布什：布拉格演講

Remarks by President Bush in Prague, Czech Republic

    WASHINGTON, June 5 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The following is atranscript of remarks by President Bush in Prague:                                  Large Hall                                Czernin Palace                            Prague, Czech Republic    4:07 P.M. (Local)    THE PRESIDENT: President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg,distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague, and weappreciate the gracious welcome in this historic hall. Tomorrow I attendthe G-8 Summit, where I will meet with the leaders of the world's mostpowerful economies. This afternoon, I stand with men and women whorepresent an even greater power -- the power of human conscience.    In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 countrieson five continents. You follow different traditions, you practice differentfaiths, and you face different challenges. But you are united by anunwavering conviction: that freedom is the non-negotiable right of everyman, woman, and child, and that the path to lasting peace in our world isliberty. (Applause.)    This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates forfreedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and Natan Sharansky. Ithank them for the invitation to address this inspiring assembly, and forshowing the world that an individual with moral clarity and courage canchange the course of history.    It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic -- a nation at theheart of Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on this continent. Ninedecades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed Czechoslovakia's independence basedon the "ideals of modern democracy." That democracy was interrupted, firstby the Nazis and then by the communists, who seized power in a shamefulcoup that left the Foreign Minister dead in the courtyard of this palace.    Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true face of thisnation was never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms of the PragueSpring and the principled demands of Charter 77. Those efforts were metwith tanks and truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the violentwould not have the final word. In 1989, thousands gathered in WenceslasSquare to call for their freedom. Theaters like the Magic Lantern becameheadquarters for dissidents. Workers left their factories to support astrike. And within weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel went fromprisoner of state to head of state. And the people of Czechoslovakiabrought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.    Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a movementthat began in a single shipyard freed people across a nation. In Hungary,mourners gathered at Heroes Square to bury a slain reformer -- and burytheir communist regime, too. In East Germany, families came together forprayer meetings -- and found the strength to tear down a wall. Soon,activists emerged from the attics and church basements to reclaim thestreets of Bulgaria, and Romania, and Albania, and Latvia, and Lithuania,and Estonia. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room.And after seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to exist.    Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of freedom in thebattle of ideas. The communists had an imperial ideology that claimed toknow the directions of history. But in the end, it was overpowered byordinary people who wanted to live their lives, and worship their God, andspeak the truth to their children. The communists had the harsh rule ofBrezhnev, and Honecker, and Ceausescu. But in the end, it was no match forthe vision of Walesa and Havel, the defiance of Sakharov and Sharansky, theresolve of Reagan and Thatcher, and fearless witness of John Paul. Fromthis experience, a clear lesson has emerged: freedom can be resisted, andfreedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot be denied.    In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European nationshave navigated the difficult transition to democracy. Leaders made thetough reforms needed to enter NATO and the European Union. Citizens claimedtheir freedom in the Balkans and beyond. And now, after centuries of warand suffering, the continent of Europe is at last in peace.    With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark andrepressive corners of the world, whole generations grew up with no voice intheir government and no hope in their future. This life of oppression breddeep resentment. And for many, resentment boiled over into radicalism andextremism and violence. The world saw the result on September the 11th,2001, when terrorists based in Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murdernearly 3,000 innocent people in the United States.    For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth, 9/11 wasevidence of a much broader danger -- an international movement of violentIslamic extremists that threatens free people everywhere. The extremists'ambition is to build a totalitarian empire that spans all current andformer Muslim lands, including parts of Europe. Their strategy to achievethat goal is to frighten the world into surrender through a ruthlesscampaign of terrorist murder.    To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the offensivewith the full range of our military, intelligence, and law enforcementcapabilities. Yet this battle is more than a military conflict. Like theCold War, it's an ideological struggle between two fundamentally differentvisions of humanity. On one side are the extremists, who promise paradise,but deliver a life of public beatings and repression of women and suicidebombings. On the other side are huge numbers of moderate men and women --including millions in the Muslim world -- who believe that every human lifehas dignity and value that no power on Earth can take away.    The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is notbullets or bombs -- it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is thedesign of our Maker, and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best wayto unleash the creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom isthe only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And human freedom isthe only way to achieve human rights.    Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative -- it is the onlyrealistic way to protect our people in the long run. Years ago, AndreiSakharov warned that a country that does not respect the rights of its ownpeople will not respond to the rights of its neighbors. History proves himright. Governments accountable to their people do not attack each other.Democracies address problems through the political process, instead ofblaming outside scapegoats. Young people who can disagree openly with theirleaders are less likely to adopt violent ideologies. And nations thatcommit to freedom for their people will not support extremists -- they willjoin in defeating them.    