4everdude2008-04-08 04:41:49回複悄悄話
回複bruce888的評論: 我看你又在胡扯了。 美國主流媒體報喜也報憂。比如有關奧地利人 Heinrich Harrer納粹黨徒的身份。
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/08/AR2006010801024.html
Associated Press
Monday, January 9, 2006; Page B06
Heinrich Harrer, 93, an Austrian mountaineer and former Nazi who became a friend and tutor of the young Dalai Lama, died Jan. 7 at a hospital in Friesach, Austria. No cause of death was disclosed.
sanwu2008-04-03 10:34:08回複悄悄話
Thank you so much for your reply. I'll use your first two photos (or one) in a music piece which shows people's power,and I'll give the reference.
ma0122008-04-01 14:24:22回複悄悄話
Your most beautiful paragraph is:
當然,在海外華人中間,也有很少數的“極端”。一個極端是“逢中必反”:不說也不能說一點中國的好,無視中國的發展與進步,把中國說得一無是處,甚至辱罵這個民族道德淪喪,恨不得這個國家四分五裂血流成河而後快;另一個極端是“愛的不知所以然”,不管什麽,不說也不能說中國政府和政黨一個不字,好像一切都是完美無缺,無論你是批評建議還是積極建言,都會遭受攻擊和批判。這兩個極端,傷害了善良的人們的感情,其實也不利於問題的解決和實現他們自己的理念,同時對中國乃至世界的進步與和平,絕無益處。
Better read the English version to see for yourself:
His Holiness the Dalai Lama's appeal to Chinese people
Press Release[Friday, March 28, 2008 14:41]
An Appeal to the Chinese People from His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters round the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make a personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.
Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts." I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese people and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year-old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at other times we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.
The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet, too, was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954-55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.
Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist". Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.
With my prayers,
Dalai Lama
March 28, 2008
Note: translated from the Tibetan original
北方憨哥在北美2008-04-01 07:31:23回複悄悄話
回複jwayne_1的評論:
1, 請你不要斷章取義,我的原話是“支持理性的討論問題,任何事情都是要以理服人的。至於有些人壓根就不懂道理,不講道理,也是沒辦法的事情”。這句話有什麽錯誤嗎?這裏說的不懂道理,不講道理,並非指“我的道理”,我一個普通百姓,能有什麽道理?我也有許多時候不懂道理,你也不讚成有人說粗話吧。而“"if you don't agree with me, then you 不懂道理".”這句話,是你說的。
2, 這句話是也是你說的:“the gcd government忽略了 1.5billion - 1 - n people (these n people is the top level party officials; this 1 people is 北方憨哥 you :)) for 60 years.”。我知道你說的60年是什麽,但是你還是把這60年和“北方憨哥”聯係在了一起。謝謝你對我的高看,我也沒有你說的那麽老,什麽CD也不可能忽略我60年。你真是太抬舉我了,像50肅反56反右和文革中造反派抬舉我們家人一樣。
地平線2008-04-01 05:38:19回複悄悄話
回複撣子的別院的評論:
No need to set up a special 專欄節目 and discuss why “美國發動伊拉克戰爭的真正目的”because most of Americans already know it is for the control of oil and most of Americans also know why other countries like Russian and China are so against it. But, this is not your original question. If you like to hear anti-war comments, go and keep listening to NPR, you will hear lots of anti-war comments from American themselves.
The business purpose of most American media is based on business, the money, not for a party or a government. For them, Credit = Money. That is a huge difference from our center media.
guys, read the blogger's disclaimer above, a good one.
jwayne_12008-04-01 00:27:16回複悄悄話
回複北方憨哥在北美的評論: oh..., now i see where this was coming from, when i said 60 years, i meant from 1949 to now :))) again, i didn't know your age and there was no age discrimination.
one suggestion for you: refrain from discriminating your own race by using the word "yellow". also it is funny: my hatred? who did i curse and hate? in addition, religion is as bad as or even worse than patriotism. if one knows one speak, if one doesn't know, one needs to study more.
jwayne_12008-04-01 00:11:04回複悄悄話
回複北方憨哥在北美的評論: "以理服人", very good point, but not many of the people below understand it. "至於有些人壓根就不懂道理,不講道理", i am sorry that this statement is kind of saying "if you don't agree with me, then you 不懂道理".
of course if we are talking about this in a coffee shop, i will notice your age and be more polite. but how would i know your age online? anyway, now i know, sorry. also, other people's rude comments have nothing to do with you. i have been a little mean to you. but, your comments are not exactly like gentleman, either :) don't you agree?
yinyangguaiqi2008-03-31 23:46:21回複悄悄話
回複jwayne_1的評論:
I guess you are just one of the faked westernized yellows who try hard to separate yourself from your past. You are full of hatred while trying to imitate western people's religion. But you forget that true western religion doesn't believe the hatred. You have lost primitive good nature as an human being because of the hatred.
jwayne_12008-03-31 22:16:11回複悄悄話
回複abita的評論: because you are a youth, i reply you one last time. try not to be an a-q (by the way, do you even know who a-q was?). you might wanna consider seeing a psychiatrist for possible illnesses such as depression, personality separation, etc. i see symptoms ...
jwayne_12008-03-31 21:55:14回複悄悄話
回複lovemycountry82的評論: i am very glad that you are not living under the hitler government or bin laden organization. because if so, you would be doing really bad things. please think things through carefully before letting the 最原始神經 explode. it is not healthy.
jwayne_12008-03-31 21:52:57回複悄悄話
CNN或者西方媒體忽略了這"一"點, maybe you are correct. however, the gcd government忽略了 1.5billion - 1 - n people (these n people is the top level party officials; this 1 people is 北方憨哥 you :)) for 60 years.
anyone trying to utilize patriotism and / or religion is evil.
thrawn2008-03-31 19:28:45回複悄悄話
good analysis, just enough emotions to fit the logic. Also looking forward to east and west style mixed clothings for PRC leaders.
m382008-03-31 19:05:06回複悄悄話
the way china goverment handle is similar to what happened at 6/4/89. they withdraw all police from street and let students taking over. then they claimed protests were mob. rebellion and goverment had no choice but send tank to restore the law and order. saddly lots people believe.
