飲水思源。在美國，中國，越南，中東，南部非洲 。。。在世界各地，人們不應忘記基辛格對世界和平作出的傑出貢獻。當然，人無完人，基辛格所作所為也有很多爭議。美國和中國友好必然出賣台灣（同樣，中美接觸中國必然出賣北越，盡管基辛格走後周恩來馬上去河內說服北越以大局為重，越南人自然心懷不滿）。1973年1月越南停戰協議之所以能和一心要解放全國而不願簽約的北越簽下來，是因為1972年12月基辛格授意尼克鬆下令對北越進行“聖誕節大轟炸”（Christmas Bombing）。這是前所未有的，北越全境包括河內全部挨炸的大轟炸（以前美軍轟炸有所克製，會避開河內）。當時不但北越肺都氣炸，中，蘇官方和西方主流左媒同聲出氣，口誅筆伐。北越是被炸彈炸回談判桌來簽停戰協議的。1973年10月基辛格和黎德壽獲諾貝爾和平獎的喜訊頓時引發無窮爭議。有美媒嘲笑：“諾貝爾戰爭獎？”“挪威人太有幽默感！”因南越尚存，兩越打打停停，和平遙遙無期，黎德壽拒絕接受（和平獎曆史上至今為止唯一一位拒絕如此殊榮的獲獎人）。麵對如此爭議（全歐反美反戰團體準備在奧斯陸頒獎大廳外大遊行），基辛格接受諾獎，但以工作忙為借口，謝絕親自領獎（他請美駐挪威大使從挪威國王手裏代領）。
在文城，很多網友（包括全球戰略本人）在改開後能有機會來到國外健康發展，不應忘記是基辛格先向文革後期，萬馬齊喑的中國伸出了友誼之手，光明之手。50年前的中國，仇外，恐戰，備戰，大興“深挖洞，廣積糧”，一片驚弓之鳥，缺乏泱泱大國的應有氣度。周恩來在1971年7月首次和基辛格會談中，拿到台麵上指控美，蘇，日“亡我之心不死”，打算瓜分中國。具體是長江以南歸美，長江以北歸蘇，華東沿海歸日。一位如此令基辛格敬佩的知識豐富，經驗老辣的領導人會有如此受迫害狂想症，當時中國人的心態現在看來十分不可思議。基辛格深入細致，苦口婆心地做周恩來等人的思想工作，非但闡明美國的友好態度，更指出美國既反對蘇聯欺負中國，也反對日本軍國主義複活。當然基辛格並不是天真純樸。他承認他完全從美國國家利益出發，為對抗蘇聯，拉攏中國，發展三角關係，這是一步外交大棋。中方在《上海公報》中聲明：“一切外國軍隊都應撤回本國去。”基辛格冷靜地對周指出：美軍常駐日本，不讓日本軍國主義冒頭，是符合中國戰略利益的——同時也符合美國戰略利益。這樣一係列“對華新思維”的外交舉措在客觀上為中國在1970年代末期走出文革陰影，放鬆備戰神經，走上改開大道提供了和平的外部環境。
《中美上海公報》是雙方外交往來的源泉和基石。全球戰略相信絕大多數讀者聽說過《中美上海公報》，現在談的多的是有關台灣的部分。但絕大多數讀者沒有見過中，英全文（可能也沒讀過任何外交公報）。基辛格和周恩來為了這份劃時代的外交公報進行了艱苦的談判。中方聲明以“哪裏有壓迫，哪裏就有反抗”的高調政治口號開頭，美方聲明相對低調，但也彰顯了美國作為自由世界領袖對“自由”的追求。外交史專家基辛格說以前他研究過的世界各國所有外交公報都沒有采用這種中方主導的各抒己見的格式，一般雙方每一段都共同執筆（類似學術界的coauthoring），對具體分歧都用一些大話空話蓋住。1971年10月基辛格第二次來北京為尼克鬆訪華鋪路時就帶了一份這樣傳統外交公報的草稿。基辛格深思後接受了中方的格式，所以《中美上海公報》不但在內容上由於兩個長期敵對的大國走到一起是革命性的，而且在格式上也是外交公報寫作上的革命性創新。很有趣的是基辛格在文件裏和回憶錄裏對“革命性”（revolutionary）這個詞根本不用引號。他很為和周一起主導“外交革命”而自豪。他說，這種新格式的優點是在闡述了重大分歧以後，雙方的共同聲明變得擲地有聲，是雙方深思熟慮後真誠合作的重大外交成果，而不是俗稱“外交語言”的空話套話。
基辛格回憶錄節選了英文部分。中方報導自然隻有中文。從未看到任何著作有雙語版本。全球戰略最近從雙方政府官網上查到了中，英全文，在此首次並排刊出，可算是填補空白的小小貢獻，以饗讀者。全世界眾多媒體有成千上萬，也許隻有文城擁有一群優質讀者，學貫中西，能用兩種語言對這份革命性的外交公報欣賞玩味
[注] 若有分歧，以英文為準。很抱歉：張貼過程中發現由於文城格式限製，我盡了最大努力，還是無法做到中英左右對應。為方便閱讀，全球戰略自作主張，將每一段編號（注意原文沒有）。兩個版本第1段到第5段（外交禮儀和記錄）內容一致。但第6段到第9段不同，因雙方各自表述（英文版美方先聲明，中文版中方先聲明）。第10段到第19段（雙方共同聲明）內容一致。有關台灣部分在第13和14段。
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Joint Communique Following Discussions With Leaders of the People's Republic of China Shanghai, February 27, 1972 (1) President Richard Nixon of the United States of America visited the People's Republic of China at the invitation of Premier Chou En-lai of the People's Republic of China from February 21 to February 28, 1972. Accompanying the President were Mrs. Nixon, U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, Assistant to the President Dr. Henry Kissinger, and other American officials. (2) President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tse-tung of the Communist Party of China on February 21. The two leaders had a serious and frank exchange of views on Sino-U.S. relations and world affairs. (3) During the visit, extensive, earnest, and frank discussions were held between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the normalization of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as well as on other matters of interest to both sides. In addition, Secretary of State William Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi P'eng-fei held talks in the same spirit. (4) President Nixon and his party visited Peking and viewed cultural, industrial and agricultural sites, and they also toured Hangchow and Shanghai where, continuing discussions with Chinese leaders, they viewed similar places of interest. (5) The leaders of the People's Republic of China and the United States of America found it beneficial to have this opportunity, after so many years without contact, to present candidly to one another their views on a variety of issues. They reviewed the international situation in which important changes and great upheavals are taking place and expounded their respective positions and attitudes. (6) The U.S. side stated: Peace in Asia and peace in the world requires efforts both to reduce immediate tensions and to eliminate