For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the advance offreedom and democracy as the great alternatives to repression andradicalism. (Applause.) And we have a historic objective in view. In mysecond inaugural address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of endingtyranny in our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a "dissidentpresident." If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, Iwear that title with pride. (Applause.)    America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways -- some vocal andvisible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending tyranny requires supportfor the forces of conscience that undermine repressive societies fromwithin. The Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state toa soldier who constantly points a gun at his enemy -- until his armsfinally tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of the free world is to putpressure on the arms of the world's tyrants -- and strengthen the prisonerswho are trying to speed their collapse.    So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists from someof the world's worst dictatorships -- including Belarus, and Burma, andCuba, and North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, I lookforward to meeting other dissidents, including some from Iran and Syria.One of those dissidents is Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was anindependent member of the Syrian parliament who simply issued a declarationasking the government to begin respecting human rights. For this entirelypeaceful act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he spent severalyears beside other innocent advocates for a free Syria.    Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whosesons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for herhuman rights activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiyah is thegreatest resource of their nations, far more valuable than the weapons oftheir army or their oil under the ground. America calls on every nationthat stifles dissent to end its repression, to trust its people, and togrant its citizens the freedom they deserve. (Applause.)    There are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are beingunjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look forward to the daywhen a conference like this one include Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, AungSan Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly ofVietnam, Ayman Nour of Egypt. (Applause.) The daughter of one of thesepolitical prisoners is in this room. I would like to say to her, and allthe families: I thank you for your courage. I pray for your comfort andstrength. And I call for the immediate and unconditional release of yourloved ones. (Applause.)    In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are thedemocratic leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to strengthen oursupport. We recently created a Human Rights Defenders Fund, which providesgrants for the legal defense and medical expenses of activists arrested orbeaten by repressive governments. I strongly support the Prague Documentthat your conference plans to issue, which states that "the protection ofhuman rights is critical to international peace and security." And inkeeping with the goals of that declaration, I have asked Secretary Rice tosend a directive to every U.S. ambassador in an un-free nation: seek outand meet with activists for democracy. Seek out those who demand humanrights. (Applause.)    People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten. NorthKoreans live in a closed society where dissent is brutally suppressed, andthey are cut off from their brothers and sisters to the south. The Iraniansare a great people who deserve to chart their own future, but they aredenied their liberty by a handful of extremists whose pursuit of nuclearweapons prevents their country from taking its rightful place amongst thethriving. The Cubans are desperate for freedom -- and as that nation entersa period of transition, we must insist on free elections and free speechand free assembly. (Applause.) And in Sudan, freedom is denied and basichuman rights are violated by a government that pursues genocide against itsown citizens. My message to all those who suffer under tyranny is this: wewill never excuse your oppressors. We will always stand for your freedom.(Applause.)    Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown someprogress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to shallow populismto dismantle democratic institutions and tighten their grip on power. Thegovernment of Uzbekistan continues to silence independent voices by jailinghuman rights activists. And Vietnam recently arrested and imprisoned anumber of peaceful religious and political activists.    These developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons foroptimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45 democracies onEarth. There are now more than 120 democracies -- more people now live infreedom than ever before. And it is the responsibility of those who enjoythe blessings of liberty to help those who are struggling to establishtheir free societies. So the United States has nearly doubled funding fordemocracy projects. We're working with our partners in the G-8 to promotethe rise of a vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiativeslike the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating side-by-side with the newdemocracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We congratulate thepeople of Yemen on their landmark presidential election, and the people ofKuwait on elections in which women were able to vote and run for office forthe first time. (Applause.) We stand firmly behind the people of Lebanonand Afghanistan and Iraq as they defend their democratic gains againstextremist enemies. (Applause.) These people are making tremendoussacrifices for liberty. They deserve the admiration of the free world, andthey deserve our unwavering support. (Applause.)    The United States is also using our influence to urge valued partnerslike Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward freedom. Thesenations have taken brave stands and strong action to confront extremists,along with some steps to expand liberty and transparency. Yet they have agreat distance still to travel. The United States will continue to pressnations like these to open up their political systems, and give greatervoice to their people. Inevitably, this creates tension. But ourrelationships with these countries are broad enough and deep enough to bearit. As our relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold Warprove, America can maintain a friendship and push a nation toward democracyat the same time. (Applause.)    We're also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia andChina. (Applause.) The United States has strong working relationships withthese countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the areas where weshare mutual interests, we work together. In other areas, we have strongdisagreements. China's leaders believe that they can continue to open thenation's economy without opening its political system. We disagree.