轉一篇中英對照的華盛頓告別演說

感人的是，該文傳遞、體現、繼承的人人平等，互相平視的精神和心態。不是努力把自己"當成"人民的一員，而是本來就是人民的一員
真實的人，在做平輩之間平等的交心談話。

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小遺憾，B站引用的原文第一句似乎漏了Fellow。

WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS
To the people of the United States
Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

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https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv19025147/

Friends and Citizens:

朋友們，公民們：

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

很快，美國公民又要選舉出合眾國政府的行政官，屆時你們要任命一個值得你們信任的人，現在我要告知各位，我已下定決心，拒絕參加本屆選舉，在我看來，這十分合理，特別是此舉可以明確幫助公眾發出更多聲音。

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

同時，我懇請大家為我伸張公正，請相信我做出此決定並非未經深思熟慮，也並非未考慮盡職公民與國家的關係；對我來說，沉默暗示著，不再為國盡職的同時，我對捍衛你們未來利益的熱情不曾衰減，我仍對你們過去的愛戴滿懷感激與敬意，但是我完全相信，該決定與二者仍不衝突。

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

迄今為止，你們兩次行使選舉權，號召我就任總統一職，我放棄個人想法，承擔起責任，尊重了你們的意願。我在任期間始終無法忘記離任的想法，希望能夠盡早回到我依依不舍的退休生活。這種想法之強烈，以至於早在上次選舉之前，我就準備了一篇演講，打算告知各位；但當時我國外交事務正麵臨著困難的關鍵局麵，加之我信任的人一致建議我留任，我才放棄了此想法。

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

我很高興看到你們如此關切，無論心中還是表達，你們的個人追求與責任感、禮節感之間不再產生衝突，我相信，在目前我國的情況下，即使再希望我連任，大家也會允許我退休。
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

在我的印象中，我初次擔此重任時就對此做過解釋。在即將離任之際，我隻能說，我作為一個能力欠缺的人，立足美好的出發點，已為執政管理做出力所能及的最大貢獻。一開始，我並非不覺自身資曆經驗匱乏，或許大家更是如此認為，這一直使我越加妄自菲薄；逝者如斯夫，年老的我愈加發覺退休之必要，我也樂意退休。我很高興，如若命運證明我的服務具有特殊價值，那也隻是暫時的，我相信，即使抉擇與謹慎使我離開政治舞台，我的愛國之情也不會褪去。

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected.

在我公眾生涯即將結束的這一刻，我情不自禁地想要表達我對親愛祖國的由衷感謝，感謝國家賜予了我眾多榮譽；更要感謝國家對我的堅定信任；還有國家給我的機遇，讓我能忠心持續服務國家，以表達我對國家的深深愛慕，即使我心有餘而力不足。如果我的服務為國家帶來了好處，那希望能贏得你們的銘記讚揚，並在我們各界因狂熱誤入歧途時，在我們疑惑不解時，在命運造化愚弄時，能夠作為可供你們參考的案例，我們持續追求成功，批判精神也會隨之而起，你們的堅定支持是我們事業的支柱，也是我們實施計劃的保證。

Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

我對此堅信不疑，並將帶著此信念隨我入土，在死後繼續此誓約，讓上天不斷賜予我們恩惠和吉兆；讓我們的聯邦和兄弟情誼至死不渝；讓你們親手書寫的自由憲法神聖不可侵犯；讓所有部門執行時都留下智慧與美德的印記；總而言之，讓合眾國人民在自由的庇佑下安居樂業，精明利用祝福，切心守護生活，美國人民會有幸將自由推廣到全世界其他尚未獲得自由的國家，贏得他們的讚賞、熱愛和青睞。
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

或許，我該就此打住。但我對你們幸福的關切，不會隨著我的生命而終結，在當下，我對危險出於本能的擔憂，使我必須請你們深思、再請你們多多自我審視，這些觀點是我仔細思索、大量觀察後得出的，我認為它們對於美利堅民族的幸福長久至關重要。這些想法會給你自由選擇的餘地，因為你從中隻會看到一位離別朋友給出的無私警示，畢竟我沒有動機在給出的建議中加入個人偏袒。我也不會忘記，我大膽表達，是因為你們曾在另一個地方寬容接受了我的想法。

