"Editors with conflicts of interest find it challenging to achieve impartiality; editors without conflicts of interest pose the question: why are they here?
Mr. Ross Terrill, a disciple of the 'Father of Sinology,' Mr. John King Fairbank, and a former student of Dr. Henry Kissinger, the former U.S. Secretary of State, is the author of the book 'Mao: A Life.' In this book, Mr. Terrill discusses Mao Zedong as a leader for China and the world.
Mao: A Biography: Revised and Expanded Edition 1st Edition
Intro: "Everyone who came in close contact with Mao was taken aback at the anarchy of his personal ways. He ate idiosyncratically. He became increasingly sexually promiscuous as he aged. He would stay up much of the night, sleep during much of the day, and at times he would postpone sleep, remaining awake for thirty-six hours or more, until tension and exhaustion overcame him.
Yet many people who met Mao came away deeply impressed by his intellectual reach, originality, style of power-within-simplicity, kindness toward low-level staff members, and the aura of respect that surrounded him at the top of Chinese politics. It would seem difficult to reconcile these two disparate views of Mao. But in a fundamental sense there was no brick wall between Mao the person and Mao the leader. This biography attempts to provide a comprehensive account of this powerful and polarizing historical figure."
Ross Terrill (born 1938 in Melbourne) is an Australian-born American political scientist and historian. He specializes in the history of China, especially the history of the People's Republic of China. He has made several public appearances in order to testify in front of the United States Congress, and he has also written numerous articles and nine books. For many years, he has been a research associate at Harvard's Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, and recently, he was a visiting professor at the University of Texas at Austin as well as a visiting professor at Monash University in Australia.[1]
Early life[edit]
Ross Terrill was born in Melbourne, Australia in 1938 to Miriel (Lloyd) Terrill and Frank Gregston.[2] Terrill attended Wesley College in Melbourne, where he became Dux in 1956.[2] In 1962 Terrill attended the University of Melbourne where he completed his Honours in history and political science.[3] In 1965, shortly after completing his honours degree, Terrill immigrated to the United States of America, of which he officially became a citizen in 1979.[4] During his time in the United States, Terrill attended Harvard University where he completed his PhD in Political Science in 1970 and studied with Stanley Hoffmann, Benjamin I. Schwartz, and John King Fairbank. [5][3] Terrill was celebrated for his academic excellence whilst at Harvard University, earning the Sumner Prize for his thesis in 1970.[1]
Before his career within academia began, Terrill served in the Australian Army from 1957-1958.[3]
In addition to his articles published in various magazines throughout his career, Terrill has published many books on politics, Chinese political leaders and Australian life. Some of his works include The Australians, Madam Mao, The New Chinese Empire and Where is China Going?. [1] These works prove to be popular among the East Asian countries, with over 1.5 million copies of Terrill's Mao (translated in Chinese) sold in China.[3] Terrill also spent some of his life in the public eye through his appearances on The Today Show four times, CBS News as a commentator, and ABC's Nightline.[3]
Throughout his early life, Terrill travelled regularly to East Asia, specifically China, where he immersed himself in the culture and developed a fascination for Chinese history and Chinese politics.[3] In a recounting of his first trip to Beijing, Terrill describes the difficulties for an Australian to travel to China on a visa in the 1960s.
In his writings, he highlights how few Westerners had set foot in the People’s Republic of China, with Australians requiring permission from the Government to visit.[6] Terrill also mentions that upon his arrival in the Beijing airport, he was met with a guide from the China International Travel Service, so as to ensure he could appropriately experience New China.[6] In Terrill's 'An Australian Gets to Beijing, 1964’, his early fascination with the Chinese government and Mao Zedong in particular become clear in which he depicts his exploration of China including their buildings, hotels, government and religion.[6] His work also aids in describing the cultural differences between the Western and Eastern civilisation in their food preferences.[6] Since his first trip to Beijing in 1964, Terrill has re-visited China more than twenty times.[7] In his memoir, Terrill states that this exploration of China “.... had launched me on a path that might hold my feet for many years”,[6] thus beginning his career as a historian of China.
