正文
]《紐約時報》發表哈維爾等人文章提出授予劉曉波諾貝爾獎
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我可以以我認為合適的方式行動。我深信每個人都應該這樣，即擔負起自己的責任。有人會反對說這沒有用處。我的回答十分簡單：有用。——【捷】哈維爾
哈維爾：請授予劉曉波諾貝爾和平獎
核心提示：通過頒授此獎，諾獎委員會將向劉曉波和中國政府傳達一個信號，那就是：在中國和世界上的許多人，將與劉曉波攜手並肩，繼續為13億中國人的自由和人權堅定奮鬥。
原文：A Nobel Prize for a Chinese dissident
作者：VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
發表時間： 2010年 9月 20日
譯者：@_ReeLy_
校對：David Peng
布拉格——想想真是難以置信：三十年前，我們這242名關心捷克斯洛伐克人權的公民，聚集到一起，聯名簽署了《七七憲章》。這份宣言呼籲共產黨關心人權，並清楚地聲明，我們不願再苟活於政府的威壓之下。
我 們的成員五花八門：前共產黨員，天主教徒，基督徒，工人，自由派知識分子，藝術家和作家們走到一起，用一個聲音說話。我們因對這個政權的不滿而聯合起來， 因為這個政權要求公民無時不刻的服從：商店店主被迫貼起宣傳標語，‘全世界的工人們，聯合起來！’。孩子，學生，工人被組織在五一勞動節遊行。行政人員必須在每天工作開始前譴責美帝國主義。公民們在選舉中“投票”，而唯一的候選者是執政黨。
共產黨們向來喜歡分而治之。《七七憲章》發表後，政府使盡手段來打散我們的組織。我們被監禁，其中四位被判刑7年。政府也常在小處找我們麻煩（包括暫停我們的駕照和沒收打印機）。特務組織監控跟蹤，搜索我們的住處與辦公地，官媒捏造事實來攻擊我們，試圖搞臭我們的運動。但這種攻擊隻能使我們更加團結。《七七憲章》鼓舞那些在沉默中受難的兄弟們：你們並不孤獨。最終，那些《七七憲章》提出的主張在捷克斯洛伐克實現了。民主改革的浪潮在1989年席卷了東歐。
我們怎麽也不會想到，在三十年後的中國，我們的憲章聽到了回響。2008年12月，303名中國人權活動者，律師，知識分子，學者，退休政府官員，工人和農民簽下了他們的宣言：《零八憲章》，呼籲政府實行憲政，尊重人權，進行民主改革。《零八憲章》誕生於世界人權宣言的六十歲生日。盡管中國政府竭盡全力使它不出現在電腦屏幕上，《零八憲章》還是通過互聯網找到了它的受眾，它的簽名數最終超過了10000人。
就像七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一樣，中國政府的反應迅速而粗暴。幾十上百名簽名者被請去“喝茶”。十幾名所謂“頭目”被逮捕。簽名者的職業升遷被停，研究資金被斷，出國申請被拒。報紙和出版社將所有簽名者列入了黑名單。最嚴重的是，著名的作家與異議人士，《零八憲章》的主要起草者劉曉波被捕。他已經因為支持1989年天安門廣場的和平請願活動而被關押了5年。被捕後，劉被羈押了一年，期間與妻子或律師的會麵受到限製，並最終因煽動顛覆罪受審。2009 年12月，他被判11年徒刑。
盡管劉曉波身陷囹圄，他的思想卻難以束縛。在《零八憲章》裏，劉曉波描繪了另一個中國與實現她的路徑，它挑戰了黨霸占改革話語權的底線。它鼓勵中國的年輕人積極參與政治，倡導法製，憲政和多黨民主，並且開啟了一係列關於如何實現這些目標的討論和文章。
就像在七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一樣，憲章最重要的意義，是為不同的群體搭建了前所未有的溝通橋梁。在《零八憲章》發表前，“我們隻能活在分離，孤立的狀態下”，一位簽名者說。“我們並不善於向周圍人表達個體的經驗。”
劉曉波和《零八憲章》正在使這種情況得到好轉。
當然，《零八憲章》麵對的政治環境與七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克有很大不同。對經濟增長的探求，使中國現實的特殊情況與傳統的共產主義國家極不相同。尤其是對年輕的城市白領來說，中國可以說是處在後極權時代。當然，中共還保留著許多不能觸碰的禁區，而就在創造《零八憲章》這一先驅行動中，劉曉波打破了其中最不可觸碰的一塊：不許挑戰中共的政治壟斷，不許將中國的腐敗，工潮，猖獗的環境破壞與政治改革的停滯聯係起來。
劉曉波使兩者的聯係看上去無比明確，為此，他坐了十幾年的牢。也許是怕關押他的監獄成為政治抗議點，當局心術不良地強迫劉曉波遠離他的妻子劉霞和朋友們居住的北京，轉到東北的遼寧服刑。
劉曉波也許被隔絕了，但他不會被遺忘。下個月，諾貝爾和平獎將會宣布2010年的獲獎者。我們請求評審委員會向劉曉波頒授此獎，使他成為第一名獲此殊榮的中國人，以表彰他二十年來采用和平方式，堅定地倡導改革。通過頒授此獎，諾獎委員會將向劉曉波和中國政府傳達一個信號，那就是：中國和世界上的許多人，將與劉曉波攜手並肩，繼續為13億中國人的自由和人權堅定奮鬥。
瓦茨拉夫·哈維爾
http://zyzg.us/thread-212071-1-1.html
《紐約時報》原文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html
A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident
By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
Published: September 20, 2010
It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression.
Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party.
Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989.
We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000.
As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison.
Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there.
Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.”
Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better.
Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform.
For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing.
Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China.
Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic.Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.
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我可以以我認為合適的方式行動。我深信每個人都應該這樣，即擔負起自己的責任。有人會反對說這沒有用處。我的回答十分簡單：有用。——【捷】哈維爾
哈維爾：請授予劉曉波諾貝爾和平獎
核心提示：通過頒授此獎，諾獎委員會將向劉曉波和中國政府傳達一個信號，那就是：在中國和世界上的許多人，將與劉曉波攜手並肩，繼續為13億中國人的自由和人權堅定奮鬥。
原文：A Nobel Prize for a Chinese dissident
作者：VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
發表時間： 2010年 9月 20日
譯者：@_ReeLy_
校對：David Peng
布拉格——想想真是難以置信：三十年前，我們這242名關心捷克斯洛伐克人權的公民，聚集到一起，聯名簽署了《七七憲章》。這份宣言呼籲共產黨關心人權，並清楚地聲明，我們不願再苟活於政府的威壓之下。
我 們的成員五花八門：前共產黨員，天主教徒，基督徒，工人，自由派知識分子，藝術家和作家們走到一起，用一個聲音說話。我們因對這個政權的不滿而聯合起來， 因為這個政權要求公民無時不刻的服從：商店店主被迫貼起宣傳標語，‘全世界的工人們，聯合起來！’。孩子，學生，工人被組織在五一勞動節遊行。行政人員必須在每天工作開始前譴責美帝國主義。公民們在選舉中“投票”，而唯一的候選者是執政黨。
共產黨們向來喜歡分而治之。《七七憲章》發表後，政府使盡手段來打散我們的組織。我們被監禁，其中四位被判刑7年。政府也常在小處找我們麻煩（包括暫停我們的駕照和沒收打印機）。特務組織監控跟蹤，搜索我們的住處與辦公地，官媒捏造事實來攻擊我們，試圖搞臭我們的運動。但這種攻擊隻能使我們更加團結。《七七憲章》鼓舞那些在沉默中受難的兄弟們：你們並不孤獨。最終，那些《七七憲章》提出的主張在捷克斯洛伐克實現了。民主改革的浪潮在1989年席卷了東歐。
我們怎麽也不會想到，在三十年後的中國，我們的憲章聽到了回響。2008年12月，303名中國人權活動者，律師，知識分子，學者，退休政府官員，工人和農民簽下了他們的宣言：《零八憲章》，呼籲政府實行憲政，尊重人權，進行民主改革。《零八憲章》誕生於世界人權宣言的六十歲生日。盡管中國政府竭盡全力使它不出現在電腦屏幕上，《零八憲章》還是通過互聯網找到了它的受眾，它的簽名數最終超過了10000人。
就像七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一樣，中國政府的反應迅速而粗暴。幾十上百名簽名者被請去“喝茶”。十幾名所謂“頭目”被逮捕。簽名者的職業升遷被停，研究資金被斷，出國申請被拒。報紙和出版社將所有簽名者列入了黑名單。最嚴重的是，著名的作家與異議人士，《零八憲章》的主要起草者劉曉波被捕。他已經因為支持1989年天安門廣場的和平請願活動而被關押了5年。被捕後，劉被羈押了一年，期間與妻子或律師的會麵受到限製，並最終因煽動顛覆罪受審。2009 年12月，他被判11年徒刑。
盡管劉曉波身陷囹圄，他的思想卻難以束縛。在《零八憲章》裏，劉曉波描繪了另一個中國與實現她的路徑，它挑戰了黨霸占改革話語權的底線。它鼓勵中國的年輕人積極參與政治，倡導法製，憲政和多黨民主，並且開啟了一係列關於如何實現這些目標的討論和文章。
就像在七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一樣，憲章最重要的意義，是為不同的群體搭建了前所未有的溝通橋梁。在《零八憲章》發表前，“我們隻能活在分離，孤立的狀態下”，一位簽名者說。“我們並不善於向周圍人表達個體的經驗。”
劉曉波和《零八憲章》正在使這種情況得到好轉。
當然，《零八憲章》麵對的政治環境與七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克有很大不同。對經濟增長的探求，使中國現實的特殊情況與傳統的共產主義國家極不相同。尤其是對年輕的城市白領來說，中國可以說是處在後極權時代。當然，中共還保留著許多不能觸碰的禁區，而就在創造《零八憲章》這一先驅行動中，劉曉波打破了其中最不可觸碰的一塊：不許挑戰中共的政治壟斷，不許將中國的腐敗，工潮，猖獗的環境破壞與政治改革的停滯聯係起來。
劉曉波使兩者的聯係看上去無比明確，為此，他坐了十幾年的牢。也許是怕關押他的監獄成為政治抗議點，當局心術不良地強迫劉曉波遠離他的妻子劉霞和朋友們居住的北京，轉到東北的遼寧服刑。
劉曉波也許被隔絕了，但他不會被遺忘。下個月，諾貝爾和平獎將會宣布2010年的獲獎者。我們請求評審委員會向劉曉波頒授此獎，使他成為第一名獲此殊榮的中國人，以表彰他二十年來采用和平方式，堅定地倡導改革。通過頒授此獎，諾獎委員會將向劉曉波和中國政府傳達一個信號，那就是：中國和世界上的許多人，將與劉曉波攜手並肩，繼續為13億中國人的自由和人權堅定奮鬥。
瓦茨拉夫·哈維爾
http://zyzg.us/thread-212071-1-1.html
《紐約時報》原文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html
A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident
By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
Published: September 20, 2010
It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression.
Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party.
Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989.
We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000.
As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison.
Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there.
Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.”
Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better.
Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform.
For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing.
Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China.
Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic.Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.
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