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

讓你們的內心和對自由的熱愛交織一起，我無需任何話語，也堅信自由在大家心中根深蒂固。

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

要想融合為一個民族，政府的團結一致也是極為重要。政府應當團結，因為政府是我們實現真正獨立偉業的基礎；是我們在國內安居樂業、在國外不受侵犯的保障；保你安全；助你成功；並捍衛你珍視的自由。但也可以預見，將來你們會承受很大痛苦，敵人會出於各種目的從各方麵削弱你對此真理的信仰；因為你的信仰是政治立場的關鍵點，國內外敵人的槍炮會最先且一直瞄準它(雖然這種攻擊一般隱蔽狡詐)，在這種關鍵時刻，你要正確認識到國民團結可以給集體和你個人帶來多大的價值；你要對國家懷有親切、與生俱來、不可動搖的感情；要習以為常地將國家作為自己政治安全與幸福生活的捍衛者；細心地守護她；無論發生什麽都不背棄她，甚至連這種想法都不能產生；對任何試圖分裂我們國家，或削弱我們各地聯係的行為感到憤怒。

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

為此，維護國家團結應得到你們的支持，也符合你們的利益。公民們，無論你生來是美國人，還是選擇成為美國人，我們都生活在同一個國家，一個值得我們熱愛的國家。美國人，這個稱呼屬於你們這些擁有國民身份的人，這個稱呼要成為讓愛國主義驕傲的正義稱謂，而不要讓它成為一個地域歧視詞。忽視掉略微的差異，你們擁有同樣的宗教信仰、習俗禮儀、生活習慣和政治原則。我們為同一個目標而鬥爭，且將共同取得勝利。你們現在擁有的獨立和自由，就是靠你們集思廣益、同舟共濟、患難與共，最終齊心協力贏得的。

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

這些想法可能會刺激到你的敏感情緒，但它們依然比那些看似能讓我們直接收益的想法更重要。我們可以從中看到維護我們聯邦完整的最主要原因。

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

北方與南方可以自由往來，在法律下受同一個政府的平等保護，北方在貿易中看到了南方海運業帶來的巨額資源、商業契機和製造業所需的稀有材料。與此同時，南方在往來中也從北方機構獲益，讓南方農業得以發展、商業擴大。北方的部分水手也開始在北方自己的貿易航道上工作，北方的海運業以其獨特方式也在蓬勃發展；北方海運業以獨特的方式，同樣在助力我國海運業整體的發展，不過北方未來會保護其特有的航運方式不變。東部與西部也在進行類似往來，且東部的水陸交通已經得到持續穩定發展，東部也將進一步協助進口國外商品，出口我國製造業的產品。西部則從東部獲得了支撐其發展和舒適的所需品，更重要的是，西部賴以生存的產品外銷渠道，要歸功於聯邦東海岸各州的體量、影響力和未來海運實力的保護，各方在同一個牢不可破的經濟共同體中，作為一個國家互相協作。

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

如此，我國各地區都可以直接體會到聯邦的益處，各地擰成一股繩，眾誌成城之際必定可以發揮出更大力量，生產更多資源，相對而言，麵對外來威脅時也更加安全，外國也不敢再頻繁擾亂平靜；最重要的，聯邦可以調解各地的衝突，避免戰爭，我們周邊的一些國家不受同一政府管理，就時常麵臨此困擾，僅他們對手的戰船就夠他們受得了，何況還有敵對外國聯盟、附庸以及各種陰謀去刺激他們擴軍競賽。同樣因此，他們還得設法避免軍隊過度壯大，無論在什麽政體下，過於強大的軍隊都會對自由政體構成威脅，軍國主義相當敵視共和製自由政體。在這方麵講，聯邦即是自由政體的主要支柱，對彼此的愛促進你們保護彼此。

