美國國務卿希拉裏-克林頓為紀念尼克鬆訪華40周年發表講話(全文)
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【老何評論】一篇精彩的演講，可作外交家教材。中國不論左派或右派都寫不出這種水準的演講稿。盡管門戶洞開40年了，中國人 真正了解世界（比如包括外交界至今對全球梅森組織仍處於基本茫昧無知）。要達到在戰略與謀略上能與對手競爭的水平事實上還很遙遠。所以中國外交還總是被人牽著鼻子玩，而且，無論是當表示順從還是當表示反抗。我們始終處在一個荒謬幽默哭笑不得悲喜劇交織的狀態。
美國國務院發言人辦公室2012年3月7日
國務卿希拉裏-克林頓∶
謝謝。非常感謝大家。謝謝。我很榮幸能在這裏和你們一起紀念尼克鬆總統非凡的中國之行40周年。
我想感謝美國和平研究所的每一位人士，尤其是理查德·所羅門（Richard Solomon)，他當年擔任政策規劃主任（Policy Planning Director）和主管東亞事務的助理國務卿（Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia），對中國了如指掌。特別令人高興的是，理查德，這是我第一次來到這座漂亮的建誅。塔拉（Tara)，我要感謝你，如果參議院批準的話，我們都非常期待塔拉到國務院來加入我們的行列。因此，非常感謝你。
我還要特別提到尼克鬆-考克斯（Nixon-Cox）家族的所有成員。還有特裏希亞（Tricia），謝謝你，因為你絕對正確；對於那些沒有經曆過作為第一家庭成員的非同尋常的榮耀和挑戰的人，很難清楚地解釋這層密切的關係。但我非常感謝你和你妹妹所做的努力，真正地為你們的父母帶來了崇高的榮譽。這不僅是你父親中國之行的紀念日，而且這也屬於你母親，我認為這值得我們紀念。
我要感謝在座的羅恩·沃克（Ron Walker)和理查德·尼克鬆基金會（Richard Nixon Foundation）的所有人員，以及在座的各位國會議員和各位大使，包括中國駐美國大使張業遂。非常感謝各位的光臨。
1972年那個不平凡的一周所發生的事情得到了研究、分析和討論，被搬上了舞台和屏幕，甚至被編入歌曲傳唱。然而，我們仍可以講述很多有關那次北京之行及其開啟的這種關係的情況——以及我們作為40年前這一努力的最大受益者如何培育這種關係，使之迎接挑戰並抓住這個時代的機遇。
首先，我想對為尼克鬆總統的這次訪問以及後來美中關係發展進程中的一個個裏程碑做出貢獻的所有人士表示敬意。而且我知道，在那些日子裏，你們有幸聽到早年那些戰略大師的話，其中包括∶亨利·基辛格（Henry Kissinger)，他1971年與周恩來有過第一次握手，並仍在以雄辯的演說和文字暢談今天的中國；茲比格·布熱津斯基（Zbig Brzezinski)，他曾在卡特政府任內負責處理關係正常化事務；布倫特·斯考克羅夫特（Brent Scowcroft)，我看到他理所應當地坐在前排，他很有策略地應對了天安門廣場抗議期間的動蕩階段；溫斯頓·洛德（Winston Lord)，他在尼克鬆舉行會談時是一位年輕的記錄員，後來成為我們的駐華大使。
我也向在幕後工作的外交人員和文職人員致敬。作為國務卿，我在這方麵學到了很多。我們這些站在最前沿的人，之所以能站在最前沿是因為已完成的各項工作為我們打好了基礎。具體到那次訪問，我要提到芮效儉（Stape Roy)，這個著名的“傳教士之子”，後來擔任了大使；傑夫·貝德（Jeff Bader)，他1981年去過中國，並在隨後的30年中成為我們對華政策的守護者；傅立民（Chas Freeman)，他在尼克鬆總統與毛澤東會談時擔任翻譯，後來成為我們駐北京使團的副團長。
還有那些已經辭世的人，包括理查德·霍爾布魯克（Richard Holbrooke)，他在成為主管東亞和太平洋事務的助理國務卿時是有史以來擔任此職的最年輕的一位；李潔明（Jim Lilley)，他在1989年以及那以後種種富有挑戰性的事件中出色地履行了我國駐中國大使的職責。
此外還有曾與尼克鬆總統同行並在他訪問期間從各個角度進行報道的新聞記者，其中包括特德·科佩爾（Ted Koppel)，我看到他也在座。多虧了他們，我國各地的人們才能跟上尼克鬆總統的每一步行程。
1972年，我還是一名法學院學生。我是一個學法律的窮學生。我買不起電視機。但我不想錯過創造曆史的事件，所以我就租了一台——那種豎著“兔子耳朵”的便攜式電視機。我把它搬回我的公寓，每天晚上收看電視，看到一個我有生以來一度被隔 在視線以外的國家的一幕幕景象。和許多美國人一樣，我目不轉睛地觀看，為我們藉由我們的總統所取得的成就而感到自豪。
尼克鬆總統稱之為“改變了世界的一周”（the week that changed the world）。但其實這句話仍嫌過輕。
當時，中華人民共和國極為孤立。貧困現象隨處可見。文化大革命將幾乎所有的外國人以及外國公司、外國書籍甚至外國思想拒之門外。當尼克鬆總統的車隊在北京行進時，美國代表團注意到這座城市安靜得令人發毛。當時到處都有人群，但幾乎無聲無息。
然而在短短幾十年內，中國已成為全世界第二大經濟體。億丌中國人民已擺脫貧困並參與全球經濟。北京、上海及其他城市已變成喧鬧的、快節奏的、全天候的商業和文化中心。2008年奧運會和2010年世博會都是非常成功的展示會。而且中國，作為一個正在崛起的地緣政治大國，在幾乎每一張會議桌前都有一席之地，在全世界幾乎每一個重要的機腹中都發揮著作用。
因此，毫無疑問的是，今天的中國與1972年的中國完全不同。這種轉變首先歸功於中國人民及其領導人的艱苦努力和堅定意誌，但也得到對他們的進步給於支持和襄助的全世界人民的鼓勵，同時還可直接追溯到40年前的那一個星期。
“空軍一號”（Air Force One）在北京降落之前，中國完全處於國際秩序之外。那次訪問是中國參與的開端。從那以後，中國努力走出當時的孤立處境，以更合作的態度同其他國家交往。這些努力已給中國人民帶來巨大的惠益。現在，完成這個進程對於中國鞏固其新獲得的地位並推進已取得的傑出成就至關重要。
中國能否這樣做，將產生深遠影響，不僅關係到中國，而且關係到美國及整個世界。因為40年來，不僅中國改變了麵貌，美中關係也煥然一新。
