中國要政改了?胡錦濤定調中國政治製度改革的基調
(2007-06-28 00:12:03)
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中國要政改了?胡錦濤定調中國政治製度改革的基調 時事述評
中共領導人胡錦濤近日指出,中國政治製度的現代化嚐試,絕不能危及中共的一黨統治。紐約時報稱,在中共十七大將於秋季在北京舉行之前,胡的這番講話無疑定下一個保守的基調。
紐約時報6月27日發表駐北京記者周看(Joseph Kahn)撰寫的文章,介紹了中共領導人胡錦濤6月25日在中央黨校省部級幹部進修班發表的講話,並用《中國領導人誓言要堅持一黨統治》來作為標題。
文章說,擔任中共中央總書記的胡錦濤,6月25日利用在中央黨校向黨政軍精英發表重要講話的機會,來推動一個漸進的政治和經濟改革的視覺。在中國官方6月26日發表的胡錦濤的講話內容中,他表示要繼續擴大平民百姓的“政治參與”,但卻排除了走向西方式民主的步驟。
胡錦濤說:“我國政治體製改革必須堅持正確的政治方向,必須隨著經濟社會發展不斷推進,努力與我國人民政治參與的積極性不斷提高相適應。”胡錦濤接著強調說,這種變化“要堅持黨的領導、人民當家作主、依法治國有機統一,不斷推進社會主義政治製度自我完善和發展”,來維持共產黨的壟斷政治權力。
在胡錦濤發表最新講話後,中共各級別官員已開始有組織地進行學習。東方網的一篇文章署名文章稱:根據我黨政治運作的規則,在十七大這麽一個重要會議召開之前,黨中央總書記在中央黨校的講話,應該被看作是一次為十七大精神定調的講話。江澤民在十四大、十五大和十六大召開之前都曾經在中央黨校發表過重要講話並在國內外產生了很大影響。
人民網的署名文章稱,在每次黨代會召開前夕,黨的總書記都會到中央黨校發表重要講話,既是進一步統一思想,也是向外界傳遞一些黨代會內容的信息,以便於更好地做好宣傳工作。在黨的十七大召開前夕,胡錦濤總書記再次來到中央黨校,在省部級幹部進修班上發表了重要講話,提出了“四個堅定不移”的戰略目標和要求。
文章稱,可以這樣說,這“四個堅定不移”,既是十七大的基調,也是今後一段時期黨和國家中心工作的方向,是今後一個時期奮鬥的目標。
光明日報6月27日發表評論員的文章稱,當前,我們要按照胡錦濤總書記的要求,自覺做到四個“堅定不移”。我們要深刻認識到,解放思想是黨的思想路線的本質要求,是我們應對前進道路上各種新情況新問題、不斷開創事業新局麵的一大法寶,必須堅定不移地加以堅持。
文章還稱,在新的曆史起點上,我們要緊密團結在以胡錦濤同誌為總書記的黨中央周圍,堅持以鄧小平理論和“三個代表”重要思想為指導,深入貫徹落實科學發展觀,繼續解放思想,堅持改革開放,推動科學發展,促進社會和諧,堅定不移地走中國特色社會主義偉大道路。
紐約時報指出,當天出席在中央黨校會議的有中共中央委員會委員、中央政府高級官員、各省領導人,以及高級軍事和安全官員,這也使胡錦濤的講話變成他自2002年成為中國領導人後的最重要的講話之一。
這次會議未對外國記者公開,但中共官方公開的胡錦濤的講話內容卻未有多少新意。胡錦濤強調了他的被人熟知的思想模式--提倡“和諧社會”和“科學發展”。
這些流行語是近幾年胡錦濤和中國總理溫家寶所提出的口號,為的是縮小中國富裕的精英階層,與占絕大多數的在這個國家經濟快速增長中獲益很小的工薪人口之間的貧富差距。紐約時報指出,在發展中國家中,中國是世界上財富分配最不平等的國家,城市和鄉村的生活標準存在著極大的差距。
此外,胡錦濤和溫家寶這兩位中國領導人,還一直在尋求減少對那些能源密集和汙染嚴重的經濟的日益依賴,這種經濟已使中國的空氣和水源變成世界最髒的,並威脅到這個國家的生態活力。
解決這些問題的許多措施,近幾年已變得更加惡化,但胡錦濤並沒有提出新的政策來強調它。相反,他至少在他發表的言論中,重申了意識形態的框架,似乎是有意讓下級官員來作出決策。中國的執政黨將在秋季召開每五年一次的全國代表大會,期間將對主要領導崗位做出決定。
紐約時報稱,在中共十七召開前,將涉及到黨的所有級別的密集的幕後權力爭鬥,目前胡錦濤已經發動了反腐敗運動。此外,胡錦濤還容許少數被信賴的精英思想家,針對政治改革措施在黨的刊物上展開辯論。在發表的評論文章中,幾位退休的高級官員和知名學者都主張在中國的政治生活中要有更多的民主。
在建議和征詢公眾參於決策等方麵,民主一詞已在中國被廣泛使用。胡錦濤已明確表示,他並不預期對這個專製統治進行徹底大修。紐約時報最後指出,胡錦濤在講話中堅持,“社會主義民主”和“基層民主”是中共的長期目標,應該用“積極穩妥”的努力來發展它。胡錦濤還強調說,這種改變必須有序地進行,不能削弱黨的“領導作用”。
China’s Leader Vows to Uphold One-Party Rule
BEIJING, June 26 — President Hu Jintao said attempts to modernize China’s political system must not jeopardize one-party rule, setting a conservative tone before an important Communist Party conclave in the fall.
Mr. Hu, who is also the Communist Party chief, used a major address to the party, government and military elite in Beijing on Monday to promote a gradualist vision of political and economic change, according to the text of his remarks published Tuesday. He embraced greater “political participation” by ordinary people but ruled out steps toward Western-style democracy.
“The reform of our nation’s political system must maintain a correct political direction, must unrelentingly keep pace with economic and social development and must endeavor to adjust to the active political participation of our nation’s people,” Mr. Hu said.