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

這些思想可以說服任何有道德、有思想力的人：聯邦政府的建立運作是愛國主義者們最主要的目標。如此廣袤的領土，能否隻處於同一個政府的領導下？讓我們以實踐解答。目前，僅僅推斷是不夠的。我們希望聯邦的各地區輔助機構能夠協助我們政府作為一個政體運轉，我們很樂意去嚐試。該政體值得我們去全麵嚐試。我國各地區建立聯邦的意願明顯而強烈，雖然我們尚未證明聯邦不切實際，但總有人找理由否定愛國者的想法，削弱聯邦的聯係紐帶。

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

思索擾亂聯邦的原因時，我們發現了個嚴重問題，我國存在以地域差異來建立黨派的現象，比如北方、南方、東海岸、西部；這種黨派會大幅分裂各地的利益和觀念。一個黨派在自己區域內想獲得支持，一個慣用方法就是歪曲抹黑其他地區的意念和目的。歪曲抹黑會讓你產生嫉妒和痛苦的心理，並且這種心理很難抗拒；這種心理會讓本應是兄弟的人形同陌路。最近我們以西的國家(指新西班牙)就吃到了這個教訓；他們在最高行政部門的主持下談判，才最終一致達成了令西班牙議會滿意的和約，這就有力向全美國證明了部分人傳播的“最高聯邦政府和東海岸各州政府的政策會損害密西西比河流域各地的利益”這種說法是多麽毫無依據；也證明了我們和英西兩國簽訂的條約(指英美《傑伊協議》和美西《平克尼協議》)能夠確保我們的外交關係，以保證國內的繁榮發展。我國能保存自己的優勢，靠的不是聯邦的智慧嗎？如果有人試圖挑撥離間兄弟，與外國勢力相互勾結，聯邦政府難道會無所作為嗎？

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

要保證聯邦的運轉和效率，就必須有統一的政府。哪怕是再緊密的聯盟也無法媲美聯邦；任何聯盟都不可避免地會出現失約和分歧。大家認識到這一點後，就不斷把最初的法案加以改善，頒布了這部前所未有、無與倫比的聯邦憲法，以有效解決大家關注的問題。聯邦政府是我們選擇建立的，是我們不受影響、不受威脅，經過百般思索後的自願選擇，政府的原則理念、權力分配方麵完全自由，是安全與力量的結合體，且可以通過憲法修正案，這麽一個政府值得你們的信任與擁護。尊重政府權威，遵守政府法律，配合政府措施是真正自由準則要求的義務。人民製定和修改憲法的權利是我們政體的基礎。除非人民明確要求要求修改憲法，否則憲法隻要存在，全體人民就都對其負有神聖義務。服從自己建立的政府是人民獲得建立政府權利的前提。

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.

任何阻礙執法的行為，任何操縱和抵製合法政府審議和行動的團隊組織，都將被視為對我國基本原則的破壞和致命威脅。大眾裏會有一小部分狡猾且野心勃勃的人，他們會拉幫結派，建立強大的黨派武裝；以黨派的意誌代替國家的意誌；正因此，通過不同黨派交替勝選，輪流執政，才能在其執政期間反映出一個黨派的缺點和不妥，而總是同一批顧問為了互惠互利而共同製定的治國方案，是無法體現這一點的。

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

雖然我剛剛提到的組織團體現在可能還在回應人民的需求，但隨著時代發展，事物變遷，這些組織會成為巨大威脅，狡猾奸詐、野心勃勃、毫無底線的人很可能會利用這些組織推翻人民主權，並集大權於一身，之後再摧毀這些協助自己建立非法統治的組織。