Career[edit]
Inspired by his travels around Asia, Ross Terrill has devoted his time to understanding Chinese history, focusing his career on providing an insight into the Chinese government and political affiliations. Between 1962 and 1963, Terrill began his career as a tutor in political science at the University of Melbourne, Australia.[3] In 1962 and 1964–65, Terrill’s career took a religious turn when he began working with the Australian Student Christian Movement where he remained until 1968. During his time with this group, he became a teaching fellow in political science at Harvard.
*********** Excerpted from his book:
Mao Zedong is an extraordinarily charismatic political figure of the 20th century who ushered in a new beginning for China. Without Mao, China would still have witnessed a potent communist movement. Mao was by no means the pivotal figure at the inception of this movement. Whether he existed or not, upheavals and injustice would have made communism appealing. Of course, without Mao assuming leadership in the 1930s, the Chinese Communist Party could not have seized power in 1949. A communist movement without Mao would have been considerably diminished, losing its distinctive features compared to communist movements in other countries.
What made him successfully wield party and state power and achieve his greatest accomplishments? It was his unique fiery passion. Without this, no one could have ignited his era as China's last dynasty declined. He was confident and believed that his army would ultimately triumph. It was not just a thirst for power that gave him unwavering determination; this mountain-moving characteristic, understood by God as Mao played this role, was closely linked to the social characteristics of the time. Mao was born in turbulent times, where people yearned for a powerful hand to save them. In that intensely turbulent era, resolute individuals like Mao, determined to break with tradition, were everywhere, unprecedented.
It was also a dazzling era, a carnival stage prepared for a hundred performances, with acts awaiting approval from the public to take the stage at any time. Communists, Nationalists, warlords, bandits, religious followers, foreign adventurers, and characters labeled with other names, all spun together in a crowded dance. Alliances, fleeting and transient, born and dead new action plans, in such a situation, a revolutionary with unwavering will had a rare opportunity to compete with the world and transform society. Mao's secret was his deep understanding of the necessity of violence. Indeed, he relished it. While other leaders within the party remained in Shanghai, Mao picked up a gun and went to the countryside, leading the way.
Mao once referred to himself as a centrist leaning left. This was his approach, often flexibly using a 'united front' to isolate the main enemy. His hatred for the right determined his occasional leap to the left, but extreme leftism was not his spiritual fascination. He often spoke of walking on two legs. This innate balance, somewhat like the dualism of Yin and Yang revered by ancient Chinese, played a significant role during Mao's peak period. He was well-read, astute, and came from the Chinese mainland. These factors were equally important. In the fervor of the revolution, he could calmly and wisely harness the passion of the masses. Mao was excited by some excesses, yet he could also analyze his experiences with detachment.
Finally, one cannot overlook the characteristics of Chinese civilization, which has a long history. Could Congo produce a figure like Mao Zedong? What about New Zealand? We cannot explain Mao Zedong's character solely from his individual psychological traits. Old China produced a determined, rebellious, and extraordinary figure like Mao Zedong, just as Mao Zedong built a new China that was logical and true to his character. In Chinese and world history, Mao Zedong holds a significant position. He led a revolution that destroyed old China, and in comparison to the rapid social changes in other major countries, he pushed China into a more intense reform movement. He restored independence to the world's oldest and largest country, earning a position.
In the most remarkable and populous society in the world in the 20th century, Mao Zedong himself was a giant. In the entire recorded history of China's three thousand years, one could arguably not find a figure like Mao Zedong. However, this person, raised in a rural environment, paid little attention to matters outside China. His two visits to the Soviet Union were his only foreign experiences. When he was 43, he met Edgar Snow, establishing a lasting relationship with a foreigner for the first time in his life. He never mastered a foreign language. For most of his life, Mao confined his vision and enthusiasm to China. Other countries could only interest him within such limits, or if they interfered with China, or if they possessed thoughts and experiences China could learn from.
