零八憲章(中英對照)

 Charter 08

 

The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of people…… united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.

 

The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.

The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.

On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.

一、前言

今年是中國立憲百年，《世界人權宣言》公布60周年，“民主牆”誕生30周年，中國政府簽署《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》10周年。在經曆了長期的人權災難和艱難曲折的抗爭曆程之後，覺醒的中國公民日漸清楚地認識到，自由、平等、人權是人類共同的普世價值；民主、共和、憲政是現代政治的基本製度架構。抽離了這些普世價值和基本政製架構的“現代化”，是剝奪人的權利、腐蝕人性、摧毀人的尊嚴的災難過程。21世紀的中國將走向何方，是繼續這種威權統治下的“現代化”，還是認同普世價值、融入主流文明、建立民主政體？這是一個不容回避的抉擇。

19世紀中期的曆史巨變，暴露了中國傳統專製製度的腐朽，揭開了中華大地上“數千年未有之大變局”的序幕。洋務運動追求器物層麵的進良，甲午戰敗再次暴露了體製的過時；戊戌變法觸及到製度層麵的革新，終因頑固派的殘酷鎮壓而歸於失敗；辛亥革命在表麵上埋葬了延續2000多年的皇權製度，建立了亞洲第一個共和國。囿於當時內憂外患的特定曆史條件，共和政體隻是曇花一現，專製主義旋即卷土重來。器物模仿和製度更新的失敗，推動國人深入到對文化病根的反思，遂有以“科學與民主”為旗幟的“五四”新文化運動，因內戰頻仍和外敵入侵，中國政治民主化曆程被迫中斷。抗日戰爭勝利後的中國再次開啟了憲政曆程，然而國共內戰的結果使中國陷入了現代極權主義的深淵。1949年建立的“新中國”，名義上是“人民共和國”，實質上是“黨天下”。執政黨壟斷了所有政治、經濟和社會資源，製造了反右、大躍進、文革、六四、打壓民間宗教活動與維權運動等一係列人權災難，致使數千萬人失去生命，國民和國家都付出了極為慘重的代價。

 

二十世紀後期的“改革開放”，使中國擺脫了毛澤東時代的普遍貧困和絕對極權，民間財富和民眾生活水平有了大幅度提高，個人的經濟自由和社會權利得到部分恢複，公民社會開始生長，民間對人權和政治自由的呼聲日益高漲。執政者也在進行走向市場化和私有化的經濟改革的同時，開始了從拒絕人權到逐漸承認人權的轉變。中國政府於1997年、1998年分別簽署了兩個重要的國際人權公約，全國人大於2004年通過修憲把“尊重和保障人權”寫進憲法，今年又承諾製訂和推行《國家人權行動計劃》。但是，這些政治進步迄今為止大多停留在紙麵上；有法律而無法治，有憲法而無憲政，仍然是有目共睹的政治現實。執政集團繼續堅持維係威權統治，排拒政治變革，由此導致官場腐敗，法治難立，人權不彰，道德淪喪，社會兩極分化，經濟畸形發展，自然環境和人文環境遭到雙重破壞，公民的自由、財產和追求幸福的權利得不到製度化的保障，各種社會矛盾不斷積累，不滿情緒持續高漲，特別是官民對立激化和群體事件激增，正在顯示著災難性的失控趨勢，現行體製的落伍已經到了非改不可的地步。

 

I.       Foreword

A hundred years have passed since the writing of China‘s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.

By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to“modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.

The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China‘s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China‘s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic， the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.

The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a“cultural illness”was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of“science and democracy.”Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.

Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The“new China”that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that“the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful. “The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward （1958–1960）， the Cultural Revolution （1966–1969）， the June Fourth （Tiananmen Square） Massacre （1989）， and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens‘rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this， the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives， and several generations have seen their freedom， their happiness， and their human dignity cruelly trampled.

During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of“Reform and Opening”gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow， and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy， it began to shift from an outright rejection of“rights”to a partial acknowledgment of them.

In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions； in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase“respect and protect human rights”； and this year， 2008， it has promised to promote a“national human rights action plan.”Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality， which is plain for anyone to see， is that China has many laws but no rule of law； it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.

The stultifying results are endemic official corruption， an undermining of the rule of law， weak human rights， decay in public ethics， crony capitalism， growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor， pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments， and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts， especially， in recent times， a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.