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

要保護你們的政府和現在的幸福生活，你們不僅須要堅定抵製與政府的敵對行為，還須要警惕那些會觸動我國原則根基的所謂改革，無論其理由看似名正言順。他們的其中一種攻擊手段，可能就是通過修改憲法的形式，削弱我們體製的力量，從而逐步破壞一些不能直接推翻的製度。你們參與任何變革，都要牢記，確定政府的性質和確定其他任何製度一樣，至少都需要時間和習慣；這是檢驗一個國家當前憲法真正傾向的最佳標準；要記住，如果僅憑假設和意見就肆意變革，那麽不停的假設和意見就會讓我們變革個不停；還要特別記住，在我們這樣遼闊的國度裏，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一個活力充沛的、並且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。自由會選擇這個合理分配調整權力的政府成為它的守護者。但如果政府過於軟弱無力，無法製衡其他黨派的力量，無法讓國內每個人遵紀守法，無法保護人民的歲月靜好、人權和財產，那麽這個政府事實上隻有徒有虛名而已。

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

我已經告訴了大家，我國有政黨分裂的危險，尤其是當前各政黨以地域差異為基礎而成立的情況下。現在，我從更全麵的角度，用最嚴肅的態度告訴你們這種黨派思想的惡劣影響。

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

很不幸，這種思想出自我們的本性，紮根於人腦中最強烈的欲望。這種思想以不同形式存在於全世界政府中，或多或少遭到約束、控製和壓製；但這些常見的黨派思想，往往是黨派自身的最大敵人。
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

各地黨派交替執政，會激化黨派之間的矛盾和複仇情緒，進而導致各國在各時代的慘烈悲劇，因此其本身就是一種專製主義。甚至最終會正式形成永久的專製統治。由此導致的混亂和悲劇會讓人們傾向於尋求個人絕對權力來確保自身安全和冷靜；而優勝黨派更具才能、更幸運的領導人遲早會以因此傾向而自居高位，而他的腳下是共和自由的廢墟。

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

就算不考慮這種極端情況（但我們依然不能完全將之拋諸腦後），但就其普遍持續的惡劣影響，聰慧的人民也有義務去抵製這種黨派思想。

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

這類思想會割裂公眾議會，削弱公共管理係統。其以站不住腳的嫉妒心理和虛張聲勢去煽動民眾，點燃彼此之間的仇恨，甚至引發暴動和叛亂。其為外國滲透和腐敗賄賂提供了可乘之機，外國勢力可以借黨派間的矛盾直接滲透入政府。自然而然地，一國的政策與意誌也會受到外國製約。

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

有觀點認為，自由國家中，各地黨派能夠有效製約政府，捍衛自由思想。這種觀點在一定程度上是正確的；在君主製國家中，如若不得民心，那愛國主義便樂意看到黨派思想肆意橫行。但是在具有民主特質的自由選舉製國家中，我們不能鼓勵這種思想。從人的天性趨勢來看，我們可以肯定，總會有人為了獲益而鼓吹這種思想。過度鼓吹黨派思想的威脅會持續存在，輿論當發揮力量去減小這一威脅。這是一團無法撲滅的火，因此需要大家一致警惕，防止其變為烈焰，否則它將不再帶給我們溫暖，反而會吞噬一切。

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

還有很重要的一點，以自由國家人民的思維習慣，應當對政府官員進行監督，確保他們被限製在憲法的框架內，避免他們在行使權力時越權其他部門。這種越權思想旨在將所有部門的權力集中在一處，進而無論形成什麽政府，其本質都是專製獨裁。我們估計，相比較對權力的熱愛，濫用權力的傾向更容易在人心中占據主導，因此我們更要相信自由思想。古今曆史證明，在行使政治權力時，必須讓權力互相製衡，將其分配到不同的人手中，讓每個人都能保護公眾利益不受他人損害；這些損害公眾利益的人，有一部分就在我們國家，在我們眼皮底下。保護三權分立製度的重要性絲毫不亞於將其建立起。如果人民認為憲法在權力分配或者修改方麵有任何不合理的地方，那麽按照憲法規定，皆可以憲法修正案的形式予以糾正。但絕不能私自篡改憲法，雖然在我之前舉的例子中，憲法皆造福於人民，但它同樣是摧毀自由政府的慣用武器。一定要讓憲法的好處遠超濫用憲法獲取部分暫時利益的壞處，這樣才能一直保護我們大家的利益。