Mao Zedong's greatness lies in his indomitable spirit, injecting itself irresistibly into world consciousness. In many countries, the endearing title 'Chairman Mao,' aiding cross-cultural communication, has become a universally recognized phrase. In the 1960s, the quantity and variety of translations of Mao's Quotations surpassed even the Bible. Even Confucius, with his teachings, never spread to as many countries. Genghis Khan rose to fame in Europe, but he had no doctrine. Mao Zedong is 'the first Chinese to talk about our immediate interests to the world in simple and straightforward language.'
In many third-world countries in the 1950s and 1960s, Mao Zedong was the primary embodiment of anti-colonial struggle, more charismatic than Sukarno, Nehru, and Nasser. He knew that implementing new policies in a backward nation required not only cursing the West but also a comprehensive reliance on self-reliant transformation. In the West, there is an unfamiliarity with influential political figures from the East in the third-world. A Chinese standing on the world historical stage beckons to us: that is the novelty of Mao Zedong. Although he was the son of the earth, a native-born Chinese, he completed his life journey as one of the political giants of this century. I believe that, considering the global impact he had, only Roosevelt, Lenin, or perhaps Churchill can be compared to him.
For a quarter of a century, under Mao Zedong's leadership, China underwent social changes that will continue into the future, lasting until this mythical figure fades away due to the relentless passage of time. Mao's government brought more social equality to New China than old China, primarily manifested in the principle of 'reward according to work... identity, or ownership of land and capital no longer mattered.' Therefore, the distribution of products in China became one of the world's most egalitarian methods, with very few living in abject poverty and dying penniless. And the fundamental means of progress, healthcare, and primary education, were no longer affordable only to a few.
Under Mao Zedong's leadership, China took a significant step towards social modernization... the most effective form of modernization. Before his death, Mao Zedong could confidently claim that China had taken several steps towards prosperity. For various reasons, China's economic development, though not as advanced as Japan's, surpassed India's. In summary, Mao Zedong left China to a large extent self-sufficient and the world's sixth-largest economy.
Mao Zedong and his friends were driven by personal beliefs, which were simultaneously social beliefs. They viewed their lives merely as fuel for the fire of revolution, which would simultaneously change China and their own destinies. Mao did not look at economic development from the perspective of personal welfare but from the standpoint of the state regime. Once, Mao advised his audience: 'Do not always think that only you can do it, and others can do nothing, as if the world would stop turning without you, and the party would cease to exist. If the butcher Zhang dies, will people stop eating pork? Is there a big loss when certain people die? Haven't Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin all died? The revolution must continue.'
Mao ruled in an era that required a superhuman. Tomorrow's modern citizens will hail Mao Zedong as the great unifier of China. They will often look back, evaluating Mao ethically, much like people in different eras evaluate Confucius. The slogan 'Hold High the Great Banner of Mao Zedong Thought' rests peacefully with Mao Zedong in his crystal coffin. The banner will fly higher until no one can discern what is written on the faded deep red flag. However, this banner itself will be needed by Mao's successors to understand him. For many ordinary Chinese, 'Chairman Mao' is the primary symbol of the People's Republic of China. Afterwards, anyone wanting to control this vast country will have to use this symbol. The real Mao Zedong has already merged into the body of China. Regardless of how the historical stage changes, he will forever be one of the greatest figures in history. Regardless of the changing scenes of history, he will always be with China and the world!"