1972年，連接我們兩國的隻有一個狹窄的官方渠道——一名政府官員同另一名官員對話。今天，連接我們兩國的種種關係腹成的網絡是巨大和多種多樣的，涉及我們兩國社會的方方麵麵。我們兩國的經濟密切相連。我們兩國的安全也是如此。我們都麵臨著核擴散、盜版和氣候變化等共同威脅，而且都需要對方的合作來解決這些問題。我們也麵臨著共同的機遇，機遇為決定我們兩國關係發揮的作用遠遠大於威脅。因此，我們擁有這樣的機會，如果我們抓住它，就能共同努力促進繁榮、推動創新並改善我們兩國人民及全世界人民的生活。
我所說的“我們”不僅包括我們兩國政府，盡管政府是非常重要的。每一天，在我們兩國的各個地方，管理人員和企業家、科學家和學者、藝術家和運動員、學生和教師、家庭成員以及各行各業的公民都在打造、推動並豐富雙方的關係。這一切匯集起來就反映了範圍極其廣泛的各種重點議題、關注和觀點。而且他們都與我們如何建設一個共同的未來利害攸關。發揮他們的才幹、創意和能量將使美中關係更加深入、更加持久，遠遠超出兩國政府單憑自己的力量所能做到的。
就像我1972年租用的那台電視機。那時隻有為數不多的幾個頻道可供我們選擇。事實上，我隱約記得，當時我們有3個電視頻道，我想那時候我們可能已經有了公共電視台，但我不能肯定。如今，電視頻道多達900多個，而且還在增加。中國和我們之間的各種渠道也在以 人的速度增長。
但隨之而來的也會有種種挑戰，因為這種關係對許多人而言影響如此重大、如此切身。它的確會與我們國內政治有關聯，是的，在兩個國家都是如此。你們知道，美國和中國都搞政治。現在人民發表意見的方式是在過去的年月不存在或不可能的。這個政治層麵給雙方都帶來了複雜因素，也使我們確保我們的夥伴關係取得成效變得更重要。
所有這些給我們合成了一種與過去不同的關係。我們兩國從幾乎無任何關係可言、彼此幾乎毫不相幹，變成完全地、無法避免地相互依賴。對於兩個擁有悠久的獨立傳統和各自深厚的文化與曆史根基的國家來說，這種情形至少可以說非同尋常，需要太平洋兩岸都對思維和行為方式作出調整。因此，我們應該如何就不僅我們兩國所麵臨的新挑戰，而且可說是曆史上前所未有的挑戰，作出反應呢？
1972年時，美中關係課題從許多方麵來說，是深植於冷戰環境中的一個典型的20世紀外交行動，注重於建立正式關係，為和平交往奠定基礎，並建立起基本的相互理解。而2012年的美中關係課題已完全不同。確實，它在世界國家曆史上前所未有。美國在力求與一個正在崛起的大國共同努力，力促其發展成對全球安全、穩定和繁榮作出積極貢獻的國家，同時也維持和鞏固美國在日益變化中的世界的領導地位。而且，我們在這樣做的過程中努力避免陷入不健康的競爭、對抗或衝突；避免以犧牲他方利益進而損害相互關係作為成功的代價；並且做到不疏於履行我們對於國際社會的責任。我們在共同樹立典範，力爭在合作和競爭之間達到一種穩定和彼此都能接受的平衡。這是沒有先例的做法。我們必須將它處理好，因為此舉攸關重大。
經過三年的密集接觸以及其中的成功與挫折，我們對仍然存在的障礙已一目了然。可以理解，仍然存在著我們必須回答的問題和我們必須處理的誤解。例如，在美國和世界其他地方，有些人提出——或許今天有人提出過——中國的崛起是壞消息，認為隨著中國更加繁榮和在國際上有更大的發言權，我們的關係將自然轉向對抗，或者，美國將因此而無可避免地走向衰退。與此同時，在中國也有些人擔憂，美國決意要遏阻他們的崛起、限製他們的進步，以犧牲他們的利益為代價來推進我們的利益。
對於對方的意圖仍然存在著猜忌和不信任，尤其是在軍事領域。正如基辛格博士（Dr. Kissinger）最近在《外交事務》（Foreign Affairs）雜誌中所述，“雙方必須懂得，由於一些微妙的因素，某些顯然是傳統的、合理的做法也有可能在雙方之間引起極深的憂慮。”我們必須通過逐漸形成一個建立信任的框架，以直接和富於建設性的方式解決這個問題。這就意味著要回歸兩國關係的首要原則∶在支持正在崛起的中國與增進美國利益之間並無本質矛盾。一個蒸蒸日上的中國對美國有利，一個蒸蒸日上的美國對中國有利。
正因為如此，我們在1972年幫助中國擺脫孤立，正因為如此，我們60多年來為該地區的和平與安全給予保障，為中國卓越的經濟發展創造了條件；我們支持把中國納入世界貿易組織（WTO）等國際性組織；我們把20國集團（G-20）提升為國際交往論壇，部分原因就是因為中國在其中所發揮的關鍵作用；在哥本哈根（Copenhagen）及其後續氣候會議中，我們把與中國合作作為一個重點；在一個又一個問題上，我們不僅歡迎而且大力支持中國的參與，我們還呼籲它發揮領導作用。
因此，對於那些懷疑“美國是否試圖遏製中國？”的人們，我們給予明確的否定回答。事實上，我們為中國自身發展到今天鋪平了道路。我們是一個歡迎他國成功的國家，因為我們相信，當任何地方的人都能夠通過自己的努力改善他們的生活時，這對所有人都有益。如果中國的崛起意味著我們將有一個越來越有能力和參與的合作夥伴，那對我們是好消息。我們將抓住一切機會進行接觸交往，因為我們的國家不是一個要自己坐享領先地位的國家。我們是一個對我們的地位和我們能夠通過競爭取得成功有自信的國家。
美國所做的外交、經濟和戰略選擇反映了這一根本的信念。當然，說一個興旺發達的中國有益於美國，或者反之亦然，並不意味著丌事大吉，因為如我們大家所知，各國尋求發展有不同的方式。對於中國，對於任何國家，成功必須以負責任的方式去實現；即不是由他人承擔代價，而是以有助於地區和全球利益的方式去實現。
正是在這個方麵中國要做出選擇。中國的力量、財富和影響將它迅速推到了國際秩序中的一個新行列。中國的語言和行動會在全球各地引起反響；哪怕是僅僅改變自身，中國也會對它周邊的環境產生影響。同時，中國仍然在建設經濟的宏偉大業，把發展帶給千百丌更多的中國人。我的中國同行經常充滿激情地談起他們的國家還有很長的道路要走。因此，中國麵臨著在發展的需要和它作為一個新興全球大國所承擔的責任之間取得平衡的複雜任務。或如我的中國朋友有時所說的那樣，中國是一個重新崛起的全球大國，當然，這是因為中國是一個有著幾百年、幾千年巨大影響的國家和文化。
我向我的同行指出，中國的回應有時是力求兩者兼得,我把這種做法稱為有選擇的利益相關者。在某些論壇中，在某些議題上，中國希望被當作一個大國來對待；而在另一些方麵，則希望被當作一個發展中國家。這完全可以理解，因為中國具有這兩者的性質。但是，世界期待中國發揮一種與其新地位相稱的作用。這意味著它不能夠繼續做一個有選擇的利益相關者。