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

在所有走向繁榮的因素和習慣中，宗教與道德都是必不可少的支持。一個人若是破壞了人們幸福——這一人類和公民最重要職責的支柱，那麽他絕不會被讚譽為愛國。政治家要和所有虔誠者一樣去尊重珍護宗教道德。宗教道德與公眾幸福的聯係，哪怕是一本書也說不完。我們隻需要簡單問一句，如若公正的法庭缺失了宗教責任感，摒棄了司法調查的誓言，那麽人民的財產、聲譽和生命還能得到保障嗎？那我們大膽假設一下，即使道德與宗教真的分割開來。那無論高等教育如何影響我們的思維結構，理性和經驗也都不會讓我們希望國家道德驅逐宗教原則。

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

當然，道德是民選政府不可缺少的源泉。且這項準則或多或少地影響到了自由政府轄內的所有生命物種。真心擁護道德的人，怎會對試圖動搖我國基礎的行為視若無睹？

Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

改善教育機構，讓知識普遍傳播當作為首要目標。隨著政府對公眾輿論的影響力增大，政府應當引導公眾輿論的啟蒙性、進步性。

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

我們要愛護公眾財產，這是我國實力與安全的重要來源。保護財產的一種方式就是盡可能少地使用它，維護和平，避免額外支出，但也要記住，未雨綢繆、及時撥款也可讓我們免於進一步支出，消滅威脅。我們不僅要避免額外開支，同樣要避免負債累累，如若我們在不可避免的戰爭中積攢了債務，和平時期就一定要全力還清，不要將這些債務留給我們的後代。雖然民眾的代表負責執行這些準則，但是公眾輿論也要為此提供協助。記住，要幫助他們履行職務、償還債務，我們就需要節流開源、獲得收入；要獲得收入，征稅是免不掉的；談起征稅，多少為給大家造成一些不便和不滿；這種固有的窘境與合適選擇征稅對象密不可分(要甄別哪些才是合適征稅對象總是一件難事)，政府公正建設應堅決以此為動機，在公眾急切需求時，我們出台獲取采取財政收入的措施也應以此為動機。

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it - It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

對所有國家遵都守誠意與正義；以和諧和友善對待所有人。宗教和道德要求我們這麽做，莫非明智的政策不是同樣如此要求嗎？在不久後，我國將成為一個自由、先進的偉大國家，我們要作為一個胸懷無限正義與仁愛的民族，為全人類樹立一個寬容新穎的榜樣。隨著世間萬物的發展變遷，難道還有人懷疑我們堅定不移的計劃無法取得足以彌補我們暫時失去的成果嗎？難道上帝沒有將我國的永久幸福與我們的道德聯係到一起嗎？起碼，我們人性中的所有崇高品質都推動我們進行這一實踐。如果我們失敗了，這難道不是人性的低劣所造成的嗎？

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty,of nations,has been the victim.

在執行這一計劃時，最關鍵的便是，我們不能一直憎惡一部分國家，而對另外的一些國家抱有好感；而是要以公正友善的態度對待所有國家。一個習慣被仇恨和喜愛所蒙蔽的國家，在一定程度上淪為奴隸。這個國家淪為被愛恨情仇操控的奴隸，對他國的情感會讓這個國家偏離本國的利益和使命。一國對他國的仇恨會更容易造成兩國間因為小事而互相侮辱和傷害，在麵臨微不足道的小爭端，會讓此國變得頑固自大。如此，勢必會爆發頻繁的衝突，因仇恨引起曠日持久的殘酷戰爭。此國在惡意與仇恨的驅使下，有時會被迫同其他國家開戰，這與我們構想的最優政策是背道而馳。政府有時會煽動民族情緒，做出一些不理智的行為；還有些情況下，政府會利用民族仇恨，讓其服務於自己出於榮譽、野心或其他邪惡動機而準備的戰爭計劃。毀滅掉許多國家的和平與自由。