4everSb,你又出來了啊,我說了我轉的,說的是達賴那位納粹老師的,你翻出他的墓碑來做啥。目前有啥報道是關於達賴的嗎?西藏問題吵的那麽厲害,這位達賴咋沒消息。
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/08/AR2006010801024.html
Associated Press
Monday, January 9, 2006; Page B06
Heinrich Harrer, 93, an Austrian mountaineer and former Nazi who became a friend and tutor of the young Dalai Lama, died Jan. 7 at a hospital in Friesach, Austria. No cause of death was disclosed.
俺知道你意指lovemycountry82的罵人話是北方的。說“北方人喜歡這樣罵人”恐怕不妥。容易生誤解。
準確說,“你丫”是北京口音。是“丫挺”的簡稱。具體含義留給能人解釋吧。無論男女都有可能這麽說。年輕人可能用得多一點兒。
。---
近日我在網上看到一篇介紹美國新聞媒體如何進行消息封鎖的文章,有點意思,轉過來和大家分享。
美國主流媒體善於封鎖新聞。許多不利於美國戰略利益的新聞,都被美國各大精英報紙嚴密封鎖,特別是關於台獨、藏獨的壞消息。
諸如:第十四世達賴喇嘛的啟蒙恩師暨長期密友、奧地利人哈勒的鐵杆納粹黨人身份,達賴喇嘛親兄參與謀殺不丹國王凶案,日本“奧姆真理教”教主麻原彰晃與達賴喇嘛的密切關係,說明美國新聞界的“政治掛帥”原則。
1997年5月28日德國《明星》周刊文章《沾有納粹汙點的“英雄”》,披露了達賴的原“老師”奧地利人海因裏希·哈勒的檔案材料,證明哈勒原來是一名隱藏了半個多世紀的納粹分子。
此前,關於哈勒可能有納粹背景的爭論不時引起人們的關注,但一直缺乏文獻性的依據,哈勒本人也堅決否認自己與納粹有任何幹係。然而,《明星》的文章說,今天在柏林的聯邦檔案館裏,找到了哈勒的原始檔案。該檔案共80頁,其中記錄:海因裏希·哈勒生於1912 年7 月6 日,1938年5 月4 日加入納粹黨,黨員號碼為6307081 。同時注明:黨衛軍3 8 部隊,番號為73896 。檔案中有一份哈勒手寫的簡曆,記載著他1938 年4月1日起在黨衛軍工作,並早在1933 年10 月就效力於當時在奧地利還處於非法地位的“衝鋒隊”——希特勒的第二個恐怖組織。在這份簡曆的上方還貼了一張他衣服翻領上帶有納粹標誌的證件照。
柏林的曆史學家和公認的黨衛軍問題研究專家海因裏希·威廉為《明星》雜誌鑒定了哈勒的檔案。今天,在大量的檔案材料麵前,哈勒不得不承認自己那一段不光彩的納粹曆史。然而,《明星》的文章指出,“哈勒這個顯然從沒有被追究過其納粹曆史的人,毫無阻擋地上升為超級明星”。哈勒曾逃往西藏,並在1946年後一度擔任過達賴的“老師”,之後又寫了《在西藏的七年》一書,而備受西方一些人的推崇。《明星》的文章說,現在,好萊塢正投資6000萬美元將該書拍成電影,“好萊塢今天推崇的‘西藏熱’也已經被納粹分子用來為自己做廣告”。對於哈勒來說,關於他那段黨衛軍的曆史的對質,隻不過是一次轉瞬即逝的震驚而已。在得知自己的納粹曆史已經被揭露後,哈勒輕鬆地說:“我們知道,這個很了不起的電影也將會給我們帶來一些麻煩。”
哈勒的《在西藏的七年》被翻譯成40多種文字,據稱“已有5000 萬人讀過此書”。哈勒本人也因寫作此書而獲得了“人權衛士”的名聲。特別是好萊塢最近投巨資將該書拍攝成電影,更使哈勒在西方世界受到“英雄”般的讚美。今天,在哈勒的真實曆史公布之後,人們也許應該冷靜地思考一下,像哈勒這樣一個編造終生謊言、欺騙世界達半個多世紀之久的人,其言論會有多少可值信賴的內容。既然哈勒會編造彌天大謊隱瞞自己的曆史,人們又怎麽能夠相信他會對西藏的情況作出客觀的描述和公正的評價呢?哈勒曾是一名納粹黨徒,而且是受到過希特勒親自接見的“納粹高層集團的寵兒”,其思想在多大程度上受納粹思想支配尚需進一步研究,但是,這個納粹黨“昔日的忠實信徒”,在納粹戰敗後的第二年即 1946年,就逃到了拉薩並成為達賴的“老師”,人們不禁要問:哈勒的納粹經曆和背景是否會對他調教當時隻有11 歲的達賴產生某些影響呢?