Corresponding translation of the above:
"有利益衝突的編輯很難做到公正；沒有利益衝突的編輯又是為何來？ 哈佛大學東亞研究中心的羅斯·特裏爾 （Ross Terrill）先生，是美國的“漢學之父”費正清先生的弟子，也曾受教於美國前國務卿基辛格博士。他就是《毛澤東傳》這本書的作者。 特裏爾先生在《毛澤東傳》中關於“毛澤東是中國與世界的領袖”的論述： 毛澤東是二十世紀魅力超群的政治家，他使中國有了一個新的開端。沒有毛澤東，中國也同樣會產生強有力的共產主義運動。毛澤東絕不是這一運動發端的關鍵性人物。無論他存在與否，騷亂和非正義都會使共產主義運動極具魅力。當然，如果毛澤東不在三十年代成其為領袖，那麽中國共產黨在1949年就不可能掌權。一場沒有毛澤東的共產主義運動肯定會遜色不少，它將失去其應有的、區別於其他各國共產主義運動的特色。
是什麽使他成功地掌握了黨政權力，取得了最偉大的成就呢?那就是他特具的火一般的熱情。沒有這，就沒有人能像毛澤東那樣隨著中國末代王朝的衰落，來點燃他的時代。他很自信，也堅信他的軍隊最終會勝利。這不僅僅是對權力的渴望賦予他堅如磐石的意誌。這種力拔群山的個性特征，上帝理解毛澤東的這種作為，與時代的社會特征緊密聯係。毛澤東生於動亂年代，那時的人們呼喚著一隻可以拯救他們的強有力的手。在那個激烈動蕩的年代，那些意欲擁護像毛澤東這樣的決意反傳統者遍地皆是，可謂空前絕後。 那也是一個令人眼花繚亂的年代，全國像是準備了一百場節目的狂歡舞台，待演的節目，都在謀求公眾的允諾後以便隨時登場。
共產黨人、國民黨人、軍閥、土匪、教徒、外國探險家及冠以其它名稱的人物，全都旋轉著擁擠在一起。興起、敗落、曇花一現的聯盟，方生方死的新行動計劃，在這種勢境中，一個革命意誌堅定的人，有著千載難逢的良機與世爭雄，變革社會。毛澤東的秘訣在於他深知暴力的必要性。實際上他也樂於此道。當黨內其他領導同仁還待在上海時，毛澤東則拿起一杆槍跑到鄉下，走在了別人的前麵。 毛澤東曾自稱為中間偏左派。這也是他的方法，他確實經常靈活地利用“統一戰線”孤立過主要敵人。他對右派的憤恨決定了他時而向左蹦去，但極左不是他精神上的迷戀之處。他常說要“兩條腿走路”。這種天然的均衡性，有點像古代中國人信奉的陰陽剛柔相濟的兩重性，在毛澤東的全盛時期，對毛澤東起了相當大的作用。他博覽群書，足智多謀，而且他來自中國內地。這些因素都同樣重要。在革命的熱潮中，他能冷靜明智地駕馭群眾的激情。
毛澤東也曾經為一些過火行為興奮激昂，然而他又能持超然之態分析自己所獲得的經驗。 最後，不能撇開中華文明源遠流長的特點來解釋毛澤東的品格。剛果能產生一位毛澤東這樣的人物嗎?新西蘭能嗎?我們不能僅僅從其個體心理特質來說明毛澤東的成功。舊中國產生了堅定的、反叛的、神奇的毛澤東，正像毛澤東締造了新中國一樣真實而符合邏輯。在中國和世界曆史上，毛澤東都占有重要地位。毛澤東領導了一場摧毀舊中國的革命，與其他任何主要國家急劇的社會變遷相比，他推動中國進入改革的運動可能更加劇烈。他為世界上這一最古老又最龐大的國家恢複了獨立，贏得了地位。 在二十世紀全世界最引人注目的、人口最多的社會中，毛澤東本身就是一位巨人。
在有記載的中國三千年的全部曆史中，他可以列入六位最主要的統治者之中;作為一位統一者，他可與隋朝(公元六世紀)和明朝(公元十四世紀)的開國皇帝並駕齊驅。甚至可以其壯舉與他崇拜的英雄秦始皇相提並論;作為中國社會的改造者，他要勝過隋朝和明朝的兩位開國皇帝，因為他們幾乎未改變社會體製。並且，這一點隻有反傳統的秦始皇才能與他匹敵;作為一種學說的創始人，毛澤東超過了包括秦始皇在內的以前任何一位中國執政者。也許堪與他並列的是構建了中國人生活模式的孔子及其他聖哲。在某些方麵，毛澤東又超過他們，因為他生前就聲名遠揚，而中國大多數聖賢則是死後留芳。