我很清楚有關中國和其他新興大國的崛起的討論，討論通常這樣開始並往往以同樣方式結束，人們隻是說∶“伴隨強大的影響力而來的是重大的責任”——我想，如果我沒記錯的話，這句話來自電影《蜘蛛俠》（Spiderman）（笑聲）——然後就此作罷。但是，我們必須督促自己，把這句話化作每一天的實際行動。
簡單地說，全球政治的邏輯中即包含了影響力與責任之間的聯係。隨著國家變得日益強大，國際體係是否成功對其產生的影響也就自然增大，因為如果這個體係失敗，它們的損失會更大。同時，世界對它們的期待也自然會更高，因為它們可以為加強這個體係做出更大貢獻。但是，比這更重要的是，國際社會希望能夠確信，一個國家日益增強的力量將被用來造福所有的人，這不難理解。鑒於崛起中的國家對安全和穩定帶來的曆史性挑戰，它們因此有著特殊的義務以具體實在的方式表明，它們將選擇具有建設意義的道路。這對於像中國這樣一個取得令人矚目的迅速增長的國家來說尤其如此。
由於新興國家有著如此巨大和日益增長的影響，如果允許它們基於其短期利益有選擇地利用基於規則的國際體係，最終將導致這個體係無法運行，從而使大家共同陷入貧困。話雖如此，這一國際體係並不是靜態的。為一個較早的曆史時期製定的規則和機製不一定 用於今天。因此，我們必須共同努力，修改和更新這些規則和機製。的確，我們已經開始這項工作。在貿易和氣候等問題上，製定新的規範和機製的努力已經在進行之中。我們無意對這個體係中已變得不相幹、或者不 於應對我們時代的挑戰、或隻對一些國家有利而對另一些國家不利的部分抱住不放。這會成為國家撇開合作自尋門路的誘因，對它們或對我們都毫無裨益。
但是，我們知道有行之有效的原則。我們不可將它們放棄，如維護開放、自由、透明和公平的經濟秩序；以有節製和透明的方式增進安全，從而避免發生誤解和不必要的衝突；以及保護人權和基本自由，這些的確代表放之四海的價值和全人類所固有的尊嚴。中國已經在一些區域和全球問題上展現了更強的領導作用，如打擊盜版活動和支持全球經濟複蘇。中國也對聯合國在全球的維和使命作出重要貢獻，我們歡迎這些步驟。但是，我們確實認為中國必須進一步充分擔當起它在世界上的新角色，讓世界相信，中國將不僅在今天，也不僅是在某些問題上，而是將長期地發揮積極作用，促進安全、穩定與繁榮。
因此，全世界現在正注視著中國，並提出這樣一些問題∶中國是否會調整它的外交政策，為解決地區和全球問題發揮更大的作用，進而使其他國家也獲得成功？中國是否會運用它的力量幫助結束像敘利亞等一些地方的對平民的殘酷暴力？中國是否會對它的軍備發展以及它的軍事戰略、方針和項目有所解釋，從而消除不安，使鄰邦放心，避免誤解，並幫助維持地區安全？中國是否會遵守幾十年來使國與國之間得以進行和平貿易的國際海事法律和慣例？中國是否會更積極地為確立網絡空間的國際標準而努力，從而使人人能夠上網，使在中國和其他地方的人都能得到因特網帶來的經濟和社會效益？中國是否會利用自己的經濟地位加強基於規則的全球貿易和投資體係，從而在推進中國自身經濟發展的同時，為全球發展作出貢獻？
作為經濟夥伴，我們有可能做到讓我們兩國有更多人就業、經商、投資、創新和致富。我們能否做到這些，取決於我們如何處理彼此之間的一些分歧。中國有中國希望的東西，包括在美國得到更多的投資機會。我們也有我們希望的東西，包括取消對美國公司的歧視並保護它們的知識產權；取消給予國內公司的不公平優惠；讓美國的商品、產品和服務有更多機會，以及結束在我們看來是不公平、扭曲性的貨幣措施。
我們希望同中國有更多的貿易和投資交往，因為我們相信加強經濟活動和健康的競爭是有益的。但是，競爭要健康，就必須公平、基於規則和透明。因此，我們將繼續與中國一道努力，敦促中國實行改革，相應地，我們也將聽取中國希望我們作出的改變並采取行動。
最後，我們的確要問，中國能夠履行它的職責，保護普遍的人權和基本自由嗎？這是一個我們長期存在深刻分歧的領域。即使我們兩國變得更加相互依賴，美國無疑仍將堅持我們的原則和普遍 用的人權標準。我們相信，發展會給各地渴望自由表達的人民帶來機會，無論是通過因特網，在公共廣場，還是在萬房車間。所以，我們確實相信，同所有地方的人一樣，中國人民有自己正當的渴求。我們確實相信，人人都應受到獨立的司法體製的保護，不遭受專斷行為的侵害。我們也確實相信，不僅在中國，而且在所有地方，不同的宗教、語言和不同的文化都應受到尊重。實行支持這些目標的改革將使人民與自己國家的成功更加息息相關，從而帶來社會的更大穩定、繁榮與和平。
現在，這一類問題是我們與中方有關人員隨時麵對的問題。我個人對過去三年來我們之間進行的開放、坦誠的對話感到非常慶幸。我們對中國在40年裏取得的成就深懷敬意，並希望今後繼續取得這樣的成就。
我認為，過去三年來我們與中國的主動接觸延續了兩黨一致的傳統，這一傳統獲得自從尼克鬆以來曆屆總統的支持。我們就每一個重大事項進行磋商；兩國政府沒有一天不在相互聯係。本屆政府啟動了雙方的戰略與經濟對話（Strategic and Economic Dialogue）和戰略安全對話（Strategic Security Dialogue），我們就幾乎你們可以想象的所有問題進行了深入的討論，包括貿易政策、反恐怖主義、人權、邊界安全等等。雙方高層領導人多次互訪，兩國元首會晤十餘次。今年晚些時候，在五月，我將再次訪問中國，這將是我就任國務卿以來對中國的第六次訪問。
在做出所有這些努力的同時，我們也在廣泛加強與整個亞太地區的關係。我們加強了我們與我們的條約盟國日本、韓國、泰國和菲律賓的關係。我們擴大了與其他新興國家的關係，包括印度、印度尼西亞、越南和新加坡。我們加強了與台灣的非官方關係。我們同緬甸恢複了接觸。我們對地區多邊機腹投入資源，包括東亞峰會（East Asia Summit）和東盟（ASEAN）。我們增加了經濟交往，更新了我們的地區軍事態勢，加強了我們推動法治和普遍人權的工作。概言之，我們夜以繼日地工作，盡一切努力捍衛和增進整個亞太地區的安全與繁榮。與中國發展積極、合作和全麵的關係對上述每一項目標都至關重要。
