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“不自由， 毋寧死” 是五四運動來知識份子的名言，這句話的原創來源於1775年美國開國元勳之一帕特裏克.亨利的演講，演講的原文英文堪稱經典，無論是它的語言的藝術性還是思想性，英語愛好者從中可以學習許多，甚至可以拿來背誦。
蘇格蘭裔美國人帕特裏克. 亨利（Patrick Henry），他是美國律師、種植園主、政治家兼演說家，美國開國元勳之一，以1775年在第二屆弗吉尼亞議會上的演講《不自由，毋寧死！》最富盛名；“不自由，毋寧死！”（英語：Give me liberty, or give me death!），這句話英文原創於亨利在美國維吉尼亞州（也翻譯為佛吉尼亞州）裏士滿聖約翰教堂發表的演講，是其中的最後一句結語。
亨利在該次大會發表演講，試圖說服會議通過一項議決，支持維吉尼利亞派軍參加即將來臨的革命戰爭。參加該次大會的代表，包括開國元勳托馬斯·傑斐遜和喬治·華盛頓，以及其他政治領袖。
以下是帕特裏克. 亨利（Patrick Henry）的演講內容：在佛吉尼亞議會上的演講
（美國）亨利1775年3月23日
議長先生：
沒有誰比我更加敬佩這些在議會上發言的先生們的愛國熱情和才幹了。但是，對待一個問題每個人都會有不同的看法。因此，假如我持有觀點與他們恰恰相反，並且無所顧忌毫不保留地表達出來，希望不會被認為對他們有何不敬之意。現在已經沒有時間讓我們講客套了。議會所麵臨的問題是我們的國家正處於危難之際。我個人認為，最嚴重的一點就是關係到我們是獨立自主還是被奴役的大問題。事關重大，應該準許人們暢所欲言。如此，我們才有望闡明事實，完成上帝和國家托付的重任。此時此刻，如果因為害怕冒犯他人而保持緘默，我會認為自己是在叛國，是對比世上所有君王更令人敬畏的天主的不忠。
議長先生，人類天生就容易沉迷於希望的幻想之中。痛苦的現實來臨時，我們往往會緊閉雙眼不敢麵對；寧可傾聽海妖的歌聲，直到我們被變成野獸為止。這是聰明人在追求自由的艱苦卓絕的奮鬥中所應該做的嗎？我們難道願意做那些對關係著能否獲得拯救這樣重大的事情視而不見，聽而不聞的人嗎？就我而言，不管這會帶給我多大的精神折磨，我都願意了解全部的事實和最糟糕的結果，並為此作好準備。
經驗是指導我前進的惟一明燈；過去是判斷未來的惟一依據。因此，我想知道英國政府在過去十年中有何作為，使得各位有理由信心十足，心甘情願地來安慰自己也安慰議會？是因為他們最近接受我們的請願時所露出的狡詐的笑容嗎？先生們，別相信這些笑容，事實會證明這隻是一個圈套。別被人家的一個吻給出賣了！大家想想：他們如此仁慈地接受我們的請願，而同時又在我們的水域、我們的土地上大規模地備戰，這是多麽不協調呀！難道愛護與和解用得著出動他們的戰艦和軍隊嗎？難道我們的愛需要用武力才能挽回嗎？先生們，別再自欺欺人了！這些隻是戰爭和征服的手段，是國王最後的托辭。請問各位，如果這些軍事裝備不是用來迫使我們歸順的，那它們是用來幹什麽的呢？哪位先生能告訴我，這還有什麽別的意圖嗎？難道在這個地方，大不列顛王國還有其他敵人需要用這些龐大的海陸軍隊來對付嗎？不，先生們，沒有其他敵人了！這些就是用來對付我們的！它們是英國政府早就造好，用來囚禁我們的鎖鏈。我們能用什麽來反抗呢？爭辯嗎？先生們，我們已經和他們爭辯10年了！再還有什麽話可說嗎?我們所能做的都做過了，然而一切都隻是徒勞；難道我們還要卑躬屈膝，搖尾乞憐嗎？我們已經用盡了一切辦法。所以，先生們，我懇請你們別再自欺欺人了！為了避免這一場即將來臨的風暴，我們已經盡力而為了。我們請願過，我們抗議過，我們也乞求過；我們曾跪倒在國王的禦座前，哀求他製止政府和國會的專製暴行。我們的請願遭到蔑視，我們的抗議帶來的是變本加厲的暴力和侮辱，我們的乞求換來的是不屑一顧；我們在天子腳下被輕蔑地一腳踢開！事已至此，我們還能沉迷於和平友好的美好幻想之中嗎？已經不再有任何希望了！假如我們渴望自由——假如我們真要維護為之奮鬥已久的神聖權利不受侵犯——假如我們不至於卑鄙到想放棄我們抗爭已久，發誓不達目的決不罷休的偉大角逐，那麽，我們必須戰鬥！我再重複一遍，先生們，我們必須戰鬥！除了訴諸武力，求助於戰神，我們別無選擇！