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliance of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

同樣，一國對他國的狂熱喜愛也會帶來諸多弊端。一個人會支持他所喜愛的國家，幻想出我國與該國之間有著根本不存在的共同利益，並且會將該國對其他國家的仇恨灌輸給我國，在該國陷入爭端和戰爭之際，使得我國也會被拉下水，即使我國沒有戰爭動機和參戰理由。這種喜愛還會導致我國被迫對他國讓步，使得我們放棄在他國的平等權益，放棄本該持有的權益，又在兩國間激起嫉妒、惡意與報複的情緒，使得做出讓步的我國受到遭受加倍打擊；這種喜愛還會讓某些別有用心的，或被腐化、欺騙的公民(他們愛自己喜愛的外國勝過愛祖國)背叛或犧牲我國利益，這些人背叛祖國後不僅不會遭人憎惡，反而會贏得讚譽。這些人表麵上富有高尚的責任意識，贏得了公眾輿論的大加讚賞，也可能被美化成迎合公眾利益的熱情，而實際上隻是為他們自己愚蠢的野心、腐敗和對外國的愛戀順從披了一層皮而已。

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

此類外國勢力數不清的手段，尤其是對外國的感情，特別需要正開明、獨立的真正愛國者提高警惕。外國會有許多機會幹涉我國黨派、施以多種誘惑、誤導公眾輿論、削弱議會權威。弱小國家如此依附於強大國家，最後必將成為其仆從國。

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

自由民族應當時刻警惕提防外國勢力的陰謀詭計，保持清醒(我的同胞們，我懇請你們相信我)，因為曆史和經驗已經證明，外國勢力是共和製政府麵臨的最致命的敵人之一。我們需不偏不倚，才能使其發揮作用，否則我們的警惕不僅無法保護我們，反而成為外國勢力的工具。對一國過度偏袒或厭惡，都會使我們隻看到一方的威脅，而對另一方勢力影響缺少警惕。當喜愛的外國通過手段和欺騙得到了人民的讚譽和信任，抵禦該國影響的真正愛國者反而會很容易遭到質疑和厭惡。
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

我國處理對外事務的最主要準則是擴大我們之間的商貿聯係，盡可能減少與他們的政治聯係。以目前我們達成的協議來看，我們可以很好地履行這些協議。歐洲有一套基礎利益體係，這與我國是無關的；或者說對於我國是過於遙遠的聯係。這套體係使歐洲時常爆發爭論，但這些爭論無關於我國關切的問題。也是因此，如果我國卷入歐洲政治事務，無論是與他們友好而結為同盟，還是敵對而發生衝突，都是不明智的。

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government,the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

我國遠離他國，獨處一方的地理位置使得我們可以走上一條獨特的外交道路。如果我們在稱職政府領導下，且仍聯合為一個民族，我們不久即可迎來一段不受外界傷害的和平時期；我們可以采取這種外交姿態，使得我國在任何覺得需要的時候保持中立，贏得各國的尊重；屆時好戰國自知不可能征服我國時，便不敢對我國輕舉妄動；我們是戰是和，可以根據我國的利益，在正義引導下，交由議會決定。

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

何必放棄我們的地理位置優勢？何必離開我們的土地而站到外國的領土上？何必讓我國的命運與歐洲交織到一起，讓我國的和平繁榮與歐洲的野心、競爭、利益、態度和反複無常產生聯係？

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

我國真正的政策，是要避免與其他任何國家結為長期同盟；我是指，目前我們可以自由處理這一事項；而非是指我們會背棄現有的協議。我覺得這一條不僅適用於公共事務，還適用於私人事務，真誠永遠是最好的對策。我重申一下，我們要充分遵守這些協議。但是，在我看來，在現有協議的基礎上再額外添加任何條款，都是不必要且不明智的。