達賴喇嘛的啟蒙恩師哈勒的鐵杆納粹黨人身份東窗事發,是對達賴喇嘛領導的“藏獨”事業的很大打擊。對這一尷尬新聞,美國媒介的政治泰鬥《華盛頓郵報》長期固守鴕鳥戰略,堅決不予報道。一直要到好幾個月之後,才在諸如影視娛樂之類的欄目中草草一句帶過。如此沉默,實在是震耳欲聾。
基於同樣的“政治掛帥”原則,不難理解美國主流傳媒為什麽在諸如達賴喇嘛長年接受中央情報局津貼、達賴喇嘛親兄直接參與謀殺不丹國王凶案、下令在東京地下鐵道釋放致命毒氣的日本“魔教”教主麻原彰晃與達賴喇嘛的密切關係等等有損 “英雄形象”的事件上堅持保持沉默,對美國讀者實施事實新聞封鎖。
無情的事實是主要新聞媒體掌握著所謂“設置新聞議題”的權力,通過對消息來源和題材的取舍選擇,“引導”或轉移公眾對特定議題的關注,並通過所謂“結構性消息封鎖”,來封殺公眾對其他議題的了解和關注。
美國媒體這次對西藏問題的報道,使他們所謂的“客觀公正”暴露無遺。
下圖為達賴喇嘛與邪教教主麻原彰晃
http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4bf2520301008xmr.html
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近日我在網上看到一篇介紹美國新聞媒體如何進行消息封鎖的文章,有點意思,轉過來和大家分享。
美國主流媒體善於封鎖新聞。許多不利於美國戰略利益的新聞,都被美國各大精英報紙嚴密封鎖,特別是關於台獨、藏獨的壞消息。
諸如:第十四世達賴喇嘛的啟蒙恩師暨長期密友、奧地利人哈勒的鐵杆納粹黨人身份,達賴喇嘛親兄參與謀殺不丹國王凶案,日本“奧姆真理教”教主麻原彰晃與達賴喇嘛的密切關係,說明美國新聞界的“政治掛帥”原則。
1997年5月28日德國《明星》周刊文章《沾有納粹汙點的“英雄”》,披露了達賴的原“老師”奧地利人海因裏希·哈勒的檔案材料,證明哈勒原來是一名隱藏了半個多世紀的納粹分子。
此前,關於哈勒可能有納粹背景的爭論不時引起人們的關注,但一直缺乏文獻性的依據,哈勒本人也堅決否認自己與納粹有任何幹係。然而,《明星》的文章說,今天在柏林的聯邦檔案館裏,找到了哈勒的原始檔案。該檔案共80頁,其中記錄:海因裏希·哈勒生於1912 年7 月6 日,1938年5 月4 日加入納粹黨,黨員號碼為6307081 。同時注明:黨衛軍3 8 部隊,番號為73896 。檔案中有一份哈勒手寫的簡曆,記載著他1938 年4月1日起在黨衛軍工作,並早在1933 年10 月就效力於當時在奧地利還處於非法地位的“衝鋒隊”——希特勒的第二個恐怖組織。在這份簡曆的上方還貼了一張他衣服翻領上帶有納粹標誌的證件照。
柏林的曆史學家和公認的黨衛軍問題研究專家海因裏希·威廉為《明星》雜誌鑒定了哈勒的檔案。今天,在大量的檔案材料麵前,哈勒不得不承認自己那一段不光彩的納粹曆史。然而,《明星》的文章指出,“哈勒這個顯然從沒有被追究過其納粹曆史的人,毫無阻擋地上升為超級明星”。哈勒曾逃往西藏,並在1946年後一度擔任過達賴的“老師”,之後又寫了《在西藏的七年》一書,而備受西方一些人的推崇。《明星》的文章說,現在,好萊塢正投資6000萬美元將該書拍成電影,“好萊塢今天推崇的‘西藏熱’也已經被納粹分子用來為自己做廣告”。對於哈勒來說,關於他那段黨衛軍的曆史的對質,隻不過是一次轉瞬即逝的震驚而已。在得知自己的納粹曆史已經被揭露後,哈勒輕鬆地說:“我們知道,這個很了不起的電影也將會給我們帶來一些麻煩。”
哈勒的《在西藏的七年》被翻譯成40多種文字,據稱“已有5000 萬人讀過此書”。哈勒本人也因寫作此書而獲得了“人權衛士”的名聲。特別是好萊塢最近投巨資將該書拍攝成電影,更使哈勒在西方世界受到“英雄”般的讚美。今天,在哈勒的真實曆史公布之後,人們也許應該冷靜地思考一下,像哈勒這樣一個編造終生謊言、欺騙世界達半個多世紀之久的人,其言論會有多少可值信賴的內容。既然哈勒會編造彌天大謊隱瞞自己的曆史,人們又怎麽能夠相信他會對西藏的情況作出客觀的描述和公正的評價呢?哈勒曾是一名納粹黨徒,而且是受到過希特勒親自接見的“納粹高層集團的寵兒”,其思想在多大程度上受納粹思想支配尚需進一步研究,但是,這個納粹黨“昔日的忠實信徒”,在納粹戰敗後的第二年即 1946年,就逃到了拉薩並成為達賴的“老師”,人們不禁要問:哈勒的納粹經曆和背景是否會對他調教當時隻有11 歲的達賴產生某些影響呢?
達賴喇嘛的啟蒙恩師哈勒的鐵杆納粹黨人身份東窗事發,是對達賴喇嘛領導的“藏獨”事業的很大打擊。對這一尷尬新聞,美國媒介的政治泰鬥《華盛頓郵報》長期固守鴕鳥戰略,堅決不予報道。一直要到好幾個月之後,才在諸如影視娛樂之類的欄目中草草一句帶過。如此沉默,實在是震耳欲聾。
基於同樣的“政治掛帥”原則,不難理解美國主流傳媒為什麽在諸如達賴喇嘛長年接受中央情報局津貼、達賴喇嘛親兄直接參與謀殺不丹國王凶案、下令在東京地下鐵道釋放致命毒氣的日本“魔教”教主麻原彰晃與達賴喇嘛的密切關係等等有損 “英雄形象”的事件上堅持保持沉默,對美國讀者實施事實新聞封鎖。
無情的事實是主要新聞媒體掌握著所謂“設置新聞議題”的權力,通過對消息來源和題材的取舍選擇,“引導”或轉移公眾對特定議題的關注,並通過所謂“結構性消息封鎖”,來封殺公眾對其他議題的了解和關注。
美國媒體這次對西藏問題的報道,使他們所謂的“客觀公正”暴露無遺。
下圖為達賴喇嘛與邪教教主麻原彰晃
http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4bf2520301008xmr.html
鴛鴦茶你丫SB。有本事你說段完整的話。心肺都被狗吃了還好意思鑽出來放P。老子就是被北方憨哥的文章感動了,就是被觸動了,就是想哭了。關你丫的P事!
你再敢放P,罵死你丫的。來試試。
所有閑著沒事亂放P的LOSERs,有想法就理論一段兒,沒想法就把你那臭嘴閉上。少TM八婆別人善意的留言!