As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense， and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom， to property， and to the pursuit of happiness， we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups， the people who have been suppressed and monitored， who have suffered cruelty and even torture， and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests， no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.

二、我們的基本理念

當此決定中國未來命運的曆史關頭，有必要反思百年來的現代化曆程，重申如下基本理念：

自由：自由是普世價值的核心之所在。言論、出版、信仰、集會、結社、遷徙、罷工和遊行示威等權利都是自由的具體體現。自由不昌，則無現代文明可言。

人權：人權不是國家的賜予，而是每個人與生俱來就享有的權利。保障人權，既是政府的首要目標和公共權力合法性的基礎，也是“以人為本”的內在要求。中國的曆次政治災難都與執政當局對人權的無視密切相關。人是國家的主體，國家服務於人民，政府為人民而存在。

平等：每一個個體的人，不論社會地位、職業、性別、經濟狀況、種族、膚色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊嚴、自由都是平等的。必須落實法律麵前人人平等的原則，落實公民的社會、經濟、文化、政治權利平等的原則。

共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分權製衡與利益平衡，就是多種利益成分、不同社會集團、多元文化與信仰追求的群體，在平等參與、公平競爭、共同議政的基礎上，以和平的方式處理公共事務。

民主：最基本的涵義是主權在民和民選政府。民主具有如下基本特點：（1）政權的合法性來自人民，政治權力來源於人民；（2）政治統治經過人民選擇，（3）公民享有真正的選舉權，各級政府的主要政務官員必須通過定期的競選產生。（4）尊重多數人的決定，同時保護少數人的基本人權。一句話，民主使政府成為“民有、民治、民享”的現代公器。

憲政：憲政是通過法律規定和法治來保障憲法確定的公民基本自由和權利的原則，限製並劃定政府權力和行為的邊界，並提供相應的製度設施。

在中國，帝國皇權的時代早已一去不複返了；在世界範圍內，威權體製也日近黃昏；公民應該成為真正的國家主人。祛除依賴“明君”、“清官”的臣民意識，張揚權利為本、參與為責的公民意識，實踐自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中國的根本出路。

 

II.      Our Fundamental Principles

This is a historic moment for China， and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more， we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows：

Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech， freedom of the press， freedom of assembly， freedom of association， freedom in where to live， and the freedoms to strike， to demonstrate， and to protest， among others， are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom， China will always remain far from civilized ideals.

Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China‘s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.

Equality. The integrity， dignity， and freedom of every person—regardless of social station， occupation， sex， economic condition， ethnicity， skin color， religion， or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social， economic， cultural， civil， and political rights must be upheld.

Republicanism. Republicanism， which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served， resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of“fairness in all under heaven.”It allows different interest groups and social assemblies， and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs， to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.

Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics： （1） Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. （2） Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. （3） The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. （4） While honoring the will of the majority， the fundamental dignity， freedom， and human rights of minorities are protected. In short， democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly“of the people， by the people， and for the people.”

Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens， limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power， and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.

三、我們的基本主張

藉此，我們本著負責任與建設性的公民精神對國家政製、公民權利與社會發展諸方麵提出如下具體主張：

1、修改憲法：根據前述價值理念修改憲法，刪除現行憲法中不符合主權在民原則的條文，使憲法真正成為人權的保證書和公共權力的許可狀，成為任何個人、團體和黨派不得違反的可以實施的最高法律，為中國民主化奠定法權基礎。

2、分權製衡：構建分權製衡的現代政府，保證立法、司法、行政三權分立。確立法定行政和責任政府的原則，防止行政權力過分擴張；政府應對納稅人負責；在中央和地方之間建立分權與製衡製度，中央權力須由憲法明確界定授權，地方實行充分自治。

3、立法民主：各級立法機構由直選產生，立法秉持公平正義原則，實行立法民主。

4、司法獨立：司法應超越黨派、不受任何幹預，實行司法獨立，保障司法公正；設立憲法法院，建立違憲審查製度，維護憲法權威。盡早撤銷嚴重危害國家法治的各級黨的政法委員會，避免公器私用。

5、公器公用：實現軍隊國家化，軍人應效忠於憲法，效忠於國家，政黨組織應從軍隊中退出，提高軍隊職業化水平。包括警察在內的所有公務員應保持政治中立。消除公務員錄用的黨派歧視，應不分黨派平等錄用。