the basic causes of conflict. The United States will work for a just and secure peace: just, because it fulfills the aspirations of peoples and nations for freedom and progress; secure, because it removes the danger of foreign aggression. The United States supports individual freedom and social progress for all the peoples of the world, free of outside pressure or intervention. The United States believes that the effort to reduce tensions is served by improving communication between countries that have different ideologies so as to lessen the risks of confrontation through accident, miscalculation or misunderstanding. Countries should treat each other with mutual respect and be willing to compete peacefully, letting performance be the ultimate judge. No country should claim infallibility and each country should be prepared to re-examine its own attitudes for the common good. (7) The United States stressed that the peoples of Indochina should be allowed to determine their destiny without outside intervention; its constant primary objective has been a negotiated solution; the eight-point proposal put forward by the Republic of Vietnam and the United States on January 27, 1972 represents a basis for the attainment of that objective; in the absence of a negotiated settlement the United States envisages the ultimate withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the region consistent with the aim of self-determination for each country of Indochina. The United States will maintain its close ties with and support for the Republic of Korea; the United States will support efforts of the Republic of Korea to seek a relaxation of tension and increased communication in the Korean peninsula. The United States places the highest value on its friendly relations with Japan; it will continue to develop the existing close bonds. Consistent with the United Nations Security Council Resolution of December 21, 1971, the United States favors the continuation of the ceasefire between India and Pakistan and the withdrawal of all military forces to within their own territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir; the United States supports the right of the peoples of South Asia to shape their own future in peace, free of military threat, and without having the area become the subject of great power rivalry. (8) The Chinese side stated: Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance. Countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution—this has become the irresistible trend of history. All nations, big or small, should be equal; big nations should not bully the small and strong nations should not bully the weak. China will never be a superpower and it opposes hegemony and power politics of any kind. The Chinese side stated that it firmly supports the struggles of all the oppressed people and nations for freedom and liberation and that the people of all countries have the right to choose their social systems according to their own wishes and the right to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their own countries and oppose foreign aggression, interference, control and subversion. All foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries. (9) The Chinese side expressed its firm support to the peoples of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in their efforts for the attainment of their goal and its firm support to the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the elaboration of February this year on the two key problems in the proposal, and to the Joint Declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indochinese Peoples. It firmly supports the eight-point program for the peaceful unification of Korea put forward by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on April 12, 1971, and the stand for the abolition of the“U.N. Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea.”It firmly opposes the revival and outward expansion of Japanese militarism and firmly supports the Japanese people's desire to build an independent, democratic, peaceful and neutral Japan. It firmly maintains that India and Pakistan should, in accordance with the United Nations resolutions on the India-Pakistan question, immediately withdraw all their forces to their respective territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir and firmly supports the Pakistan Government and people in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the people of Jammu and Kashmir in their struggle for the right of self-determination. (10) There are essential differences between China and the United States in their social systems and foreign policies. However, the two sides agreed that countries, regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, nonaggression against other states, noninterference in the internal affairs of other states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. International disputes should be settled on this basis, without resorting to the use or threat of force. The United States and the People's Republic of China are prepared to apply these principles to their mutual relations. (11) With these principles of international relations in mind the two sides stated that:
(12) Both sides are of the view that it would be against the interests of the peoples of the world for any major country to collude with another against other countries, or for major countries to divide up the world into spheres of interest. (13) The two sides reviewed the long-standing serious disputes between China and the United States. The Chinese side reaffirmed its position: The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, one Taiwan,”“one China, two governments,”“two Chinas,”and “independent Taiwan”or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined.” (14) The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that position. It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate objective of the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from Taiwan. In the meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan as the tension in the area diminishes. (15) The two sides agreed that it is desirable to broaden the understanding between the two peoples. To this end, they discussed specific areas in such fields as science, technology, culture, sports and journalism, in which people-to-people contacts and exchanges would be mutually beneficial. Each side undertakes to facilitate the further development of such contacts and exchanges. (16) Both sides view bilateral trade as another area from which mutual benefit can be derived, and agreed that economic relations based on equality and mutual benefit are in the interest of the people of the two countries. They agree to facilitate the progressive development of trade between their two countries. (17) The two sides agreed that they will stay in contact through various channels, including the sending of a senior U.S. representative to Peking from time to time for concrete consultations to further the normalization of relations between the two countries and continue to exchange views on issues of common interest. (18) The two sides expressed the hope that the gains achieved during this visit would open up new prospects for the relations between the two countries. They believe that the normalization of relations between the two countries is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the relaxation of tension in Asia and the world. (19) President Nixon, Mrs. Nixon and the American party expressed their appreciation for the gracious hospitality shown them by the Government and people of the People's Republic of China.