對不起,憨哥。俺此貼有“盜用”和誤導之嫌。全文是copy and paste的。電話會議之間看到一文,直接複製在此。甚至沒細讀。本想在前麵說明,一忙動作快了點兒,就出去了。現在甚至忘了從哪兒看到的。
憨哥說的客觀。海外華人以不同形式表示對中國發展的關心和推動。或罵或吹。但極端者是少數。
俺呀說,外國媒體的困惑可能還不止這些。他們可能也覺得冤。心說:如果你不把我趕走,然後你再說我報道不實咱也沒話講。這可好,咱啥也看不著急著火上房。不報咱飯碗丟了我家按揭誰付呀。咱隻能猜了。另外,那張照片兒也沒啥呀?底下不是注明是“扔石頭嗎”?真不明白為什麽有人那麽敏感。
調侃歸調侃。說起“空前的一致”,恐怕有些過講。俺覺得,比喻不恰當地說這會兒有點兒像911後的一段,冷靜出來談事兒的不多。跳腳罵人的不少。說理批評中國政府不當的文章也有,但回應冷淡。當然俺把憨哥的文章歸於說理“跳腳”不罵人之列。有冒犯憨哥海涵啦:)
雖然還是誤導,但可以證明你說的“鬱悶”。
當然,在海外華人中間,也有很少數的“極端”。一個極端是“逢中必反”:不說也不能說一點中國的好,無視中國的發展與進步,把中國說得一無是處,甚至辱罵這個民族道德淪喪,恨不得這個國家四分五裂血流成河而後快;另一個極端是“愛的不知所以然”,不管什麽,不說也不能說中國政府和政黨一個不字,好像一切都是完美無缺,無論你是批評建議還是積極建言,都會遭受攻擊和批判。這兩個極端,傷害了善良的人們的感情,其實也不利於問題的解決和實現他們自己的理念,同時對中國乃至世界的進步與和平,絕無益處。
首先糾正,做人不能太CNN可不是我發明傳播的,你一個年輕人,怎麽也學會抬舉人,給憨叔帶高帽子,這樣說話了:)
享受著西方的自由和富足?任何自由都是有條件的,沒有絕對的自由,你的電話和郵件還有這個回帖,沒準正在被跟蹤。富足?你問幾個華人是在“享受富足”的,是不在靠自己的力量和智慧打拚的?年輕人,出來的時間不長吧,慢慢體會吧。
國內同胞不知道身邊發生了什麽事情?你怎麽不去告訴他們發生了什麽事情?有很多方法的。本貼也提到了:“,,,盡管包括這兩條消息,國內一直在堵(本人親身經曆),但最後仍然沒有擋得住,流傳的渠道太多了!,,,”
本文也提到:“,,,國內自身也需要通過這次事件,正確對待海外部分華人的不同政見,設身處地考慮他們的感受,開放部分海外華人媒體,聽取不同的意見,讓人講話,天不會塌下來。絕大多數的海外華人,都是熱愛祖國,熱愛和平的!”
大侄子(或大侄女):時間久了,經曆的多了,或許你的體會就更深了。謝謝尊稱我憨叔,正在國外讀書的吧,好好用功,強身健體,未來的事情還有很多,未來的世界是你們年輕人的,祝福你和你們這一代人。我們這一代,丟掉的時間和機會太多了!
回複東北老蔫兒:謝老蔫兄來訪和提供的信息。糾正你一個錯誤,奧運火炬開始在境外國家和城市傳遞,而不是在國內傳遞,不過奧運火炬傳遞是在北京啟動,劉翔第一棒,象征著奧運火炬從北京出發:::)))
回複刀爺爺:刀爺爺來訪,有失遠迎,謝謝支持:)))
回複某談邏輯的先生:什麽“邏輯”?你用1.5億減去“什麽什麽和一個人北方憨哥你”,不是對北方憨哥的“抬舉嗎”?不知道你怎麽推的邏輯。我也不知道你在這裏跟我較什麽真兒,你跟什麽組織和什麽機構有怨有仇,找他們去啊,在俺平民百姓博客裏膩歪什麽?BYE,祝你好運!
回複“周老虎”親戚:“好像您從不敢說什麽“做人不能太CCTV”。還有。。。。”因為我幾乎不看CCTV(7年來),我也看不到CCTV,有什麽敢不敢的。“還有,,,”?知道你想說什麽,我的文章很少提某黨某團體,無論對於各方麵!口水戰沒意思。就這樣,還不是HAN-JIAN、賣國賊、練功的、特務、間諜、禦用文人、某黨的走狗一大堆帽子扣在我頭上。你是周老虎的親戚,你願意說什麽,自己開博客隨便說去。
午休吃著盒飯,看各位評論和回帖,不浪費頁麵了,恕不一一回複。謝謝來過的,評過的朋友們!
多倫多的集會,你看到的是幾張照片,我看到的是現場。我所說的,是我親眼所看到的。
你認為,你所說的共識,就是給我的回答麽?我要的是確實的證據。比如說你在哪幾類人群中抽取了多少樣本,做了怎樣的調查,統計數據是什麽。如果你不會做,可以去看看別人有沒有相關的數據。
還有,國內官員數目一共有多少?按你“共識”中的比例,貪官一共有多少?貪官中有孩子出國留學的有多少?這些孩子在留學生中占多大的比例?你有做過統計麽?光是把“把這些官僚權貴拉出來統統槍斃可能會有冤枉的,但若每隔一個打,絕對有漏網的”這個“共識”作為你論點的論據,沒有什麽說服力。
我還是那句話,多做些功課,拿出有力的證據,才有說服力。
你所說的“第三代第四代,第五代第六代”,給個確切的年份出來,我好對號入座啊。
Can I use your first two photos in a website (non-commercial one)? Please reply. Thank you very much!
文章說,“藏青會”成立於1970年,公開主張“西藏完全獨立”,在1990年代進入達賴的西藏流亡政府權力核心,至今占流亡政府工作人員一半以上。1992年以來曆任流亡政府首席噶倫(首席內閣大臣)人選全部來自該會,現任首席噶倫桑東就曾任“藏青會”第一屆副主席。
在拉薩騷亂的次日,“藏青會”召開中執委會議,一致通過“立即組建遊擊隊秘密入境開展武裝鬥爭”的決議,還就人員、資金、武器購置等製定初步計劃,並擬從勘查過的中尼邊境偷渡路線秘密潛入西藏。
文章對達賴個人唯一的指責是說他通過其私人秘書處發表聲明,將拉薩事件稱為“和平抗議”;隨後又改變立場,表示“如果事態失控,我唯一的選擇就是完全引退”。文章說,這等於承認“達賴集團”應對拉薩騷亂負責,但仍然沒有指責達賴個人。
負責民族宗教事務的西藏高官突然下台,似乎代表中國政府正開始檢討拉薩騷亂的內部責任。《西藏日報》昨天報道,西藏自治區民族宗教事務委員會主任丹增朗傑被免職,由拉薩市委副書記洛桑久美兼任。這是本月14日拉薩騷亂以來首次人事變動。
中國政府態度的轉變伴隨著奧運的臨近,以及西方國家抵製北京奧運會開幕式的政治壓力。奧運聖火將在今天開始在中國境內傳遞。達賴的低姿態也可能是北京轉變的原因之一。
達賴早在28日便通過媒體,發表了對全球華人的呼籲,希望中國領導人重新審視對他的評價,並停止歪曲事實真相的宣傳。
達賴說:“我們已經對西藏問題在中華人民共和國憲法框架範圍內尋求解決有了一個明確地認識……我對中間道路的立場沒有任何的改變,並願繼續保持接觸和商談。”
他也指出,“願意成為中華人民共和國大家庭一員”,並表示“我認同和支持中華人民共和國主席胡錦濤先生提倡的‘和諧’政策”;但認為“和諧社會”需要言論自由,法製以及在對個人自由得到保障的基礎才能產生”。
對你的回答其實很簡單,堅決鎮壓。打死你丫的。
you are wasting ur LIFE, not just time.