五十多年前，毛澤東是中國的馬克思，因為他分析了被外國列強瓜分了的封建中國的諸種弊端。他成為中國的列寧，是因為他領導了走農村包圍城市以奪取政權的造反道路。1949年後，他又戴上了中國的斯大林這頂帽子，因為他要用泥刀和磚頭來建設一個社會主義新中國。 毛澤東不止是一種，而至少是集五種角色於一身的人。他是點燃全國反抗烈火的農民運動組織者、軍事統帥、豪放不羈的浪漫主義詩人、賦予馬克思主義一種新的東方倫理的哲學家、全球最龐大的行政機構的政府領袖。他是社會活動家，也是夢想家;是半知識分子，有點像戴高樂和丘吉爾。這類思想、行動一致的人物在動亂年代總是具有影響力。
毛澤東堅信：過去的美景可以再現於未來。這激起了他最初的政治雄心。他的獨特興趣在於曆史是如何演進的。他認為，理想和非凡人物的堅強意誌是曆史的關鍵所在。這類集活動家和思想家於一身的人物與空想知識分子不同。他具有軍人的氣質，兵權之劍倚在史書之旁。與最引人注目的邏輯真理相比，他更熱愛自己的國家。毛澤東、丘吉爾和戴高樂都是這類人物。走出書齋拯救他自己國家的一意孤行者，會漸漸成為傳奇人物，而且很難把他們與那些曾經激勵過他們去行動的聖賢般的英雄們區別開來。
對於二十世紀中葉大多數中國人來說，毛澤東的主要功績在於統一了中國。這個幅員和多樣性方麵與整個歐洲相類似的國家，常常缺乏政治上的統一。在二十年代，中國變得如此衰敗和混亂，如孫中山遺憾地說過的：像一盤散沙，以至許多中外人士本能的認為，不可能把中國合為一體了。 毛澤東領導的時代，是中國曆史上最為統一的時代之一。方言逐漸消失了;學校教育使孩子們很容易辨認打上了“新中國”印記的喜馬拉雅山脈和東鄰朝鮮的森林;共產黨的組織網絡使中國29個省的相互依賴達到了前所未有的程度。在中國曆史上，從未有過一本書能像無產階級文化大革命時期的“毛主席語錄”那樣被數億人誦讀。人們把它作為一種統一的力量頂禮膜拜。 毛澤東領導的中國在世界上站起來了。這一點中國人看得相當重，它恢複了中國人的高大形象。“東亞病夫”的迅速崛起足以使其他國家對它新產生的能量感到緊張。除了擔心中國會被外來的襲擊消滅之外，毛澤東對一切都無所畏懼。
自1949年宣告“中國人民站起來了”以來，壯年毛澤東的理想已得到證實。當北京宣布一次核試驗時，你隻要看著中國年輕人臉上的那種激動之情就可以了;或者，你也可以同老年的中國人談談，雖然他們中個別的不喜歡社會主義，他們還是會說北京政府的好話。因為中國人在世界上有了自尊，這使他們感到非常的驕傲。 什麽是毛澤東思想呢?他第一次把農民置於馬克思主義革命計劃的中心;他把帝國主義當作他所處時代的世界政治的關鍵，這甚至超過了列寧。這些就是他學說中的孿生支柱。然而，毛澤東也創造了兩個概念，它們使基於支柱的理論大廈具有了特色。
他極端惱恨僵化，他用自己欣賞的觀點取代了歐洲馬克思主義確定了的規律，這就是：一切皆流，永遠如此。 毛澤東從不自滿，他總在追求一種更有人情味和極具影響力的社會主義，這是他的優點所在，如果說，德國人發明了科學的社會主義，那麽可以說，毛澤東盡了最大努力使社會主義融化成一種社會道德。他不僅需要一個新型的國家，而且需要一種作為他的追隨者的新型公民。 毛澤東聞名於中國以外的世界。在毛澤東以前中國三千年的曆史中，從某種程度上來說，還找不出毛澤東這樣的人。