先生們，他們說我們勢單力薄，無力抵抗如此強勁的對手。但是，我們什麽時候能變得更加強大呢？下周？還是明年？難道非要等到我們被徹底解除武裝，家家戶戶都被英軍占領的時候嗎？難道優柔寡斷，毫無作為能為我們積聚力量嗎？難道我們能高枕而臥，要等到束手就擒之時，才能找到退敵的良策嗎？先生們，隻要我們懂得如何利用造物主賜予我們的力量，我們就絕不弱小。我們擁有三百萬為神聖的自由而武裝起來的人民，我們擁有這樣一方國土，這就是敵人任何武力都不可戰勝的力量！況且，先生們，我們並非孤軍作戰。公正之神與我們同在，並主宰著一切國家的命運，並會喚起朋友們為我們進行戰鬥。先生們，戰鬥需要的不隻是強大的力量，還需要機警，積極和勇敢；何況我們已經別無選擇了。即使我們卑怯懦弱，想抽身而出，也已經太晚了。我們無路可退，回首隻是屈從和被奴役！囚禁我們的枷鎖早已鑄成，鐐銬的叮當聲回蕩在波士頓平原的上空！戰爭已經在所難免——那就讓它來吧！先生們，我再說一遍，讓它來吧！
先生們，不用再徒勞地試圖緩和事態。各位可以高喊和平——但和平並不存在。事實上戰爭已經打響！很快，從北方席卷而來的風暴就將帶來隆隆的炮聲！我們的弟兄們已經奔赴戰場！為何我們還在此袖手旁觀？各位先生究竟想要什麽？又能得到什麽？莫非生命如此珍貴，和平如此美好，竟值得我們以鐐銬和奴役為代價來獲得？全能的主啊，快阻止他們吧！我不知道別人將選擇怎樣的道路，但對我來說，不自由，毋寧死！
英文原文
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
亨利演講辭的英文版
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
Mr. President: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
本文大部份內容轉載自維基，百度等網站。
附： 後來覺得菲爾博友的建議不錯，因此取消了原來的視頻，雖然都是藝術，但關聯性的確不是太大。
當年美國建國元勳們是冒著“叛國“的罪名和生命危險去尋求一個嶄新的製度體係，值得全世界人民的紀念，他的名言“give me liberty or give me death!”是流傳千古的經典語錄。
他有什麽權利當馬遮天，毛遮天？他又有什麽能力去遮天？
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這個再同意不過了， 即使中國人古時也信天信祖宗的的，自秦以降，皇帝都是要祭天的，而偉大的毛導師把中國僅有的對天對祖宗的敬畏都毀滅了，對天的敬畏可以說是炎黃子孫自己的廣義上的自己的宗教。人可以不信宗教，但沒有權力去禁止別人信，禁止中國人信佛道，天地，祖宗的毛社會最後就演變成毛教，即把毛捧為神，毛自己變成了類似耶穌。默罕默德的人物，但毛終究不是耶穌，默罕默德。
即使當政者、馬克思沒見過天堂地獄，他也沒權利禁止別人的探索啊，
他有什麽權利當馬遮天，毛遮天？他又有什麽能力去遮天？
他有什麽權利當馬遮天，毛遮天？他又有什麽能力去遮天？
同意馬列不算宗教。是某種程度上用了一種錯誤的替代品來代替宗教功能。
按說宗教都是有出世間的功能，是探究終極真相的。
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馬列屬於唯物主義，世界的事情。錯對不論，層麵上和宗教本不是一回事兒。
本來有天堂地獄的，取消宗教把人限製於當下物質的一點，屬於人手要遮天。。。
。。。
世界是時候對馬列主義這個歪理邪說說不的時候了。
馬斯克先生主張用電腦接人腦，問題是他自己為什麽不先師範一下，看看有什麽後果？一個在美國不交多少稅的人居然想引領全世界。
宗教的確是人類需要的，沒有宗教的後果其實世界已顯現，就是美俄的核武可以毀滅世界，中國的無限製的汙染排放依然可以讓北極融化，宗教可以強調人善的一麵，也給人以心靈安慰， 儒家嚴格來算不算宗教，馬列教也不算宗教。
考慮社會架構，政治、經濟規範，不能僅僅簡單化地認定“我們都是特殊材料構成的”，這種水平的材料科學，應該說是落後的。:)
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我覺得很多人對西方人性惡的看法有偏頗 ，以為他們隻承認人性惡。其實這是忽視了西方同時還有宗教，引導人向善。兩方麵都不耽誤。
政府三權分立機製在某種程度上，是為了預防人性的惡，而不是為了鼓勵人性的惡。
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人性的各方麵（善惡）都要承認，才能是個完整可靠的體係。
惡的方麵要有預防機製和調節機製。其實也不是惡，而是人性的慣性需求。
善的方麵也不能封頂，沒人可以遮天---要有宗教、信仰自由等等，這才是真正的健康有營養的社會。