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特朗普如何將美國變成“流氓國家”：哈佛學者
Stephen Walt, Harvard Kennedy School 2026/03/27
https://www.mexc.com/news/984832
Nick Hilden March 26, 2026 | 02:10PM ET
https://www.alternet.org/how-trump-turned-america-into-a-rogue-state/
自特朗普第二任期開始以來，美國對夥伴國加征關稅，破壞與北約的關係，威脅入侵加拿大和格陵蘭等非敵對國家，並在未獲得盟友支持或批準的情況下對伊朗發動戰爭。哈佛大學國際關係學教授斯蒂芬·M·沃爾特表示，由於這些以及其他原因，美國已經淪為“流氓國家”，如今“世界各國都不得不思考如何應對”。
沃爾特在《外交政策》雜誌上撰文指出，“特朗普第二任期的破壞性、危害性和危險性遠遠超出了幾乎所有人的預期”。他認為，造成這種情況的主要原因有三個。
首先，美國的確“非常強大”，而且它能夠也一直在利用這種力量傷害其他國家，無論“有意還是無意”。在特朗普的領導下，美國或許正在推行一些會隨著時間推移而削弱自身的政策——從加倍依賴化石燃料到摧毀科研機構，再到攻擊移民——但就目前而言，美國仍然擁有壓倒性的經濟、軍事和政治實力。
其次，沃爾特認為，美國已經從一個政治霸權國家轉變為一個掠奪性霸權國家，"利用數十年來積累的影響力來剝削盟友和對手”。這導致美國對幾乎所有人，包括其最親密的夥伴，都采取了敵對立場，對待外國領導人“毫不掩飾地蔑視他們，卻期望他們中的大多數人做出屈辱的順從和效忠”。隨著伊朗局勢演變為全球性問題，很明顯，“本屆政府要麽不了解其行動將如何影響其他國家，要麽根本不在乎。”
最終，導致這一切的關鍵因素在於，“美國外交政策如今掌握在一群極其無能的官員手中，從總統到普通官員皆是如此。”巨大的權力被賦予了那些顯然不知所措的人，而他們的一舉一動都可能造成災難。
更糟糕的是，“特朗普卸任後，其中一些問題將難以糾正。”不僅國家的製度能力已被“掏空”，而且美國已經證明其在極端之間搖擺不定的傾向。即便下一任總統的立場與特朗普不同，誰又能保證選民在下次選舉中不會再次轉向類似的候選人呢？
沃爾特說，世界各國必須采取重大行動來應對一個失控的美國。這意味著要通過建立聯盟來平衡力量，以製衡美國的影響力，同時避免盲目追隨美國的掠奪性行徑。這意味著要努力引導美國的外交政策遠離其最危險的衝動，並實現貿易夥伴多元化。這意味著要學會對美國的要求說“不”——就像大多數領導人對特朗普在伊朗戰爭中尋求幫助的請求所做的那樣——並接受美國在欠考慮的冒險行動最終失敗時所遭受的懲罰。
沃爾特總結道：“隨著美國的形象從一個善意但有時也會犯錯的全球強權，轉變為一個冷酷無情、殘忍無情、慣於撒謊、隻顧自身利益的國家，世界其他國家將不得不與之對抗。”
沃爾特寫道：“一個有遠見的大國會克製地運用自身力量，盡可能遵守普遍接受的準則，認識到即使是親密的盟友也會有自己的目標，並努力與其他國家達成對各方都有利的安排。在過去75年的大部分時間裏，美國在這方麵做得相當不錯，並從中獲益匪淺，但其現任領導人正在迅速拋棄這種智慧。”
How Trump turned America into a 'rogue state': Harvard scholar
Author: Alternet 2026/03/27
https://www.mexc.com/news/984832?
Since the beginning of the second Trump Administration, the United States has attacked partners with tariffs, shredded its ties to NATO, threatened to invade unhostile nations like Canada and Greenland, and launched a war against Iran without the support or approval of allies. For these and other reasons, says Harvard professor of international relations Stephen M. Walt, the U.S. has become a “rogue state" and now “every country in the world is having to figure out how to deal” with it.
“The second Trump administration has been far more disruptive, damaging and dangerous” than just about anyone predicted, writes Walt in Foreign Policy. He says there are three primary factors driving this.
First, the U.S. is simply “very powerful,” and it can and has been leveraging that power to harm other nations whether “intentionally or inadvertently.” Under Trump, the U.S. may be pursuing many policies that will weaken it over time — from doubling down on fossil fuels to destroying its scientific institutions to attacking immigrants — but for now, the country still wields inordinate economic, military, and political might.
Second, Walt argues that the U.S. has gone from a political hegemon to a predatory hegemon, “exploiting positions of leverage built up over decades to exploit allies and adversaries alike.” This has involved the assumption of a hostile stance toward nearly everyone, including the country’s closest partners, treating foreign leaders “with ill-disguised contempt while expecting demeaning acts of submission and fealty from most of them.” And as the situation in Iran spirals into global consequences, it has become clear that “the administration either didn’t understand how its actions would affect other states or simply didn’t care.”
Finally, a key factor driving all of this is the fact that “U.S. foreign policy is now in the hands of a remarkably incompetent set of officials, from the president on down.” Immense power has been placed in the hands of people who clearly don’t know what they’re doing, and who consequently cause catastrophes with their every move.
Worse still, “some of these features are not going to be easy to correct after Trump leaves office.” Not only have the country’s institutional capacities been “hollowed out,” but the U.S. has already proven its tendency to go back and forth between extremes. Even if the next president doesn’t share Trump’s positions, who’s to say that voters wouldn’t swing back toward a similar candidate in the next election?
The world, says Walt, is going to have to take major action to manage an America gone rogue. That means balancing power by building alliances to offset U.S. influence, while avoiding the urge to jump on the country’s predatory bandwagon. It means working to manipulate U.S. foreign policy away from its most dangerous impulses, and diversifying trade partners. It means learning to say no to American demands — as most leaders have in response to Trump’s pleas for help with his war on Iran — and allowing the U.S. to look bad when its poorly considered ventures blow up in its face.
“As the United States’ image shifts from that of a well-intentioned if sometimes mistaken global power to one that is uncaring, cruel, reflexively dishonest, and out only for itself,” Walt concludes, the rest of the world is going to have to stand against it.
“A far-sighted great power will use its power with restraint, adhere to widely held norms whenever possible, recognize that even close allies will have their own agendas, and work to fashion arrangements with others from which all parties benefit,” writes Walt. “The United States did this tolerably well for most of the past 75 years and benefited greatly, but its present leaders are rapidly tossing that wisdom overboard.”