[Source] Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State (https://history.state.gov/ historicaldocuments/Frus1967-76v17/d203, downloaded September 17, 2023, 1718 words) |
中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國聯合公報 (“上海公報”)
1972年2月27日 上海
(1) 應中華人民共和國總理周恩來的邀請，美利堅合眾國總統理查德·尼克鬆自一九七二年二月二十一日至二月二十八日訪問了中華人民共和國。陪同總統的有尼克鬆夫人、美國國務卿威廉·羅傑斯、總統助理亨利·基辛格博士和其他美國官員。
(2) 尼克鬆總統於二月二十一日會見了中國共產黨主席毛澤東。兩位領導人就中美關係和國際事務認真、坦率地交換了意見。
(3) 訪問中，尼克鬆總統和周恩來總理就美利堅合眾國和中華人民共和國關係正常化以及雙方關心的其他問題進行了廣泛、認真和坦率的討論。此外，國務卿威廉·羅傑斯和外交部長姬鵬飛也以同樣精神進行了會談。
(4) 尼克鬆總統及其一行訪問了北京，參觀了文化、工業和農業項目，還訪問了杭州和上海，在那裏繼續同中國領導人進行討論，並參觀了類似的項目。
(5) 中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國領導人經過這麽多年一直沒有接觸之後，現在有機會坦率地互相介紹彼此對各種問題的觀點，對此，雙方認為是有益的。他們回顧了經曆著重大變化和巨大動蕩的國際形勢，闡明了各自的立場和態度。
(6) 中國方麵聲明：哪裏有壓迫，哪裏就有反抗。國家要獨立，民族要解放，人民要革命，已成為不可抗拒的曆史潮流。國家不分大小，應該一律平等，大國不應欺負小國，強國不應欺負弱國。中國決不做超級大國，並且反對任何霸權主義和強權政治。中國方麵表示：堅決支持一切被壓迫人民和被壓迫民族爭取自由、解放的鬥爭；各國人民有權按照自己的意願，選擇本國的社會製度，有權維護本國獨立、主權和領土完整，反對外來侵略、幹涉、控製和顛覆。一切外國軍隊都應撤回本國去。
(7) 中國方麵表示：堅決支持越南、老撾、柬埔寨三國人民為實現自己的目標所作的努力，堅決支持越南南方共和國臨時革命政府的七點建議以及在今年二月對其中兩個關鍵問題的說明和印度支那人民最高級會議聯合聲明；堅決支持朝鮮民主主義人民共和國政府一九七一年四月十二日提出的朝鮮和平統一的八點方案和取消“聯合國韓國統一複興委員會”的主張；堅決反對日本軍國主義的複活和對外擴張，堅決支持日本人民要求建立一個獨立、民主、和平和中立的日本的願望；堅決主張印度和巴基斯坦按照聯合國關於印巴問題的決議，立即把自己的軍隊全部撤回到本國境內以及查謨和克什米爾停火線的各自一方，堅決支持巴基斯坦政府和人民維護獨立、主權的鬥爭以及查謨和克什米爾人民爭取自決權的鬥爭。
(8) 美國方麵聲明：為了亞洲和世界的和平，需要對緩和當前的緊張局勢和消除衝突的基本原因作出努力。美國將致力於建立公正而穩定的和平。這種和平是公正的，因為它滿足各國人民和各國爭取自由和進步的願望。這種和平是穩定的，因為它消除外來侵略的危險。美國支持全世界各國人民在沒有外來壓力和幹預的情況下取得個人自由和社會進步。美國相信，改善具有不同意識形態的國與國之間的聯係，以便減少由於事故、錯誤估計或誤會而引起的對峙的危險，有助於緩和緊張局勢的努力。各國應該互相尊重並願進行和平競賽，讓行動作出最後判斷。任何國家都不應自稱一貫正確，各國都要準備為了共同的利益重新檢查自己的態度。
(9) 美國強調：應該允許印度支那各國人民在不受外來幹涉的情況下決定自己的命運；美國一貫的首要目標是談判解決；越南共和國和美國在一九七二年一月二十七日提出的八點建議提供了實現這個目標的基礎；在談判得不到解決時，美國預計在符合印度支那每個國家自決這一目標的情況下從這個地區最終撤出所有美國軍隊。美國將保持其與大韓民國的密切聯係和對它的支持；美國將支持大韓民國為謀求在朝鮮半島緩和緊張局勢和增加聯係的努力。美國最高度地珍視同日本的友好關係，並將繼續發展現存的緊密紐帶。按照一九七一年十二月二十一日聯合國安全理事會的決議，美國讚成印度和巴基斯坦之間的停火繼續下去，並把全部軍事力量撤至本國境內以及查謨和克什米爾停火線的各自一方；美國支持南亞各國人民和平地、不受軍事威脅地建設自己的未來的權利，而不使這個地區成為大國競爭的目標。
(10) 中美兩國的社會製度和對外政策有著本質的區別。但是，雙方同意，各國不論社會製度如何，都應根據尊重各國主權和領土完整、不侵犯別國、不幹涉別國內政、平等互利、和平共處的原則來處理國與國之間的關係。國際爭端應在此基礎上予以解決，而不訴諸武力和武力威脅。美國和中華人民共和國準備在他們的相互關係中實行這些原則。