因此，我們對這一夥伴關係是有承諾的。現在，我們和世界上其他方麵正在期待中國發揮更大的領導作用。中美兩國不能解決世界上的所有問題，但是我認為，沒有中國和美國，任何全球性問題可能都得不到解決。我們希望中國成為一個全麵的利益相關者，積極承擔它作為一個重要的全球行為者的角色，努力加強中國自身的成功和我們的成功不可或缺的國際體係。在此期間，我們將繼續尋求利用每一個機會與中國接觸，不僅是在政府層麵。我們將繼續公開探討我們的分歧，盡我們所能開發更多合作渠道。總之，我們將繼續今天在座的許多人於40年前開啟的旅程。
1972年，當尼克鬆總統在北京走下飛機和周恩來握手時，中國總理說∶“你的手伸過世界最遼闊的海洋來和我握手——25年沒有交往了嗬！”幾天之後，尼克鬆總統向他的東道主敬酒時說∶“長城令我們想到，在幾乎一代人的時間裏中華人民共和國和美利堅合眾國之間有一堵牆。在過去四天裏，我們開始了拆除這堵牆的漫長過程。”雙方都承擔著風險，但他們決定接觸是值得的。他們知道，如果這次高峰會晤進展順利，我們兩國之間的對話將繼續進行，並可走向合作，最終雙方都將從中受益。
這正是後來發生的情況。至於在這次訪問之前中國和美國存在分歧的每一件事情，訪問之後分歧依然存在。但是，我們開啟了一場對話，幫助我們縮小了分歧，拓寬了我們之間存在共識的領域。於是，我們有了今天的關係，並且這一關係的重要性和廣泛性不亞於世界上任何這類關係。
我們目前正在尋找一個答案，一個新答案，以便回答一個古老的問題∶當一個地位確立的強國和一個新興強國相遇時會有何結果？我們需要一個新答案。我們沒有選擇。互相依賴意味著一國的成功取決於另一國的成功。我們要譜寫一個與過去全然不同的未來。從理論上來說，這一任務無比艱巨。但是，我們曾經完成了許多艱巨的任務。
我曾希望我在參觀上海世博會美國館時，40年前的那些領導人當時都能在場和我一起參觀。我們的中國朋友把我稱之為“美國館之母”，我感到非常自豪。對我來說，印象最深刻的是我們邀請了學中文的美國年輕人擔任我們美國館的解說和接待工作。在這個幅員廣袤、地大物博的國家，來自四麵八方的中國人看到歡迎他們的拉美裔年輕人、美國非洲裔、美國亞裔、白種人 我們在美國的所有族裔 用中文跟他們講話感到 喜。人們相互提問題，說笑話、進行交談，介紹自己來自何處，氣氛融洽令人難忘，體現了對40年前勇敢邁出的這一步的強烈支持，對我來說是前所未見的。但它也提醒我們，不論作為國務卿、總統，還是總理或外交部長，我們做這項工作是因為我們都必須努力為這些年輕人改善未來。為了讓他們將來獲得機會，我們願為他們服務。
當年尼克鬆總統在北京下機時，我們兩國相隔多厶遙遠，自那時以來我們又共同取得了多厶大的成就。請讓我們記住這些並從中獲得啟迪。這一段曆史以無可辯駁的事實證明，人們如果共同努力克服分歧並找出共同點，不僅為自己，而且也為他人的利益，就有可能取得進展。現在需要我們盡力保證我們的未來甚至要比過去更有希望。非常謝謝大家。（掌聲）。
Thank you. Thank you all very much. Thank you. I am so honored to be here to join you in celebrating the 40th anniversary of President Nixon’s extraordinary trip to China.
And I want to thank everyone at the U.S. Institute of Peace, especially Richard Solomon, who knows China well from his days as Policy Planning Director and Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia. And it’s a special delight, Richard, to be visiting this beautiful building for the first time. And Tara, I want to thank you and if the Senate so agrees, we are very much looking forward to Tara joining us at the State Department. So thank you so very much.
I also particularly want to recognize all the members of the Nixon-Cox families. And Tricia, thank you, because you’re absolutely right; there is a bond that is hard to describe to those who have not lived through the incredible honor and challenge of being part of a first family. But I have such great appreciation for what you and your sister have done that has really bestowed great honor on your parents. And this is not only the anniversary of your father’s trip to China but also of your mother’s, and I think that is worth reminding us.
I want to thank Ron Walker and everyone with the Richard Nixon Foundation, the members of Congress, ambassadors who have joined us, including the Chinese ambassador to the United States, Ambassador Zhang. Thank you so much for being here.