你所講的前兩個問題如果不是眼瞎的話,再仔細看一下文章的照片,就能回答你什麽叫音樂會和有幾個老頭老太了。
回你最後一個問題:你可能不知道每年你父母大人們參加兩會都會討論的一個,房價高,高校學費高,普通老百姓難以承受的話題,所以普通學生連國內的學費都嫌高,能讀的起國外的學校嗎?當然你除外。我也並不認為你一定是貪官的孩子,但你知道國內的共識嗎?“把這些官僚權貴拉出來統統槍斃可能會有冤枉的,但若每隔一個打,絕對有漏網的”。另外現在國內的共同認同是:“第三第四代,一流學生出國,二流學生考研,三流學生工作;現在到了第五第六代,一流學生工作,二流學生考研,三流學生出國”。我想你肯定是這第五第六代的吧!
2. use your logic, i also 太抬舉了 1.5 billion chinese. so please don't feel flattered :)
3. i don't know why i waste time discussing with you. no more. bye now.
先指出你評論中的錯誤
1.多倫多的不是遊行,而是集會,更確切的說是音樂會。
2.多倫多的集會裏,據我現場目測,留學生大概有一半,還有很多新老移民,拖家帶口的過來。在我附近,就有好幾位上了歲數的大爺大媽。所以並不是"絕大部分都是留學生"。
還有,你認為“能夠出來海外留學的“第五代,第六代”和無法出國的“第五代,第六代”有什麽本質的不同”。有話就清清楚楚地說出來,不要藏著掖著唧唧歪歪。
我認為留學生和在國內人沒有本質的不同,因為我們都是中國人。我知道你想說什麽,不就是“現在留學生的家裏都是貪官汙吏什麽的”,當你說這些的時候,你有調查麽?你有數據麽?凡事都要靠證據,你有確實的證據麽?不要說你聽過的某些例子,幾個特別的例子並不能代表全部。我認識的很多同學,家庭都很普通,都是工薪家庭。我們拿獎學金,我們做TA、RA,我們不需要家裏為我們開銷很多。
不要總是拿留學生說事兒,好好想一想再寫評論,可能會更有說服力。
達賴已經從一個活拂演變為一個政治家。他正在做他政治生涯的垂死掙紮。否則他就再也進不了布達拉宮了!世界離了誰都會發展,西藏沒有達賴也還是西藏。
用西藏問題做文章各有各的目的,如同在中國問題上做文章一樣。GCD管理著中國,但中國不是GCD。不論人們什麽,怎麽講,愛國應該是無罪的!
Better read the English version to see for yourself:
His Holiness the Dalai Lama's appeal to Chinese people
Press Release[Friday, March 28, 2008 14:41]
An Appeal to the Chinese People from His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters round the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make a personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.
Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from facts." I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese people and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year-old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at other times we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.
The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet, too, was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954-55, attending the National People's Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution - we had already recognized that sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.
Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion - as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist". Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation.
With my prayers,
Dalai Lama
March 28, 2008
Note: translated from the Tibetan original
1, 請你不要斷章取義,我的原話是“支持理性的討論問題,任何事情都是要以理服人的。至於有些人壓根就不懂道理,不講道理,也是沒辦法的事情”。這句話有什麽錯誤嗎?這裏說的不懂道理,不講道理,並非指“我的道理”,我一個普通百姓,能有什麽道理?我也有許多時候不懂道理,你也不讚成有人說粗話吧。而“"if you don't agree with me, then you 不懂道理".”這句話,是你說的。
2, 這句話是也是你說的:“the gcd government忽略了 1.5billion - 1 - n people (these n people is the top level party officials; this 1 people is 北方憨哥 you :)) for 60 years.”。我知道你說的60年是什麽,但是你還是把這60年和“北方憨哥”聯係在了一起。謝謝你對我的高看,我也沒有你說的那麽老,什麽CD也不可能忽略我60年。你真是太抬舉我了,像50肅反56反右和文革中造反派抬舉我們家人一樣。
3, 我並非什麽紳士,靠自己能力在國外打拚養家糊口一普通人就是,在自己的博客上隨便寫點東西打發“寂寞夜生活”而已,這點權力我還是應該有的吧?但是,你老人家到處撒播我是“禦用文人”,那麽我就不“紳士”一回,敢問,你又是被誰雇傭的“打手”?在我這裏拚命的回帖?我從來沒有標榜自己多紳士,我也就是凡夫俗人也,我一樣有血有肉有感情!您倒是夠紳士的!如果我這樣的俗人被你這樣的紳士還認為是紳士的話,那紳士就不能稱之為紳士了:)