(11) 考慮到國際關係的上述這些原則，雙方聲明： ──中美兩國關係走向正常化是符合所有國家的利益的； ──雙方都希望減少國際軍事衝突的危險； ──任何一方都不應該在亞洲－太平洋地區謀求霸權，每一方都反對任何其他國家或國家集團建立這種霸權的努力； ──任何一方都不準備代表任何第三方進行談判，也不準備同對方達成針對其他國家的協議或諒解。
(12) 雙方都認為，任何大國與另一大國進行勾結反對其他國家，或者大國在世界上劃分利益範圍，那都是違背世界各國人民利益的。
(13) 雙方回顧了中美兩國之間長期存在的嚴重爭端。中國方麵重申自己的立場：台灣問題是阻礙中美兩國關係正常化的關鍵問題；中華人民共和國政府是中國的唯一合法政府；台灣是中國的一個省，早已歸還祖國；解放台灣是中國內政，別國無權幹涉；全部美國武裝力量和軍事設施必須從台灣撤走。中國政府堅決反對任何旨在製造“一中一台”、“一個中國、兩個政府”、“兩個中國”、“台灣獨立”和鼓吹“台灣地位未定”的活動。
(14) 美國方麵聲明：美國認識到，在台灣海峽兩邊的所有中國人都認為隻有一個中國，台灣是中國的一部分。美國政府對這一立場不提出異議。它重申它對由中國人自己和平解決台灣問題的關心。考慮到這一前景，它確認從台灣撤出全部美國武裝力量和軍事設施的最終目標。在此期間，它將隨著這個地區緊張局勢的緩和逐步減少它在台灣的武裝力量和軍事設施。
(15) 雙方同意，擴大兩國人民之間的了解是可取的。為此目的，他們就科學、技術、文化、體育和新聞等方麵的具體領域進行了討論，在這些領域中進行人民之間的聯係和交流將會是互相有利的。雙方各自承諾對進一步發展這種聯係和交流提供便利。
(16) 雙方把雙邊貿易看作是另一個可以帶來互利的領域，並一致認為平等互利的經濟關係是符合兩國人民的利益的。他們同意為逐步發展兩國間的貿易提供便利。
(17) 雙方同意，他們將通過不同渠道保持接觸，包括不定期地派遣美國高級代表前來北京，就促進兩國關係正常化進行具體磋商並繼續就共同關心的問題交換意見。
(18) 雙方希望，這次訪問的成果將為兩國關係開辟新的前景。雙方相信，兩國關係正常化不僅符合中美兩國人民的利益，而且會對緩和亞洲及世界緊張局勢作出貢獻。
(19) 尼克鬆總統、尼克鬆夫人及美方一行對中華人民共和國政府和人民給予他們有禮貌的款待，表示感謝。
【來源】中華人民共和國中央政府 (https://www.gov.cn/ztzl/zmdh/content_ 624341.htm#，中國政府網，2023年9月17日下載，字數：2738字 (Asian characters, according to Microsoft Word) |
全球戰略精讀了基辛格三本共4000頁的回憶錄後，記了60多頁筆記，最後寫了一篇書評，原來沒打算發表。現在在基辛格仙逝之際，和文城網友分享。原文是全球戰略的工作語言：英文。為在文城刊登，我已翻成中文，以饗讀者。
【REVIEW OF THE THREE KISSINGER MEMOIRS】 Metternich, Bismarck, Kissinger: I can only name three genius diplomats. But if the influence of Metternich and Bismarck was in Europe, Kissinger's contributions are truly global. As a young boy in China, I grew up hearing Kissinger's name (基辛格) on radio. His penetrating exploits to open China were legendary. His tough and challenging negotiations that brought an end to the Vietnam war were also widely admired. But prior to reading these three volumes, I had little knowledge about his instrumental role in (1) the Middle East peace process, (2) the majority rule in Southern Africa, and (3) the détente negotiations with the Soviet Union, which resulted in four summits and the first SALT agreement.