6、人權保障：切實保障人權，維護人的尊嚴。設立對最高民意機關負責的人權委員會，防止政府濫用公權侵犯人權，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、傳訊、審問、處罰，廢除勞動教養製度。

7、公職選舉：全麵推行民主選舉製度，落實一人一票的平等選舉權。各級行政首長的直接選舉應製度化地逐步推行。定期自由競爭選舉和公民參選法定公共職務是不可剝奪的基本人權。

8、城鄉平等：廢除現行的城鄉二元戶籍製度，落實公民一律平等的憲法權利，保障公民的自由遷徙權。

9、結社自由：保障公民的結社自由權，將現行的社團登記審批製改為備案製。開放黨禁，以憲法和法律規範政黨行為，取消一黨壟斷執政特權，確立政黨活動自由和公平競爭的原則，實現政黨政治正常化和法製化。

10、集會自由：和平集會、遊行、示威和表達自由，是憲法規定的公民基本自由，不應受到執政黨和政府的非法幹預與違憲限製。

11、言論自由：落實言論自由、出版自由和學術自由，保障公民的知情權和監督權。製訂《新聞法》和《出版法》，開放報禁，廢除現行《刑法》中的“煽動顛覆國家政權罪”條款，杜絕以言治罪。

12、宗教自由：保障宗教自由與信仰自由，實行政教分離，宗教信仰活動不受政府幹預。審查並撤銷限製或剝奪公民宗教自由的行政法規、行政規章和地方性法規；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活動。廢除宗教團體（包括宗教活動場所）必經登記始獲合法地位的事先許可製度，代之以無須任何審查的備案製。

13、公民教育：取消服務於一黨統治、帶有濃厚意識形態色彩的政治教育與政治考試，推廣以普世價值和公民權利為本的公民教育，確立公民意識，倡導服務社會的公民美德。

14、財產保護：確立和保護私有財產權利，實行自由、開放的市場經濟製度，保障創業自由，消除行政壟斷；設立對最高民意機關負責的國有資產管理委員會，合法有序地展開產權改革，明晰產權歸屬和責任者；開展新土地運動，推進土地私有化，切實保障公民尤其是農民的土地所有權。

15、財稅改革：確立民主財政和保障納稅人的權利。建立權責明確的公共財政製度構架和運行機製，建立各級政府合理有效的財政分權體係；對賦稅製度進行重大改革，以降低稅率、簡化稅製、公平稅負。非經社會公共選擇過程，民意機關決議，行政部門不得隨意加稅、開征新稅。通過產權改革，引進多元市場主體和競爭機製，降低金融準入門檻，為發展民間金融創造條件，使金融體係充分發揮活力。

16、社會保障：建立覆蓋全體國民的社會保障體製，使國民在教育、醫療、養老和就業等方麵得到最基本的保障。

17、環境保護：保護生態環境，提倡可持續發展，為子孫後代和全人類負責；明確落實國家和各級官員必須為此承擔的相應責任；發揮民間組織在環境保護中的參與和監督作用。

18、聯邦共和：以平等、公正的態度參與維持地區和平與發展，塑造一個負責任的大國形象。維護香港、澳門的自由製度。在自由民主的前提下，通過平等談判與合作互動的方式尋求海峽兩岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁榮的可能途徑和製度設計，在民主憲政的架構下建立中華聯邦共和國。

19、轉型正義：為曆次政治運動中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家屬，恢複名譽，給予國家賠償；釋放所有政治犯和良心犯，釋放所有因信仰而獲罪的人員；成立真相調查委員會，查清曆史事件的真相，厘清責任，伸張正義；在此基礎上尋求社會和解。

III.    What We Advocate

Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world； in China， too， the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an“enlightened overlord”or an“honest official”and to turn instead toward a system of liberties， democracy， and the rule of law， and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly， and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens， we offer the following recommendations on national governance， citizens‘rights， and social development：

1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution， rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights， authorizes the exercise of public power， and serves as the legal underpinning of China‘s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land， beyond violation by any individual， group， or political party.

2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative， judicial， and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.

3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election， and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.

4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible， we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.

5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government， not to a political party， and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans， and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.

6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee， responsible to the highest legislative body， that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest， detention， arraignment， interrogation， or punishment. The system of“Reeducation through Labor”must be abolished.

7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on“one person， one vote.”The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county， city， province， and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.

8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.

9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups， which requires a group to be“approved，”should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws， which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.