4, 還是要謝謝你的比較理性的評論,順帶說一句,你在其他帖子裏提的什麽問題,我就不回答了,我這樣的凡夫俗人,很難和您這樣的高雅紳士溝通,還請你諒解。說歸說,逗歸逗,真的謝謝你的評論和關注,該說你就盡管說吧,該評你盡管評,該拍你盡管拍,北美是言論自由的社會,講事實擺道理,最好不要牽涉對個人攻擊,不要太CNN就好,謝謝。
5, 一並謝謝所有來過的、評過的朋友們,謝謝你們!上班去了,今兒個還要跑點遠路呢,北美生活,累啊!:::)))
2008年3月28日
今天我首先向全球華人同胞,尤其向中華人民共和國境內的所有漢族同胞們,表示真誠、友好的問候!同時,針對近期在西藏發生的事件以及相關的漢藏民族關係等問題發表我的想法,並以我個人的身份對大家做出一些呼籲。這次在西藏發生的不幸事件造成許多人員的死傷是極其不幸的,得知其中有少數漢人也喪生。為此,我感到萬分的同情和悲傷。在這裏。我要向所有的死難者及其家屬表示沉痛的哀悼和慰問,同時也為死難者的亡靈進行做法祈禱。
這次事件不僅表明了西藏境內的緊張局勢,同時也表明了通過和談尋求實現和解的緊迫性。為了扭轉目前這一情勢繼續惡化的局勢,我已向中國領導人表達了為實現和平與穩定而願共同配合的意願。
在這裏,我向漢族同胞們保證,我絕對沒有分裂西藏或是在漢藏民族間製造矛盾的圖謀。相反地,我時常為尋求西藏問題在漢藏民族長久互利的基礎獲得解決而進行努力。正如我多次闡明的那樣,我關注的是西藏民族獨特的文化、語言文字以及民族特性,並使之得以延續與保護的問題。做為一個如法守戒的佛教比丘,我保證,我的願望是真誠的。我的動機是誠懇的。
今天我要呼籲中國領導人,重新審視你們對我的評價,實事求是地解決存在的問題。並希望能夠運用智慧與藏人展開有實質意義的和談。為了促使國內實現穩定與和諧,避免在民族之間製造矛盾。中國官方媒體在報導這次事件時,采用編造和歪曲事實真相的宣傳方式,其可能引發的難於預測的後果,乃至給未來的民族衝突埋下禍根等現象。對此,我感到萬分的焦慮。例如,為了在我和漢族同胞之間製造矛盾,中國政府不顧我一直支持北京舉辦奧運會的事實,居然宣稱我在破壞北京舉辦奧運會。然而,有部分漢族有識之士和學者對中國領導人的行為以及由此可能導致未來民族關係難於逆轉的惡果等現象表現出極大的關注,這令人鼓舞。
藏漢兩個民族自古以來毗鄰而居,在2千多年的曆史歲月中,我們之間曾有過聯姻的親密,也有過戰爭的硝煙。佛教從印度傳入中國的時間早於西藏,因此漢族被藏人視為兄長而受到尊敬。在海外,與我有過接觸的漢人、包括從大陸來的朝聖者都了解這一點。這一切鼓舞著我,並使我相信這將有助於藏漢人民的相互理解和信任。
在20世紀,整個世界發生了一係列的巨變,西藏也未能例外。1949年中華人民共和國成立之後,人民解放軍就進入西藏,最終於1951年5月簽訂了 “十七條協議”,尤其是我在1954、55年間參加全國人大會議期間,認識了以毛主席為首的大多數中央領導人,並成為朋友,特別是在很多問題上得到毛主席的許多教導,並就西藏的未來得到他本人的許多承諾。由於受到這些承諾的鼓舞,加上受當時大部分中國革命領導人的決心和激情的影響,我滿懷期望和信心地返回了西藏。一些藏族的共產黨領導人也抱有相同的期望。返回拉薩後,我竭盡全力地為雪域西藏在中華人民共和國大家庭中實現名副其實的民族區域自治而進行了努力。我堅信這是實現藏漢兩個民族長遠共同利益的最好途徑。
然而令人遺憾的是,大約從1956年起,西藏局勢開始動蕩不安,到1959年3月10日拉薩發生和平起義,我本人也被迫流亡他國。在以後的歲月裏,誠如前世班禪喇嘛於1989年1月份的講話中指出的那樣:“在西藏雖然有許多建設和發展,但同時也遭受巨大的破壞和鎮壓。”從根本而言,西藏人民處於惟恐不安之中,中國政府對藏人處在疑懼與提防的狀態中。即使如此,我在1960年寫的禱詞中祈求:“願愚頑群體能識取合,共具慈愛友好之福澤。”其中我並沒有將剛剛殘酷無情地鎮壓的西藏人民的中國政府視為敵人而是祈禱能夠化敵為友、友好相處。現在,這篇祈禱詞已經成為在校學生為主的藏人每天必誦的功課。
1974年,我與噶廈,議會的正副議長等經過深入思考和討論之後,決定尋求一個漢藏共同和平發展,而不需要分裂的解決途徑,當時中國還處於文化大革命的動亂中,我們與中國政府之間也沒有任何聯係渠道,但我們認為,西藏問題遲早要通過和談得到解決。西藏留在中國,至少在經濟發展和現代化建設方麵可以受惠,因為西藏盡管有著悠久的曆史和豐富的文明,但經濟建設落後。
西藏高原是亞洲諸大河流的發源地,因此保護西藏高原的生態環境是至關重要的。我們最焦慮的是如何保護以慈悲為核心之藏傳佛教文化以及如何保護和延續西藏的語言文字和民族特性等。因此,我們非常真誠地為整個藏民族尋求名副其實的民族區域自治。關於西藏等各民族的這些權利,在中華人民共和國《憲法》中已有明確規定。
1979年,當時的中國最高領導人鄧小平對我的代表提出:“隻要不談獨立,西藏的其他問題是可以協商解決的.”由於我們已經對西藏問題在中華人民共和國憲法框架範圍內尋求解決有了一個明確的認識,因此我們已經做好充分的準備。其後,我的代表們曾多次與中華人民共和國的有關人員接觸,從2002年恢複接觸以後,至今雖已進行了六輪會談,卻均無實質突破。雖然如此,正如我已多次聲明的那樣,我要再次重申:我對中間道路的立場沒有任何的改變,並願繼續保持接觸與商談。
今年將在北京舉行的奧林匹克運動會,是中國人民期待已久的盛會。我從一開始就支持給予中國主辦奧運會的機會,現在仍然堅持這一立場。中國是世界上人口最多且具有悠久曆史和燦爛文明的國家,隨著經濟的發展而正在日益凸顯其大國的氣魄,這是值得歡迎的,但與此同時為了贏得國際社會的重視和尊敬,必須要創造出透明、自由、法製、寬容與和諧的社會。例如,因為對天安門事件沒有得到合理公正的處理,致使很多漢人遭受痛苦;當前在一些鄉村,腐敗的地方幹部對成千上萬受到不公正對待的平民百姓的依法訴求要麽不予理睬,要麽采取各種強製手段來壓製。我對這一切的感受是基於作為人類的一員,同時作為願意成為中華人民共和國大家庭一員的我認同和支持中華人民共和國主席胡錦濤先生提倡的“和諧”政策,但“和諧社會”需要言論自由、法製以及在對個人自由得到保障的基礎才能產生。如果實現這一切,我堅信,包括西藏、新疆和內蒙等許多的重大問題都可以得到解決,雖然內蒙的蒙古族隻占內蒙古自治區總人口2千400萬的20%不到。
最近,聽胡錦濤先生說西藏的穩定關係到全國的穩定之講話後,我對開啟一個解決西藏問題的新時代充滿了期待。然而,令人遺憾的是,不論我如何誠心實意的為避免漢藏分離而進行努力,有些中國領導人仍繼續對我進行毫無根據的指責和批判,尤其是從今年的3月10以來,為發泄長期積累的怨恨和不滿,在以拉薩為主的西藏三區許多地方爆發了民眾自發的和平抗議示威,而中國政府則竟然馬上就指責是我挑動製造了這些事件。對此,我呼籲組成具有公信力的獨立調查組織,對事件進行徹底的調查,澄清事實,查明真相。在此我要呼籲全球所有的漢族同胞們,不論你們身處何地,請關心我們兩個民族間存在的問題,盡心盡力的去消除彼此間沒有必要的疑慮和猜忌。為了促成和談,在寬容理解的基礎上解決西藏問題而做出貢獻。
祈願世界和平安樂!