Such changes should “advance the self-perfection in the development of the socialist political system,” while preserving the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, he said.
“Insist on the party’s leadership, governance by the people and ruling the nation by laws,” he said.
The members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, top central government and provincial leaders, and senior military and security officials attended Mr. Hu’s address, at the party’s Central Party School in Beijing, making it one of his most important speeches since he became China’s leader in 2002.
The event was closed to Chinese and foreign journalists, but the published text of his speech broke little new ground. He emphasized his well-worn ideological formulas of promoting a “harmonious society” and “scientific development.”
Those catchphrases have become associated in recent years with a program by Mr. Hu and China’s prime minister, Wen Jiabao, to reduce the gap between China’s wealthy elite and a vast majority of its working population, which has benefited far less from the country’s long streak of rapid economic growth. China has one of the most unequal distributions of wealth in the developing world, with an especially wide gap in living standards between urban and rural residents.
The two leaders have also sought to reduce the economy’s growing dependence on industries that are energy intensive and pollute heavily, which has made China’s air and water among the dirtiest in the world and threatened the country’s ecological viability.
By many measures those problems have worsened in recent years, but Mr. Hu did not advocate new policies to address them. Instead, at least in his published remarks, he reiterated an ideological framework that seemed intended to inform policy making by lower-level officials. The ruling party will convene this fall for a national congress, held once every five years, during which it decides on major leadership positions.
Before the congress, which involves intensive, behind-the-scenes jockeying for power at all levels of the party, Mr. Hu has campaigned against corruption. He has also permitted a few trusted elite thinkers to debate measures for political change in party journals.
In published essays, several retired senior officials and leading scholars have advocated more democracy in Chinese political life.
The term democracy is widely used in Chinese political discourse to suggest public consultation or popular participation in decision making. Mr. Hu made clear that he did not envision an overhaul of authoritarian rule.
He said that “socialist democracy” and “grass-roots democracy” were long-term goals of the party, and that it should make “active and safe” efforts to develop them. He also emphasized that such changes must proceed in an orderly way, without diminishing the party’s “leading role.”
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