10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly， demonstration， protest， and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.

11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech， freedom of the press， and academic freedom universal， thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to“the crime of incitement to subvert state power”must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.

12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws， regulations， or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups （and their places of worship） to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and， for those who choose to register， automatic.

13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens‘rights， fosters civic consciousness， and promotes civic virtues that serve society.

14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property， reporting to the national legislature， that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair， competitive， and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land， guarantees the right to buy and sell land， and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.

15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central， provincial， county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes， simplify the tax system， and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes， or institute new ones， without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.

16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education， health care， retirement security， and employment.

17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals， but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.

18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao， we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan， we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then， negotiating as equals， and ready to compromise， seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind， seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.

19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people， including their family members， who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought， speech， or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities， determining responsibility for them， upholding justice， and， on these bases， seeking social reconciliation.

四、結語

中國作為世界大國，作為聯合國安理會五個常任理事國之一和人權理事會的成員，理應為人類和平事業與人權進步做出自身的貢獻。但令人遺憾的是，在當今世界的所有大國裏，唯獨中國還處在威權主義政治生態中，並由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機，束縛了中華民族的自身發展，製約了人類文明的進步——這種局麵必須改變！政治民主化變革不能再拖延下去。

為此，我們本著勇於踐行的公民精神，公布《零八憲章》。我們希望所有具有同樣危機感、責任感和使命感的中國公民，不分朝野，不論身份，求同存異，積極參與到公民運動中來，共同推動中國社會的偉大變革，以期早日建成一個自由、民主、憲政的國家，實現國人百餘年來鍥而不舍的追求與夢想。

IV.      China， as a major nation of the world， as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council， and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights， should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately， we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises， thereby not only constricting China‘s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change， truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.

Accordingly， we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis， responsibility， and mission， whether they are inside the government or not， and regardless of their social status， will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens‘movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free， democratic， and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years， and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.

