Mao Tse-tung孔子文化圖騰簡明洞察在辯論中能起到“重錘一句”的效果

Mao as a Global Cultural Symbol On the British Parliaments Quoting of the Little Red Book

When British lawmakers recently quoted from Mao Zedongs Little Red Book during a heated budget debate, it was more than a clever jab it was a striking reminder of how deeply Mao has embedded himself into global political language. Much like Confucius, Caesar, or Napoleon, Mao has transcended his national origins to become a symbolic figure in world culture. Yet unlike ancient sages or imperial conquerors, Maos influence remains immediate, provocative, and paradoxical.

In the 1960s, Maos quotations swept through Western youth movements, from anti-Vietnam protests to the student uprisings of May 1968. His aphorisms became rallying cries not only in Beijing but also in Berkeley and Paris. To this day, his words retain rhetorical power short, sharp, ideologically loaded. This explains why a British MP would reach for Maos words to criticize a governments dependence on Chinese investment: it hits with symbolic weight.

Mao and Confucius may seem oppositional one preached order, the other incited revolution yet both left behind compact, quotable legacies that traveled far beyond their time and place. Western leaders are not endorsing Maoism when they cite him; they are borrowing the expressive force of a figure whose language carries immediate cultural recognition, even shock value. This rhetorical function is distinct from political endorsement it reflects Maos presence as a cultural code, not a political prescription.

One could ask: how does Mao compare to Caesar, Alexander, or Queen Elizabeth I, none of whom were democratically elected either? The difference is in the medium and the moment. Maos rise coincided with mass media, ideological struggle, and global literacy. His ideas were weaponized in real time across continents, not simply remembered centuries later. The fear he invoked especially in the Wests educational and political systems was profound enough to influence institutional curricula and liberal democracies self-conception.

It is tempting to judge Mao only by his political legacy the Cultural Revolution, the violence, the purges. But such a totalizing view risks replicating the same ideological rigidity that many accuse him of. Like many historic figures, Maos legacy is contradictory: destructive in action, yet intellectually generative. Dismissing all of his ideas outright, including early writings on critical thinking and self-correction, ignores the philosophical richness that made him more than a dictator it made him a debater of history.

In the end, the use of Maos quotes in the British Parliament doesnt signal admiration. It reveals something more powerful: that his language, for better or worse, has entered the bloodstream of global discourse. The Little Red Book is no longer just a Chinese artifact its a rhetorical device in the theater of world politics.

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H/t:

通俗易懂用另一個詞。有一次兩個議員辯論同時引用毛語錄

來源:美國老師於2025-04-17 19:57:38[檔案] [博客] [舊帖] [給我悄悄話] 閱讀數 :14(193 bytes)

回答:英國人製衡思維下的勢力均衡政策/抑強扶弱的政策?由TJKCB於2025-04-16 10:25:55

https://youtu.be/Mt1a5BS2sK8?si=lZbrDWLF5yAhxGP7

英國人製衡思維下的勢力均衡政策/抑強扶弱的政策?-TJKCB-♀(4090 bytes) (77 reads) 04/16/2025 10:25:55

工具化理解中學為體，西學為用/貴族與平民, 相生相剋/把法治當成依法治人，不是依法限製權力-TJKCB-♀(3029 bytes) (15 reads) 04/16/2025 11:14:39

通俗易懂用另一個詞。有一次兩個議員辯論同時引用毛語錄-美國老師-♂(193 bytes) (13 reads) 04/17/2025 19:57:38(1)

Mao Tse-tung孔子敏而好學不恥下問household name around the world文化圖騰-TJKCB-♀(942 bytes) (0 reads) 04/18/2025 13:01:35

Mao Tse-tung孔子敏而好學不恥下問household name around the world文化圖騰

毛主席的話的意思和孔子的名言是一個意思啊。 子貢問曰：孔文子何以謂之文也？子曰：敏而好學，不恥下問，是以謂之文也。 Mao Tse-tung, like Confucius, has become a household name around the world. Once, during a heated debate, two parliamentarians even quoted from Maos Little Red Book at the same time a moment that showed how deeply his words have blended into global political discourse.西方政治家拿來用，不是認同毛的極權實踐，而是因為毛的語錄具備一種壓縮式、修辭式的簡明洞察，在辯論中能起到重錘一句的效果。

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工具化理解中學為體，西學為用/貴族與平民, 相生相剋/把法治當成依法治人，不是依法限製權力

來源:TJKCB於2025-04-16 11:14:39[檔案] [博客] [轉至博客] [舊帖] [給我悄悄話] 閱讀數 :16(3029 bytes)

本帖於 2025-04-16 11:31:54 時間, 由普通用戶 TJKCB 編輯

回答:英國人製衡思維下的勢力均衡政策/抑強扶弱的政策?由TJKCB於2025-04-16 10:25:55

這就是他們的製衡思維下的勢力均衡政策。而且英國人做事不講情感，不守盟約，隻認效益。所有國家裏頭，英國是最難鬥的。(來源:norman103於2025-04-16)

用的都是抑強扶弱的政策?

貴族與平民: 富不過三代, 大概率貴族平民化，統治政策隻好兼顧平民的活命。貴族與平民, 相生相剋。

中國曆史重視大一統、皇權神授，講究家國同構與天命觀。西方文明則是在封建割據、教權壓迫下，逐步推進個人自由、權力分立、製度製衡的路徑中前行。這就造成表麵上的同詞異義，實質上的文化水土不服。

比如中國人理解自由，常以為是無拘無束、為所欲為，卻不懂西方語境下自由是受法律保護的權利邊界。民主也常被誤解為聽多數人的，卻忽視它背後的製度程序與少數權利的保障。

???? 為什麽說中國還沒完全理解西方文明的來源？
因為我們對現代文明的認知，仍常處於工具化理解階段。(中學為體，西學為用即中體西用。清末洋務派的指導思想。主張以中國倫常經史之學為原本，以西方科技之術為應用。初由馮桂芬提出，後由張之洞在《勸學篇》中係統闡述。)

1) 把民主當成口號，而不是程序；

2) 把法治當成依法治人，不是依法限製權力；

3) 把議會當成吵架場所，沒意識到它是社會妥協的舞台；

把文官製度當成考試工具，而非去官僚化與防腐機製。

就像英國早已在富不過三代中實現了貴族和平民的權力交替，而中國人仍幻想權貴家族世襲永享太平；他們明白製度製衡來自於現實的叢林法則，而我們常寄望於聖君仁政的偶然。

So?

中國人被忽悠的，不是被騙，而是誤把表層的槍炮、科技、大學、工廠當成文明的全貌。而真正支撐西方現代文明的，是製度的演化、思想的抗爭、權力的製衡、人性的釋放。這些東西，不是教條，而是血淚與智慧的凝結。我們若不去理解它的來處，隻能不斷被它的表象所迷惑。

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H/t:

英國人製衡思維下的勢力均衡政策/抑強扶弱的政策?

(0/16 reads)2025-04-16 10:25:55