The events of that remarkable week in 1972 have been studied, analyzed, debated, reenacted on stage and screen, even commemorated in song. And yet, there is still more to be said about that journey to Beijing and the relationship it set into motion—and how we, who are the great beneficiaries of that work 40 years ago, are cultivating the relationship so it meets the challenges and seizes the opportunities of this time.
And I want to begin by saluting all who contributed to President Nixon’s journey, to all the subsequent milestones in the U.S.-China relationship. And I know that during the day you have been fortunate in hearing from some of the master architects of those early years, including Henry Kissinger, who extended that first handshake to Zhou Enlai in 1971 and continues to speak and write eloquently about China today; Zbig Brzezinski, who oversaw the normalization of relations during the Carter Administration; Brent Scowcroft, who I see there appropriately in the front row, who skillfully managed the tumultuous period during the Tiananmen Square protests; Win Lord, the young note taker at the Nixon meetings who later became our ambassador to China.
I also salute the Foreign Service officers and civil servants who worked behind the scenes. I’ve learned a lot about that as Secretary of State. Those of us who are out front are only out front because of all the work that has been done to lay the groundwork. And for that trip in particular, I want to recognize Stape Roy, one of the renowned “missionary kids” who later served as ambassador; Jeff Bader, who went to China in 1981 and became a caretaker of our China policy for the next three decades; Chas Freeman, the interpreter for President Nixon’s talks with Mao who later became our deputy chief of mission in Beijing.
There are those who aren’t with us—including Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who was the youngest ever Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs; Jim Lilley, who expertly served as our ambassador to China during the challenging events of 1989 and after.
And the journalists who traveled with President Nixon and covered every angle of his time there, including Ted Koppel, who I see in the audience. Thanks to them, people across our country were able to follow President Nixon at every step.
Now, I was a law student in 1972. I was a poor law student. I did not own a television set. But I was not about to miss history being made, so I rented one ˉ a portable model with those rabbit ears. I lugged it back to my apartment and tuned in every night to watch scenes of a country that had been blocked from view for my entire life. Like many Americans, I was riveted and proud of what we were accomplishing through our president.