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

當權者應當適當建設國防事務以作防禦準備，在遭遇緊急情況時，當然也可建立短期同盟來應對。

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

政策、人道和利益都要求我們與他國和諧自由交流。甚至我國的商業政策也應保持公平公正；我們既不尋求他國的特權特惠，也不賦予他國特權特惠；一切順自然之道而行之；以溫和方式擴大商業交流並使之多樣化，而非強求；經雙方交流意見後，建立最符合現狀的正常商貿規則(借此明確我國商人的權利，讓政府能夠為商人提供支持，以建立穩定貿易)，但這些規則不能一成不變，也要能隨著時代變遷，讓我們視經驗和情況決定是否修改或廢止；要記住，一個國家指望他國無償幫助自己簡直愚不可及；正因此，該國必定會犧牲一部分獨立性來換取自己想要的東西；記住，如若接受此類交換，本國不僅要為微小恩惠交換出等價的利益，還會因我們回報過少而被譴責為忘恩負義。沒有比指望國與國之間真正友誼更愚蠢的錯誤了。經驗會殺死這種幻想 ，正義自豪會摒棄這種幻想。

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

我的同胞們，我這位老朋友在向你們提供忠告時，不敢期望你們會如我所想的那樣將其牢記於心中；我擔心我的話會控製你們的正常感情，甚至阻止我國走上別國已證明有效的道路。但是，請允許我自誇自擂一下，我的忠告可能會偶爾帶給你們一些益處；可能會緩解黨派間的憤怒，會提醒你們注意外國陰謀，防範假愛國主義的騙局；這一期待，是對你們關切的回報，願其能夠助你們幸福生活。

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

在我當政期間，我多大程度上遵守了上述準則，以及我的公共記錄和其他行為，都需要向你們和全世界公布。就我自己而言，我可以出自良心保證，起碼我認為我始終遵守這些準則。

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

談及歐洲正在持續的戰爭，我在1793年4月22日宣告了我整個計劃的索引。在得到你們和你們代表在國會兩院的支持後，我便一直致力於實施中立舉措，不受任何其他事物阻止或轉移注意力。
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

經過仔細商議，在我身邊最優秀的顧問團幫助下，我十分高興看到我國有權選擇保持中立，出於我國使命和利益，我們都應當保持中立。在此之後，我就自己下定決心，要一直適當地堅定保衛我國中立地位。
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

要尊重別人做此決定的權利，在當下場合無需細談。我隻想說，僅以我對此事的見解，我國的中立地位既然目前仍未遭到任何交戰國否定，就意味著各國實際承認了我國的中立。

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

保持中立可以單純被理解為正義和人道賦予各國修複與他國關係、保持和平的職責，為達這一目的，各國皆可自由采取措施。
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

遵循此行為的動機最好出自你個人的思考和經驗。我的主要動機便是盡可能為我國建立、完善新機構爭取時間，並推動其不斷改進，直至獲得其所需的執行能力和協調能力，在我力所能及的範圍內，達到對自己命運的掌握。

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

雖然在回顧我的任期舉措時，我自認為沒有故意犯錯，但是我深知自身缺陷過多，實在不認為自己沒犯過錯。無論我犯過什麽錯，我真誠懇請上帝消除或減輕我錯誤帶來的弊端。我也希望祖國以後會一直寬容看待我的錯誤；考慮到我以真誠熱情獻身服務祖國45年，請勿將我的無能和過錯常掛在嘴邊，讓它們去吧，正如我即將回到退休莊園一樣。
 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things，and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations,I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which丨promise myself to realize，without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking，in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under A free government，the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as丨trust，of our mutual cares labors and dangers.

我在此方麵和其他方麵一樣，皆依賴於祖國的仁慈，我深爰祖國，受之鼓舞，我視這片土地為我和我前幾代祖先的故土，這爰國之情便合平情悝。我滿懷樂觀期待離去，我相信我的同胞能在自由政府和嚴明法律治下安居樂業，這是我最渴裏實現的目標，也是對我們有福同享，有難同當，患難與共的回報。

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