然而，這個在農村環境中長大的人，極少費神去關注中國以外的事。兩次去蘇聯是他僅有的一點國外履曆。他43歲時會見過斯諾，這是他一生中第一次與外國人建立一種較為持久的關係，他從未熟練掌握一門外語。毛澤東一生中的大部分時間，都把視野和熱情局限於中國。其他國家僅在這樣的範圍內才能引起他的興趣;或者他們幹涉了中國;或者他們具有中國能學習的思想和經驗。 毛澤東的偉大在於他的不屈不撓，在於他的精神銳氣以不可抵禦之勢注入世界意識中。
在許多國家，“毛主席”這一有助於跨越文化障礙的親切的尊名，已成為大多數國家家喻戶曉的用語。在六十年代，“毛主席語錄”譯本的數量和種類之多使“聖經”也黯然失色。即使是孔子，他的學說也從未傳播到如此之多的國家。成吉思汗以其影響名揚歐洲，然而，他沒有學說。毛澤東是“第一位以樸素而直率的語言，同世界談論我們的切身利益的中國人。”
在五十年代和六十年代的許多第三世界國家中，毛澤東是反殖民主義鬥爭中的主要的人格化身，他比蘇加諾、尼赫魯、納賽爾更具魅力。因為他知道，要在落後的民族實施新政，不僅需要詛咒西方，而且需要在本土有一個整體的依靠自力更生的變革。在西方，人們對有色人種的東方世界產生的、有巨大影響的政界人物不習慣。一位中國人站在世界曆史的界岸上向我們招手：這就是毛澤東的新奇之處。盡管他是大地的兒子，一位土生土長的中國人，但是他以作為本世紀世界政治巨人之一而走完自己的人生曆程。
我以為，就他曾有過的全球影響來看，隻有羅斯福、列寧或許還有丘吉爾才能與之相提並論。 毛澤東領導中華人民共和國的四分之一世紀，他的領導改變了中國社會，而且這種社會變遷將持續到未來，持續到因歲月的不饒，這位神話般的人物逝去。
毛澤東的政府，使新中國比舊中國有更多的社會平等，這主要表現在：按勞取酬……身份，或擁有土地和資本不再起作用了。因此，中國的產品分配成為世界上最平等的分配方式之一，徹底貧困和死於身無分文的人極少。並且，進步的基本手段，衛生保健和初級教育，不再是隻有少數人才支付得起了。 在毛澤東的領導下，中國向社會現代化……現代化的最有效形式，邁出了一大步。
在他臨終之前，毛澤東完全可以宣稱，中國已經向繁榮邁出了幾步。出於多種原因，中國的經濟發展雖不如日本那樣，但要勝過印度。總之，毛澤東留給中國的是很大程度上的自給自足和世界第六經濟大國的地位。
毛澤東和他的朋友們都受個人信念的驅使，而他們的個人信念同時也就是社會信念。他們把自己的一生僅僅看成是革命之火的燃料，它將同時改變中國和他們自己的命運。毛澤東不是從個人的福利而是從國家政權的角度來看待經濟發展。有一次，毛澤東對他的聽眾提出忠告：“不要總認為隻有自己行，別人什麽都不行，好像世界上沒有自己地球就不轉了，黨就沒有了。死了張屠戶，就吃混毛豬?什麽人死了也不怕，什麽人死了就有很大損失嗎?馬、恩、列、斯不是都死了嗎?還是要繼續革命。”
毛澤東支配了一個需要超人的時代。明天的現代公民將把毛澤東譽為中國的偉大統一者。他們會時時回過頭來，對毛澤東作倫理上的評價，就像在不同時代，人們對孔子作評價一樣。“高舉毛澤東思想的旗幟”這句口號，隨著毛澤東一起安詳地躺在他的水晶棺裏。旗幟將會愈飄愈高，直到無人認清那褪了色的深紅色旗麵上到底寫了些什麽為止。然而，這麵旗幟將投下長長的影子。 毛澤東的繼承者們將分成不同的“毛派”，在圍繞著中國問題的鬥爭中，他們都將舉起“毛澤東”作為武器。這麵旗幟本身將為明白毛澤東的後嗣們所需要。對許多普通的中國人來說，“毛主席”是中華人民共和國的主要象征。此後，任何一位想控製中國這一龐大國家的人，都將要利用這一象征物。真正的毛澤東已經融入中國的身軀。不論怎樣，毛澤東都將是曆史人物中最偉大者之一。不論曆史舞台怎樣變幻，他永遠與中國與世界同在!
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