President Nixon called it “the week that changed the world.” Well, if anything, that turned out to be an understatement.
Then, the People’s Republic of China was profoundly isolated. Poverty was pervasive. The Cultural Revolution had banished nearly all foreigners, as well as foreign businesses, foreign books, even foreign ideas. When President Nixon’s motorcade drove through Beijing, the American delegation noted how eerily silent the city was. Now there were people everywhere, but there was hardly a sound.
Yet within a few short decades, China has become the second largest economy in the world. Hundreds of millions of Chinese have been lifted out of poverty and have joined the global economy. Beijing, Shanghai and other cities have turned into noisy, fast-paced, 24-hour centers of commerce and culture. The 2008 Olympics and the 2010 Expo were very successful coming out parties. And China, a rising geopolitical power, has a seat at virtually every table and a role in virtually every institution of importance in the world.
So there is no doubt that the China of today is a very different country from the China of 1972. Now that transformation is due, first and foremost, to the hard work and determination of the Chinese people and their leaders. It was encouraged, however, by people around the world who supported and invested in their progress. And it can also be traced back in a straight line to that week 40 years ago.
Before Air Force One was wheels down in Beijing, China was firmly on the outside of the international order. That visit was the start of China coming in. And since then, China has worked to move beyond its isolation of that time to engage more cooperatively with other nations, and those efforts have delivered great benefits to the Chinese people. And now, completing that journey is essential if China is to cement its newfound standing and build upon the extraordinary gains it has made.
Whether it does has profound implications, not only for China, but for the United States and the world. Because it’s not just China that’s been transformed during the past 40 years; the U.S.-China relationship has as well.
In 1972, our countries were connected only through a narrow official channel ˉ one member of government talking to another. Today, the web of connections linking our nations is vast and complex, and reaches into just about every aspect of our societies. Our economies are tightly entwined. And so is our security. We face shared threats like nuclear proliferation, piracy, and climate change, and we need each other to solve these problems. The opportunities before us are also shared, and they define our relationship much more than the threats. So therefore, we have the chance, if we seize it, to work together to advance prosperity, pursue innovation, and improve the lives of our people and others worldwide.
Now when I say “we,” I do not mean only our governments, as important as they are. Every day, across both of our countries, executives and entrepreneurs, scientists and scholars, artists and athletes, students and teachers, family members and citizens of all kinds shape and pull and add to this relationship. Together, they represent a vast range of priorities, concerns, and points of view. And they are all stakeholders in how we build toward a shared future. Engaging their talents, ideas and energies makes the U.S.-China relationship far deeper and more durable than anything our governments could do on our own.
It’s like that television I rented in 1972. Back then, we had just a few channels to choose from. In fact, as I vaguely remember, we had three broadcast channels and I guess by that time, we might have had public broadcasting, although I’m not quite sure. Today, there are something like 900 channels and more to come. The channels between China and us have multiplied at an astronomical rate.
But there are challenges that come with a relationship this consequential and this personal to so many. It does get bound up in our domestic politics, yes, in both countries. The United States and China both have politics, you know. People’s voices are heard in ways they weren’t or couldn’t have been heard in years past. This political dimension presents complications for both sides, which makes it that much more important that we ensure our partnership delivers results.
All this adds up to a very different kind of relationship than the one we had. We’ve gone from being two nations with hardly any ties to speak of, little bearing on each other, to being thoroughly, inescapably interdependent. For two nations with long traditions of independence, deeply rooted in our cultures and our histories, these are unusual circumstances to say the least. They require adjustments in our thinking and our actions, on both sides of the Pacific. And so, how do we respond to what is not just a new challenge to our two countries, but I would argue, an unprecedented challenge in history?
Back in 1972, the U.S.-China project was, in many ways, a signature 20th century diplomatic endeavor embedded in the context of the Cold War, focused on establishing official ties and laying the groundwork for peaceful engagement, and building a basic understanding of each other. Well, the U.S.-China project of 2012 is something altogether different; indeed, it is unprecedented in the history of nations. The United States is attempting to work with a rising power to foster its rise as an active contributor to global security, stability and prosperity while also sustaining and securing American leadership in a changing world. And we are trying to do this without entering into unhealthy competition, rivalry, or conflict; without scoring points at each other’s expense and thereby souring the relationship; and without falling short on our responsibilities to the international community. We are, together, building a model in which we strike a stable and mutually acceptable balance between cooperation and competition. This is uncharted territory. And we have to get it right, because so much depends on it.
After three years of intensive engagement, and the successes and frustrations that have come with it, we are clear-eyed about the obstacles that still remain. There are, understandably so, difficult questions that we must answer, and misconceptions we must address. For example, here in the United States and elsewhere in the world, there are those who make the case ˉ maybe it was made today ˉ that a rising China signals bad news, that as China grows more prosperous and wields greater international power, our relationship will automatically turn adversarial, or the United States will inevitably experience decline as a result. Now meanwhile, some in China fear that the United States is determined to contain their rise and limit their progress to advance our interests at their expense.
And there still remains suspicion and mistrust of the other’s intentions, particularly in the military realm. As Dr. Kissinger recently wrote in Foreign Affairs, “Both sides must understand the nuances by which apparently traditional and apparently reasonable courses can evoke the deepest worries in each other.” We must address this head-on and constructively by creating a framework for building trust over time. That means returning to first principles of the relationship: There is no intrinsic contradiction between supporting a rising China and advancing America’s interests. A thriving China is good for America, and a thriving America is good for China.