—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link



簽署人：303人

於浩成（北京，法學家）
張思之（北京，律師）
茅於軾（北京，經濟學家）
杜 光 （北京，政治學家）
李 普 (北京，老記者）
沙葉新（上海，劇作家）
流沙河（四川，詩人）
吳茂華（四川，作家）
張顯揚（北京，思想家）
孫文廣（山東，教授）
鮑 彤（北京，公民）
丁子霖（北京，教授）
張先玲（北京，工程師）
徐 玨（北京，研究員）
蔣培坤（北京，教授）
劉曉波（北京，作家）
張祖樺（北京，憲政學者）
高 瑜（北京，記者）
戴 晴（北京，作家）
江棋生（北京，學者）
艾曉明（廣東，教授）
劉軍寧（北京，政治學家）
張旭昆（浙江，教授）
徐友漁（北京，哲學家）
賀衛方（北京，法學家）
莫少平（北京，律師）
陳子明（北京，學者）
張博樹（北京，政治學家）
崔衛平（北京，學者）
何光滬（宗教學專家）
郝 建（北京，學者）
沈敏驊（浙江，教授）
李大同（北京，記者）
栗憲庭（北京，藝術評論家）
張 鳴（北京，教授）
餘 傑（北京，作家）
餘世存（北京，作家）
秦 耕（海南，作家）
周 舵（北京，學者 ）
浦誌強（北京，律師）
趙達功（深圳，作家）
姚立法（湖北，選舉專家）
馮正虎（上海，學者）
周 勍（北京，作家）
楊恒均（廣州，作家）
滕 彪（北京，法學博士）
蔣亶文（上海，作家）
唯 色（西藏，作家）
馬 波（北京，作家）
查建英 （北京，作家）
胡發雲（湖北，作家）
焦國標（北京，學者）
李公明（廣東，教授）
趙 暉（北京，評論家）
李柏光（北京，法學博士）
傅國湧（浙江，作家）
馬少方（廣東，商人）
張 閎（上海，教授）
夏業良（北京，經濟學家）
冉雲飛（四川，學者）
廖亦武（四川，作家）
王 怡（四川，學者）
王曉漁（上海，學者）
蘇元真 （浙江，教授）
強劍衷（南京，老報人）
歐陽小戎（雲南，詩人）
劉 荻（北京，自由職業者）
昝愛宗（浙江，記者）
周鴻陵（北京，社會活動家）
馮 剛（浙江 教授）
陳 林（廣州 學者）
尹 賢（甘肅，詩人）
周 明（浙江，教授）
淩滄洲（北京，新聞人）
鐵 流（北京，作家）
陳奉孝（山東，北大右派學生）
姚 博（北京，評論家）
張津郡（廣東，職業經理人）
李劍虹（上海，作家）
張善光（湖南，人權捍衛者）
李德銘（湖南，新聞工作者）
劉建安（湖南，教師）
王小山（北京，媒體人）
範亞峰（北京，法學博士）
周明初（浙江，教授）
梁曉燕（北京，環保誌願者）
徐 曉（北京，作家）
陳 西（貴州，人權捍衛者）
趙 誠（山西，學者）
李元龍（貴州，自由撰稿人）
申有連（貴州，人權捍衛者）
蔣綏敏（北京，工程師）
陸中明（陝西，學者）
孟 煌（北京，畫家）
林福武（福建，人權捍衛者）
廖雙元（貴州，人權捍衛者）
盧雪鬆（吉林，教師）
郭玉閃（北京，學者）
陳煥輝（福建，人權捍衛者）
朱久虎（北京，律師）
金光鴻（北京，律師）
高超群（北京，編輯）
柏 風（吉林，詩人）
鄭旭光（北京，學者）
曾金燕 （北京 維權人士）
吳玉琴（貴州，人權捍衛者）
杜義龍（陝西，作家）
李 海（北京，人權捍衛者）
張 輝（山西，民主人士）
江 山（廣東，業主維權者）
徐國慶（貴州，民主人士）
吳 鬱（貴州，民主人士）
張明珍（貴州，民主人士）
曾 寧（貴州，民主人士）
全林誌（貴州，民主人士）
葉 航（浙江，教授）
馬雲龍（河南，資深媒體人）
朱健國（廣東，自由撰稿人）
李 鐵（廣東，社會活動人士）
莫建剛（貴州，自由撰稿人）
張耀傑（北京，學者）
吳報建（浙江，律師）
楊 光（廣西，學者）
俞梅蓀（北京，法律人）
行 健（北京，法律人）
王光澤（北京，社會活動家）
陳紹華（廣東，設計師）
劉逸明（湖北，自由撰稿人）
吳祚來（北京，研究員）
高 兟（山東，藝術家）
高 強（山東，藝術家）
唐荊陵（廣東，律師）
黎小龍（廣西，維權人士）
荊 楚（廣西，自由撰稿人）
李 彪（安徽，商人）
郭 豔（廣東，律師）
楊世元（浙江，退休人員）
楊寬興（山東，作家）
李金芳（河北，民主人士）
王玉文（貴州，詩人）
楊中義（安徽，工人）
武辛源（河北 農民）
杜和平（貴州，民主人士）
馮 玲（湖北，憲政義工）
張先忠（湖北，企業家）
蔡敬忠(廣東 農民)
王典斌（湖北，企業主）
蔡金才(廣東 農民)
高愛國（湖北，企業主）
陳湛堯（廣東 農民）
何文凱（湖北，企業主）
吳黨英（上海，維權人士）