釋迦比丘十四世達賴喇嘛丹增嘉措於西元2008年3月28日
一句話還是中國不夠強大。
No need to set up a special 專欄節目 and discuss why “美國發動伊拉克戰爭的真正目的”because most of Americans already know it is for the control of oil and most of Americans also know why other countries like Russian and China are so against it. But, this is not your original question. If you like to hear anti-war comments, go and keep listening to NPR, you will hear lots of anti-war comments from American themselves.
The business purpose of most American media is based on business, the money, not for a party or a government. For them, Credit = Money. That is a huge difference from our center media.
你的文化很好,智商很高...你說的"且不說西方人偏低的智商,沒想到中國人裏麵也有一群自願和他們看齊的" 這足夠證明你不但智商高而且對社會貢獻也大,一定拿了什麽獎把,當然若貝爾這些獎你看不起,因為這些隻有低智商的人才拿,中國人尤其是你,都高等,這幾十年來都不願意拿.我知道你會馬上跳出來評論若貝爾隻發給西方國家,對中國帶有歧視,,.....
從“美國新聞媒體在和美國政府利益有衝突的時候對著幹了?”到 "個別一兩個特例就能讓你這麽興奮". 從根本沒有到有....你的言論很有才華,都能辯論,可以把死的說活了.幾秒翻新一下,幾秒可以從沒有到有......
你再看看我以前的回複,,我拿中國跟美國升國旗比較,我說洗腦的是行為規範...你在看橄欖球時全部人都唱?是自願的還是一定要?或是他們發自內心的還是強行? 在美國唱國歌時候占站來手放左肩是對國家的尊重,而可以不用唱國歌...中國呢,你不唱國歌行嗎?
要屬下提供人皮,頭顱祭神的,壓迫奴役藏族人民的,是達賴喇嘛!(見李敖"李敖有話說"電視節目)
滿口慈悲,和平,騙得納貝爾和平獎的,是達賴喇嘛!
好一個變色龍的達賴喇嘛! 有奶便是娘!!!十足偽善!!!
比起美國發動伊拉克戰爭真正的目的,你的那些所謂的自由報道又算什麽?真正獨立自由報道。那好,CNN出一個專欄節目,比如說“美國發動伊拉克戰爭的真正目的”,盡挑一些不痛不癢,供自己國民茶餘飯後的談資的所謂壞事報道算什麽自由報道?幹脆,讓暴風雨再來的猛烈些。你說呢?
是嗎?個別一兩個特例就能讓你這麽興奮,你的民主是不是也太廉價了一點?想想如果美國不是民主,共和兩黨派之爭,媒體能有如此大的自由度報道?想想這次伊拉克戰爭吧,民主,共和基本看法一致,你還看到新聞媒體大肆和政府唱反調了麽???
“美國新聞媒體在和美國政府利益有衝突的時候對著幹了?”這位撣子夠健忘的。戰爭期間,美國媒體把自己士兵虐待戰俘的事情捅出來是和政府的利益一致?戰爭期間,美國媒體把自己士兵殺死無辜的事情捅出來也是為了和政府利益一致?
你也別太新華社了吧?
即興隨筆,無任何企圖,歡迎指教。謝絕任何侮辱謾罵之詞,如有發布,歸發布者本人享用。
guys, read the blogger's disclaimer above, a good one.
one suggestion for you: refrain from discriminating your own race by using the word "yellow". also it is funny: my hatred? who did i curse and hate? in addition, religion is as bad as or even worse than patriotism. if one knows one speak, if one doesn't know, one needs to study more.
你叫什麽不好,要叫“中國心情”。你真夠幽默,你應該叫“CNN心情”。如果你是“CNN心情”的話,你知道嗎你們這幾十年的活兒真的是白幹了,全讓你們這次幹砸了。
of course if we are talking about this in a coffee shop, i will notice your age and be more polite. but how would i know your age online? anyway, now i know, sorry. also, other people's rude comments have nothing to do with you. i have been a little mean to you. but, your comments are not exactly like gentleman, either :) don't you agree?
I guess you are just one of the faked westernized yellows who try hard to separate yourself from your past. You are full of hatred while trying to imitate western people's religion. But you forget that true western religion doesn't believe the hatred. You have lost primitive good nature as an human being because of the hatred.