That’s why we helped break China’s isolation in 1972, and it’s why, for more than 60 years, we have underwritten regional peace and security that helped make room for China’s extraordinary economic progress; we have championed China’s inclusion in international fora like the WTO; we have elevated the G-20 as a forum for international engagement, in part because China plays a key role in it; at Copenhagen and subsequent climate summits, we made cooperation with China a priority; on issue after issue, we have not only welcomed, we have advocated for China’s participation and we have called for its leadership.
So to those who ask, “Is the United States attempting to contain China?” Our answer is a clear no. In fact, the United States helped pave the way for China to be where it is today in its own development. We are a country that welcomes others’ success, because we believe that it’s good for everyone when people anywhere are able to work their way to better lives. If China’s rise means that we have an increasingly capable and engaged partner, that’s good news for us. And we will seize every chance to engage, because we’re not a country that sits on our lead. We’re a country with confidence in our own standing and in our ability to compete and succeed.
The choices that America has made diplomatically, economically, and strategically reflect that fundamental belief. But of course, to say that a thriving China is good for America, and vice versa, is not the end of the story, because as we all know, there are different ways for countries to get ahead. And for China, for everyone, success must be achieved responsibly; that is not at the expense of others, but in a way that contributes to the regional and global good.
And this is where China has its own choices to make. Its power, wealth, and influence have pushed it rapidly to a new echelon in the international order. What China says and does reverberates around the globe, and simply by changing itself, China affects the world around it. At the same time, it is still working on its great economic mission, bringing development to millions more of the Chinese people. My Chinese counterparts often talk to me in passionate terms about how far their country still has to go. So China is faced with the complicated task of balancing the demands of development with its responsibilities as an emerging global power, or as my Chinese friends sometimes say, a reemerging global power, because of course China has hundreds, thousands of years of history as an influential nation and culture.
And I’ve pointed out to my counterparts China’s response at times has been to seek to have it at both ways, acting like what I call a selective stakeholder. In some forums, on some issues, China wants to be treated as a great power; in others, as a developing nation. That’s perfectly understandable, because China has attributes of both. Nonetheless, the world is looking for China to play a role that is commensurate with its new standing. And that means it can no longer be a selective stakeholder.
Now, I’m well aware that debates about the rise of China and other emerging powers, and they usually start and too often stop with people simply saying, “With great power comes great responsibility” ˉ I think that is a quote from the movie Spiderman, if I remember ˉ (laughter) ˉ and just leaving it at that. Well, it is worth pushing ourselves further on what this really means in action on a pragmatic, day-to-day basis.
Well, for starters, the link between power and responsibility is built into the logic of global politics. As countries become more powerful, their stake in the success of the international system naturally rises, because they have more to lose when that system fails. At the same time, the world’s expectations of them naturally rise as well, because they have more to contribute to strengthen the system. But more than this, it is understandable that the international community wants some confidence that a country’s growing power will be used for the benefit of all. And given the historic challenges to security and stability posed by rising powers, they do have a special obligation to demonstrate in concrete ways that they are going to pursue a constructive path. This is particularly true for a country that has grown as rapidly and as dramatically as China has.
Ultimately, because emerging powers have such a large and growing impact, allowing them to selectively pick and choose elements of the rules-based international system that may on a short-term basis suit their interests would render the system unworkable. And that would end up impoverishing everyone. Having said that, the international system is not static. Rules and institutions designed for an earlier age may not be suited to today. So we need to work together to adapt and update them. Indeed, we have already begun that work. On issues like trade and climate, efforts to develop new norms and mechanisms are well underway. We have no interest in holding onto elements of the system that have become irrelevant, or unsuited to the challenges of our time, or that work only to benefit some countries and not others. That would give countries incentives to walk away from cooperation and go it alone, which would not serve them or us.
But there are principles that we know work. And we cannot afford to abandon them, like maintaining an economic order that is open, free, transparent, and fair; pursuing security in a manner that is measured and transparent to avoid misunderstandings and unnecessary conflicts; and promoting and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, which do reflect universal values and the inherent dignity of all humankind. China has already shown increased leadership on some regional and global issues, like countering piracy and sustaining the global economic recovery. It has also contributed substantially to UN peacekeeping missions worldwide, and we applaud these steps. But we do believe China will have to go further to fully embrace its new role in the world to give the world confidence that it is going to, not just today or on one set of issues, but for the long run, play a positive role that will enhance security, stability, and prosperity.
So the world is looking to China and asking questions like these: Will China adapt its foreign policy so it contributes more to solving regional and global problems to make it possible for others to succeed as well? Will it use its power to help end brutal violence against civilians in places like Syria? Will it explain its military buildup and the ultimate goals of its military strategies, policies, and programs to relieve unease, to reassure its neighbors, to avoid misunderstandings, and to contribute to maintaining regional security? Will it uphold international maritime laws and norms, which for decades have made it possible for nations to engage in peaceful trade? Will it work more vigorously to establish international standards in cyberspace, so the internet works for everyone and so people in China and elsewhere can harness its economic and social benefits? And will it use its economic standing to enforce a rules-based system for global trade and investment so it can advance its own economic development while contributing to global growth?
As economic partners, we can make it possible for more people in both countries to work, trade, invest, create, and prosper. Whether we do or not depends on how we deal with some of our differences. China has things it wants, including more opportunities to invest in the United States, and we have things we want, including an end to discrimination against U.S. companies and protection for their intellectual property; an end to unfair preferences for domestic firms; and more opportunities for American goods, products and services; and of course, an end to what we see as unfair, distorting currency practices.
