛羅裏達州黑人少年特雷沃恩·馬丁(Trayvon Martin)遭槍殺,以及幾起警察槍擊事件引起的抗議活動,促使奧巴馬更多地反思他自己以及這個國家的種族身份。

在長達一小時的訪談中,奧巴馬談到自己年少時的叛逆期,以及如何“嚐試”不同類型的人格角色,拚命了解自己想成為什麽樣的非裔美國人。

“我逐一試穿一大堆衣服,”奧巴馬說。“這一身是我應該有的樣子。這一身會顯得很酷。這一身意味著當個男人。”

他說,自己年少時的很多問題都是“圍繞種族問題展開的”,但在年滿20歲的時候,他的態度改變了。他說在那個時候,他開始懂得如何對自己種族身份的兩麵給予同樣的尊重。

2008年還是總統候選人的時候,奧巴馬曾直接談論過種族問題,當時他曾經的牧師傑勒麥亞·賴特(Jeremiah Wright)發表了一些言論,奧巴馬針對這些言論發表了一個有關種族問題的講話。在他的第一任期中,奧巴馬大多數時候都會回避種族問題,隻是在上任之初,當馬薩諸塞州坎布裏奇的白人警官逮捕哈佛大學黑人教授時,他發表了評論。

周五的訪談在馬龍的車庫裏進行,這位笑星的熱門播客就是在這裏錄製的。官員稱,他們不知道還有哪位在任總統曾在別人的車庫錄音棚裏錄製過訪談節目。

不過,他們不是在講笑話;兩人的對話多數時候是嚴肅的。除了討論種族問題,奧巴馬和馬龍還談論了槍支管控,以及上周南卡羅來納州查爾斯頓以馬內利非裔衛理聖公會教堂(Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church)發生槍擊案後,是否應該采取一些應對措施。

“僅僅覺得難過是不夠的,”奧巴馬說。“我們可以采取一些措施來降低此類事件發生的可能性;我們能夠采取的措施之一,就是強化一些基本的、合乎情理的槍支安全法規——順便說一聲,大多數槍支所有者是支持這樣做的。”

他還表示:“問題是,是否有辦法把那套合法的傳統與一些合乎情理的東西融合起來,從而阻止一名21歲的年輕人——此人或許正為某些事情而怒不可遏,或對某事疑惑不解,抑或是一名種族主義者,或者精神錯亂——走進槍支店,然後突然攜有槍支,有可能造成嚴重傷害?這個問題我們始終沒有完全解決。”

上周,奧巴馬在教堂槍擊案發生後立即發表了講話。由於他似乎已經不再努力推進新槍支管控措施,支持采取更嚴格槍支管控的人對奧巴馬表示了批評。

奧巴馬在周五的采訪中說,盡管美國公眾廣泛支持改革槍支法規,但由於美國步槍協會(National Rifle Association)的影響,這項法律不太可能很快得到通過。

“除非美國公眾感受到足夠的緊迫感,並對自己說‘這不正常,我們可以改變這種局麵,而且我們將做出改變’,否則我不認為會有什麽真正的行動,”奧巴馬說。“而且如果你沒有那種公眾和選民的壓力,事情就不會從內部發生改變。”
高麗人 發表評論於
任何人種都是有歧視的, 與生俱來的歧視是人類自我保護的手段之一。隻有教育才能改變人的看法。黑人被歧視是真實的,但這並不能排除他們自身的責任。不同人種通婚可能是最有效的方法之一。中國人這個群體就是黑白通婚的產物,所謂炎黃子孫其實就是黑黃子孫,炎字在古漢語即黑意。
日光晃 發表評論於
人心散了,牌坊不好立了
清泉出山濁 發表評論於
種族歧視仍深入美國DNA,反種族歧視深入黑人的DNA, 怎麽解決呢,直接告上聯合國人權委員會.
analytical 發表評論於
黑鬼is racists.
獨上南島 發表評論於
明白人。
老不正經的 發表評論於
他的意思是不是幹脆還是接著說黑鬼算了
Redcheetah 發表評論於
"種族歧視" coming from what "黑鬼" have been done and they are doing.
基層草民 發表評論於
不歧視黑人,但畏懼。更懼怕有朝一日南非那種現狀在美國也出現。
卸任後的奧巴馬應該致力於鼓勵和促成盡可能多的黑人受教育,外出工作,遠離毒品和罪惡。
 
正常讀者 發表評論於
本來美國總統就是黑金的傀儡,
因為他黑,結果成為喊的最多而最沒有權利的傀儡。哈
liamsun 發表評論於
被歧視,並不是因為種族。你也黑,歧視你還選你當總統?
kitday 發表評論於
如果不是他的祖國非洲肯尼亞強大了,種族歧視深入DNA的美國人怎麽會選他當總統。

得了便宜還賣乖。

黑人的犯罪率是其它種族造成的。
黑人的失學率高是其它種族造成的。
黑人的貧困率高是其它種族造成的。
黑人社區是不用反思自己的,責任都在其它種族。
無故刪除 發表評論於
這不是挑事嗎
秦城典獄長 發表評論於

應該查查他的DNA

 
nowomannocry 發表評論於
....這麽深入DNA還選他當了總統..
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