哥們。敢問什麽叫民主?能給個解釋麽?難道,心中有所不滿,上街叫兩嗓子,或者回家直呼你爸媽的名字就叫民主?為什麽允許西方世界為了民主而民主就不允許中國探索民主而民主?勸你沒事回家睡大覺,小孩子少摻和大人的事
嗨,哥們。看了你的發言好久了,沒有文化就不要出來獻醜了,何必給自己貽笑大方的機會呢,估計這話說了你也看不懂,從小就在美國長得麽,腦袋是會差一點。什麽學校從不要求唱國歌,美國新聞媒體都是自由獨立的......估計你從沒出過門吧,去看看人家橄欖球賽,萬人合唱美國國歌你就知道什麽叫愛國教育了;還有,永遠記著,美國媒體再自由它的睾丸也是捏在美國政府手裏,你什麽時候看見美國新聞媒體在和美國政府利益有衝突的時候對著幹了?不過,話說回來,有個人信仰總比沒有強,但是就你的水平,為美國政府效犬馬之勞那還是嫩點,再多學點知識吧,什麽時候你要能和教堂裏麵神父說的一樣了,那你就算畢業了。當然,到時候咱再比劃
嚴重同意你說的話,不得不佩服美國政府給老百姓洗腦的能力。布什當了八年總統,把美國經濟,政治搞得一團糟,竟然美國國內還有30%的國民支持率,難道美國還真就是傳說中的天堂???
支持理性的討論問題,任何事情都是要以理服人的。至於有些人壓根就不懂道理,不講道理,也是沒辦法的事情。我在這篇文字裏也談到了。
一並謝謝所有來過的朋友們,祝晚安!明天會更美好!
我或許離60歲不遠了,你或許還年輕,那你是不是更應該尊重一個60歲的老人呢?記住,你家裏也有老人,你也會有60歲!回複網友的問題和討論相關問題,不要跟我個人問題聯係在一起。我的問題,你可以跟我單練:)謝謝!!!
我現在在想那些逢中必反的人是什麽心態,到底和中國人民有什麽大仇,比西方西藏人更恨中國?是什麽導致的呢?不過不管怎樣,都會被中國人唾棄。
sigh ... 北方憨哥's fans have been fast degrading :( freedom of speech or different opinion is one thing, pooping from mouth in public is another ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fANrz597TCI
這次CNN事件也讓中國媒體抓到小毛病後誇大其詞,每個網站上,無所不在的談起新聞的自由,公正,.乏底西方媒體,來說明中國媒體的報道是最準確的,最公正,最自由.......
海外中國人在談論CNN事時,先要看看中國媒體.他們利用了海外的支持者...正在大肆宣傳中國媒體的公正...而這些抵製CNN的人也無疑成了中國媒體的幫凶.讓中國媒體抓住把柄使勁的炮轟..我們越抵製CNN,中國媒體就越高興,越有理直氣壯的對中國人民盡心洗腦政策.....
可以這麽說...海外華人的支持隻能讓中國更緩慢的進入民主.讓像CCTV一樣的魔鬼有機可乘...民主這條道路沒有一個國家能跑的了,中國也不例外....
anyone trying to utilize patriotism and / or religion is evil.
要把西藏人的生活水平跟大陸的大多數人民聯係起來才有說服力。國家就富了海邊那一群,你還奧運顯擺嘛啊!你那開幕式貌似還要飛天吧,人家西藏哥幾個還在那兒劃皮筏子呢。
民族問題不隻是中國人的問題。美國人淡化自己血腥的霸占曆史,然後又因為自己是蠻橫地從可憐的英國人手上獨立出來,自然要這麽說。
別忘了,幾百年最多千把年前這些人都還是些近乎茹毛飲血地。
但是現在他們‘文明’了,我們怎麽告訴他們其實他們並不怎麽文明? 有很多辦法,根本的是你要把老百姓的生活搞上去。
反正我和樓主哥哥的感覺是一模一樣的
25歲的我在美國留學3年,生平從沒在任何論壇上說過話
這次居然也開始在文學城上和一些人打開了口水仗
應該是因為隨著年齡的成熟與海外閱曆的積累
這次事件終於觸動了我內心最深處那根最原始神經的爆發
“因為每一個在海外的中國人,無論加入了那個國家的國籍,都和中國這個國家,和中華這個民族脫不掉幹係!你血管裏流淌著祖宗的血,你遺傳了祖宗的生理特征;你可以脫胎換骨的改造自己的靈魂,但是你不能脫胎換骨的改造自己的軀體。這也就是世界上許多國家的人,都愛自己祖國的理由之一。”
我心裏總想的是這句話,但從來沒能說出來過
我想哭也是因為終於找到一個願意發言的中國人會準確說出我的心聲
雖然終於喊出來了,可我總還是非常難過
當看到聽到讀到好多海外華人冷漠得讓人打寒戰的話語。
出國後變得異常得更加“愛國”
莫非我真的是像國內朋友笑話的那樣“有毛病”麽。
我都不在乎了
處於不同環境的個人會經受力度不同的刺激
因為“China”這個詞在這裏的尊嚴就是我自己在這裏的尊嚴
這是那些完全西化比誰都鄙視中國的"ABC"們絞盡腦汁千方百計但死也擺脫不掉的事實
我是個簡單的女生
我隻希望讓身邊的中國人在涉及到民族問題的時候
不管是否隻是句玩笑話
都會立刻像被激怒的獅子一樣
就好像我血管裏一部分流著我爺爺的血
雖然我從沒見過他
但我不容許別人半點侮辱他的尊嚴
也不知道誰愚。這裏恐怕沒有幾個喜歡共產黨的,但是把“馬”和列主意毛澤東思想放在一起說,恐怕被中共愚了是另有其人。如文中所說,逢中必反是病態的行為,而相信歐美報道從不騙人的就是無知了。在西藏這次事件中,歐美和中國政府的處理方式都令人反感, 藏獨人士更顯醜陋。
你看到鎮壓了?事實是西藏的暴亂。
http://www.friction.tv/ftv_debate.php?debate_id=1719#
說你腦瓜不咋的,咋的就以為別人也不頂了
西藏的問題,中國說了不算,難道CNN算你就舒服了?
United, all chinese around the whold!
Support you again.
Hope all your artiles can aslo be translated into English.
We are proud of you.
excellent
wonderful!
20 年老僑的心願。
, 還是有Exception., i.e.,
, 還是有Exception., i.e., http://blog.wenxuecity.com/blogview.php?date=200803&
postID=30239