We want to engage in more trade and investment with China, because we believe in the benefits that come with greater economic activity and healthy competition. But for it to be healthy, it has to be fair, rules-based and transparent. So we will continue to work with China to urge it to make reforms, and we, in turn, will hear and act on those changes it wants from us.
Finally, we do ask, can China meet its obligations to protect universal human rights and fundamental freedoms? Now, this is an area in which we have had long and profound disagreements. And even as our two countries become more interdependent, the United States will, of course, continue to stand by our principles and universal standards of human rights. And we believe that with development comes an opportunity for the aspirations of people everywhere to express themselves freely, whether on the Internet, or in a public square, or on the factory floor. And so like people everywhere, we do believe that the Chinese people have their own legitimate aspirations, and we do believe that everyone should have a legal system that is independent and will protect them from arbitrary action. And we do believe, not just in China but everywhere, in religious and linguistic differences, cultural differences being respected. Reforms that support these goals give people a greater stake in the success of their nations, which in turn makes societies more stable, prosperous and peaceful.
Now, questions like these are the kind that we kick around all the time with our Chinese counterparts. And I personally am very grateful for the open, candid dialogues that we have been holding for the last three years. We have the greatest respect for what China has accomplished in 40 years, and we want to see those accomplishments continue to build into the future.
I think that our outreach to China during the past three years has been a continuation of a bipartisan tradition that every president since President Nixon has upheld. We consult on every single issue of significance; not a day goes by when our governments are not in touch. In this Administration, we’ve launched our Strategic and Economic Dialogue and a Strategic Security Dialogue, and we’ve had intensive discussions on just about every issue you can imagine, from trade policy to counterterrorism to human rights to border security. Each of our countries has hosted multiple high-level visits from the other. Our presidents have met in person more than 10 times. And later this year, in May, I’ll make my sixth trip to China as Secretary of State.
All of this effort has taken place within a larger regional push to strengthen our ties throughout the Asia Pacific. We’ve enhanced our relationships with our treaty allies Japan, Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines. We’ve broadened our relationships with other emerging powers, including India, Indonesia, Vietnam and Singapore. We’ve strengthened our unofficial relationship with Taiwan. We’ve reengaged with Burma. We’ve invested in regional multilateral institutions, including the East Asia Summit and ASEAN. We’ve increased our economic engagement, updated our regional military posture and amplified our advocacy for the rule of law and universal human rights. In short, we are working around the clock to do everything we can to defend and advance security and prosperity throughout the Asia Pacific. And having that positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship with China is vital to every one of those objectives.
So we are committed to this partnership. And now, we and others around the world are looking for even greater leadership from China. China and the United States cannot solve all the problems of the world together. But without China and the United States, I doubt that any of our global problems can be solved. We want China to be a full stakeholder, embracing its role as a major global player, to helping strengthen the international system that makes its own and our success possible. All the while, we will continue to seek every opportunity for engagement with China, but not just at the government-to-government level. We will keep discussing our differences openly, developing as many avenues for cooperation as we possibly can. In short, we will continue the journey begun by many in this room 40 years ago.
In 1972, when President Nixon disembarked in Beijing and shook Zhou Enlai’s hand, the premier said, “Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world, 25 years of no communication.” A few days later, President Nixon toasted his hosts and said, “The Great Wall is a reminder that for almost a generation there has been a wall between the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America. In these past four days we have begun the long process of removing that wall.” Both sides were taking a risk. But they decided that engagement was worth it. They knew that if the summit went smoothly, the conversation between our two countries would continue, and that would lead to cooperation, and that in time we both would benefit from it.
That is precisely what has happened. Nearly everything that China and the United States disagreed about before that trip, we disagreed about after the trip. But we began a conversation that has helped us mitigate our differences and broaden those areas on which we agree. And the result is the relationship we have today, as consequential and multifaceted as any in the world.
We are now trying to find an answer, a new answer to the ancient question of what happens when an established power and a rising power meet. We need a new answer. We don’t have a choice. Interdependence means that one of us cannot succeed unless the other does as well. We need to write a future that looks entirely different from the past. This is, by definition, incredibly difficult. But we have done difficult things before.
I wish that all of the leaders from 40 years ago could have been with me when I visited the U.S.A. Pavilion at the Shanghai Expo. I’m very proud to be called the mother of the U.S.A. Pavilion by our Chinese friends. And what was most striking to me is that we had invited young Americans who were studying Chinese to be the guides and the hosts at our pavilion. And many of the Chinese people who had come from around that vast and magnificent country were stunned to be greeted by Hispanic children, African American, Asian American, Caucasian, every kind of person that we have in the United States speaking to them in their language. And the incredible connections that were being made as people were asking questions, telling jokes, recounting where they had come from was as strong an endorsement of the courageous step taken 40 years ago as any that I personally have seen. But it also was a reminder that we do the work we do as secretaries of state or as presidents or premiers or foreign ministers ˉ we do that work because we all have to be committed to making a better future for those young people, that we are the stewards of their future in terms of the kind of opportunities that they will enjoy.
So let us remember and take inspiration from how far apart our countries were when President Nixon landed in Beijing and how much we have accomplished together since then. It is irrefutable proof of the progress that is possible when people work together to overcome their differences and find common ground not only for their own good, but for others’. It is now up to us to make sure that the future is even more promising than the past. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
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