曾慶彬（廣東 工人）
毛海秀（上海，維權人士）
莊道鶴（杭州，律師）
黎雄兵（北京，律師）
李任科（貴州，民主人士）
左 力（河北 律師）
董德築（貴州，民主人士）
陶玉平（貴州，民主人士）
王俊秀（北京，IT從業者）
黃曉敏（四川，維權人士）
鄭恩寵（上海，法律人）
張君令（上海，維權人士）
楊 海（陝西，學者）
艾福榮（上海，維權人士）
楊華仁（湖北，法律工作者）
魏 勤（上海，維權人士）
蘇祖祥（湖北，教師）
沈玉蓮（上海，維權人士）
關洪山（湖北，人權捍衛者）
宋先科（廣東，商人）
汪國強（湖北，人權捍衛者）
陳恩娟（上海，維權人士）
李 勇（北京，媒體人）
常雄發（上海，維權人士）
王京龍（北京，管理學者）
許正清（上海，維權人士）
高軍生（陝西，編輯）
鄭蓓蓓（上海，維權人士）
王定華（湖北，律師）
談蘭英（上海，維權人士）
範燕瓊（福建，人權捍衛者）
林 輝（浙江，詩人）
吳華英（福建，人權捍衛者）
薛振標（浙江，民主人士）
董國菁（上海，人權捍衛者）
陳玉峰（湖北，法律工作者）
段若飛（上海，人權捍衛者）
王中陵（陝西，教師）
董春華（上海，人權捍衛者）
陳修琴（上海，人權捍衛者）
劉正有（四川，人權捍衛者）
馬 蕭（北京，作家）
萬延海（北京，公共衛生專家）
沈佩蘭（上海，維權人士）
葉孝剛（浙江，大學退休教師）
張勁鬆（安徽，工人）
章錦發（浙江，退休人員）
王麗卿（上海，維權人士）
趙常青（陝西，作家）
金月花（上海，維權人士）
餘樟法（廣西，作家）
陳啟勇（上海，維權人士）
劉賢斌（四川，民主人士）
歐陽懿（四川，人權捍衛者）
鄧煥武（重慶，商人）
賀偉華（湖南，民主人士）
李東卓（湖南，IT從業者）
田永德（內蒙，人權捍衛者）
智效民（山西，學者）
李昌玉（山東，教師）
郭衛東（浙江，職員）
陳 衛（四川，民主人士）
王金安（湖北，企業主）
察文君（上海，維權人士）
侯述明（湖北，企業主）
劉漢南（湖北，人權捍衛者）
史若平（山東，教授）
張忍祥（湖北，人權捍衛者）
野 渡（廣東，編輯）
夏 剛（湖北，人權捍衛者）
趙國良（湖南，民主人士）
李智英（北京，學者）
張重發（貴州，民主人士）
陳永苗（北京，學者）
江 嬰（天津，詩人）
田祖湘（貴州，民主人士）
黃誌佳（湖北，公務員）
關業波（湖北，公務員）
王望明（湖北，企業主）
高新瑞（湖北，企業家）
宋水泉（湖北，法律工作者）
趙景洲（黑龍江，人權捍衛者）
溫克堅（浙江，學者）
魏文英（雲南，教師）
陳惠娟（黑龍江，人權捍衛者）
陳炎雄（湖北，教師）
段春芳（上海，人權捍衛者）
劉正善（雲南，工程師）
關 敏（湖北，大學教師）
戴元龍（福建，企業主）
餘以為 （廣東，自由撰稿人）
韓祖榮（福建，企業主)
汪定亮（湖北，律師）
陳青林（北京，人權捍衛者）
錢世順（廣東，企業主）
曾伯炎（四川，作家）
馬亞蓮（上海，人權捍衛者）
車宏年（山東，自由撰稿人）
秦誌剛（山東，電子工程師）
宋翔峰（湖北，教師）
鄧複華（湖北，作家）
徐 康（湖北，公務員）
李建強（山東，律師）
李仁兵（北京，律師）
裘美麗（上海，維權人士）
蘭誌學（北京，律師）
周錦昌（浙江，退休人員）
黃燕明（貴州，民主人士）
劉 巍 （北京，律師）
鄢烈漢（湖北，企業主）
陳德富（貴州，民主人士）
郭用新（湖北，醫生）
郭永豐（廣東，中國公民監政會發起人）
袁新亭 （廣州，編輯）
戚惠民 （浙江，民主人士）
李 宇（四川，采編）
謝福林（湖南，人權捍衛者）
徐 光（浙江，企業主）
野 火 （廣東，自由撰稿人）
鄒 巍（浙江，維權人士）
蕭利彬（浙江，工程師）
高海兵（浙江，民主人士）
田奇莊（河北, 作家）
鄧太清（山西，民主人士）
裴鴻信（河北，教師）
徐 民（吉林，法律工作者）
李喜閣（河南，維權人士）
王德邦（北京，作家）
馮秋盛（廣東，農民）
侯文豹（安徽，維權人士）
唐吉田（北京，律師）
劉榮超（安徽，農民）
李天翔（河南，工人）
崔玉振（河北，律師）
許茂連（安徽，農民）
翟林華（安徽，教師）
陶曉霞（安徽，農民）
張 望（福建，工人）
黃大川（遼寧，職員）
陳嘯原（海南，職員）
張鑒康（陝西，法律工作者）
張星水（北京，律師）
馬綱權（北京，律師）
王金祥（湖北，維權人士）
王家英（湖北，企業主）
鄢來雲（湖北，企業主）
李小明（湖北，維權人士）
肖水祥（湖北，維權人士）
鄢裕祥（湖北，維權人士）
劉 毅（北京，畫家）
張正祥（雲南，環保人士）