I am sure more recent (post-Kissinger) politicians and diplomats have written (and will write) some memoirs, but I have little interest in reading them. Part of the reason is that nobody writes like Kissinger, and that I only have time and stomach to read the very best. Kissinger not only has both the encyclopedic knowledge of a historian and the rich experience of a realpolitik practitioner, but also a sharp mind and a lucid pen. For every topic, he would offer an insightful literature review, which in itself is quite enjoyable to read (such as a brief history of South Africa in Volume III). His writing has an almost perfect balance of high-level strategies and low-level tactics as well as anecdotes with some humor. For example, in Volume I, in his gripping account of the first secret journey to China (1971), he planned to fake stomachache during his visit to Pakistan, which would necessitate some“rest”away from the crowd——that was how he could find time to sneak into China. But before he reached Pakistan, he developed a genuine stomachache when visiting India——the legendary“Delhi belly.”The upshot? He had to endure it quietly in order to maintain his credibility when he claimed to have stomachache in Pakistan.
What drama lies in Kissinger's stories! Brazil, Cambodia, Chile, China, Cyprus, Egypt, Europe, India, Israel, Lebanon, Mexico, Pakistan, Rhodesia, South Africa, Soviet Union, Syria, Vietnam . . . Only Kissinger in such a tour de force could have caught the vast sweep of this global drama and spread it before us like an unfolding sea filled with the sparkle and lights of history. Not even in every generation can the world find such an extraordinary statesman. Perhaps one in every century. Kissinger's sheer longevity, surpassing 100 now, is amazing. What is more amazing is that this centenarian recently travelled to Beijing to make sure his diplomatic legacy 50 years ago will not be lost. God bless him! God bless America, China, and the rest of the world!
【拜讀基辛格三卷回憶錄後的書評】 我隻知道有三位天才外交家：梅特涅，俾斯麥，基辛格。但梅特涅和俾斯麥的影響僅在歐洲，基辛格的貢獻享譽全球。我小時候在中國長大時就在無線電裏聽到過基辛格的名字。為了打開中國大門，他深入探索，極富傳奇色彩。為了越戰的結束，他的艱苦卓絕的談判也令人尊重。但在讀這三卷回憶錄以前，我對他在下列外交領域舉足輕重的貢獻幾乎一無所知：（1）中東和平進程，（2）南部非洲黑人多數統治，（3）致力和蘇聯關係緩和的談判，導致了四次高峰會議和第一個《限製戰略武器條約》。
我相信基辛格以後的政治家們和外交家們已寫了（或將會寫）一些回憶錄，但我對那些回憶錄缺乏興趣。部分原因是沒人能像基辛格那樣下筆有神，而我隻有時間和精力拜讀最精彩的大作。基辛格不但有一位曆史學家的海量知識和一位地緣政治家的豐富經驗，而且思路敏銳，妙筆生花。他對每一個課題一般先來一篇精彩的文獻綜述，這本身就讀來賞心悅目（如第三卷裏對南非曆史的總結）。在高端戰略和低端戰術之間，他的作品有幾乎完美的平衡，同時他又不忘灑上一些幽默的澆頭。比如在第一卷扣人心弦的首次秘密訪華（1971）的描述中，他透露他計劃在巴基斯坦期間假裝腹瀉，迫使他中斷訪問行程，需要避開眾人“休息”——這樣他能擠出時間潛入中國。但他還沒到巴基斯坦，在訪問印度時真的腹瀉了——著名的“德裏拉肚子”（譯注：中文缺乏畫麵感，英文“Delhi belly”既有諧音，又有到了德裏抱著肚子猛拉的畫麵感）。結果，他在印度時隻能不聲不響悶拉，不然他到巴基斯坦後再次腹瀉會顯得太不靠譜。
基辛格的外交故事高潮迭起！巴西，柬埔寨，智利，中國，塞浦路斯，埃及，歐洲，印度，以色列，黎巴嫩，墨西哥，巴基斯坦，羅德西亞，南非，蘇聯，敘利亞，越南（譯注：以英文字母為序）。。。隻有基辛格才能在如此傑作中將經略全球的宏偉畫卷精彩紛呈地展現在我們麵前，猶如在無垠的大海上點綴著曆史的星辰和光芒。放眼世界，並不是每一代人會出現一位非凡的政治家。也許每一個世紀才會出此奇才。基辛格的高齡和長壽，已過百旬，是驚人的。更驚人的是這位百歲老人最近去了一趟北京，來確保他50年前的外交成就不會流失。上帝保佑他！上帝保佑美國，中國，和整個世界！
【基辛格和全球戰略：全文完】
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