(Applause.) In Russia, reforms that were once promised to empower citizenshave been derailed, with troubling implications for democratic development.Part of a good relationship is the ability to talk openly about ourdisagreements. So the United States will continue to build ourrelationships with these countries -- and we will do it without abandoningour principles or our values. (Applause.)    We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds indifferent places. One virtue of democracy is that it reflects local historyand traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that all democraciesshare -- freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly; rule of lawenforced by independent courts; private property rights; and politicalparties that compete in free and fair elections. (Applause.) These rightsand institutions are the foundation of human dignity, and as countries findtheir own path to freedom, they must find a loyal partner in the UnitedStates of America.    Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites democraciesaround the world. Some of the greatest contributions are coming fromnations with the freshest memories of tyranny. I appreciate the CzechRepublic's support for human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and Cuba.I thank Germany, and Poland, and the Czech Republic, and Hungary, andSlovenia, and Georgia, Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to thenew United Nations Democracy Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment many newdemocracies in Central and Eastern Europe are making to Afghanistan andIraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing to do the hard worknecessary to enable people who want to be free to live in a free society.(Applause.)    In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference. The workhas been difficult, and that is not going to change. There will be triumphsand failures, progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be achievedovernight. And of course, this objective has its critics.    Some say that ending tyranny means "imposing our values" on people whodo not share them, or that people live in parts of the world where freedomcannot take hold. That is refuted by the fact that every time people aregiven a choice, they choose freedom. We saw that when the people of LatinAmerica turned dictatorships into democracies, and the people of SouthAfrica replaced apartheid with a free society, and the people of Indonesiaended their long authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in orangescarves demanded that their ballots be counted. We saw it when millions ofAfghans and Iraqis defied the terrorists to elect free governments. At apolling station in Baghdad, I was struck by the words of an Iraqi -- he hadone leg -- and he told a reporter, "I would have crawled here if I had to."Was democracy -- I ask the critics, was democracy imposed on that man? Wasfreedom a value he did not share? The truth is that the only ones who haveto impose their values are the extremists and the radicals and the tyrants.(Applause.)    And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring, and threw aninnocent playwright in jail, and trembled at the sight of a Polish Pope.History shows that ultimately, freedom conquers fear. And given a chance,freedom will conquer fear in every nation on Earth. (Applause.)    Another objective -- objection is that ending tyranny will unleashchaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or Lebanon asevidence that freedom leaves people less safe. But look who's causing theviolence. It's the terrorists; it's the extremists. It is no coincidencethat they are targeting young democracies in the Middle East. They knowthat the success of free societies there is a mortal threat to theirambitions -- and to their very survival. The fact that our enemies arefighting back is not a reason to doubt democracy. It is evidence that theyrecognize democracy's power. It is evidence that we are at war. And it isevidence that free nations must do what it takes to prevail. (Applause.)    Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially inthe Middle East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the expense ofliberty does not lead to peace -- it leads to September the 11th, 2001.(Applause.) The policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategicfailure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the 21st century.    Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to power, suchas Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Elections will not always turn outthe way we hope. Yet democracy consists of more than a single trip to theballot box. Democracy requires meaningful opposition parties, a vibrantcivil society, a government that enforces the law and responds to the needsof its people. Elections can accelerate the creation of such institutions.In a democracy, people will not vote for a life of perpetual violence. Tostay in power, elected officials must listen to their people and pursuetheir desires for peace -- or, in democracies, the voters will replace themthrough free elections.    Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic.Well, some argue that extending democracy around the world is simply toodifficult to achieve. That's nothing new. We've heard that criticism beforethroughout history. At every stage of the Cold War, there were those whoargued that the Berlin Wall was permanent, and that people behind the IronCurtain would never overcome their oppressors. History has sent a differentmessage.    The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But that'snot the whole story. There are also people like you, and the loved ones yourepresent -- men and women with courage to risk everything for your ideals.In his first address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, "People, yourgovernment has returned to you!" He was echoing the first speech of TomasMasaryk -- who was, in turn, quoting the 17th century Czech teacherComenius. His message was that freedom is timeless. It does not belong toone government or one generation. Freedom is the dream and the right ofevery person in every nation in every age. (Applause.)    The United States of America believes deeply in that message. It wasthe inspiration for our founding, when we declared that "all men arecreated equal." It was the conviction that led us to help liberate thiscontinent, and stand with the captive nations through their long struggle.It is the truth that guides our nation to oppose radicals and extremistsand terror and tyranny in the world today. And it is the reason I have suchgreat confidence in the men and women in this room.    I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not tired,and that its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable faith in thepower of liberty, you will inspire your people, you will lead your nations,and you will change the world.    Thanks for having me. And may God bless you. (Applause.)    END 4:38 P.M. (Local)[轉貼]布什：布拉格演講


在這個大廳，有來自5大洲17個國家的持不同政見者和民主活動家。你們遵循著不同的傳統，你們信奉著不同的信仰，而且你們麵對著不同的挑戰，但你們都懷著一個堅定的信念走到了一起：那就是自由是每個男人、女人和孩子不可轉讓的權利，自由是我們世界建立永久和平的途徑。（掌聲）

這次會議是我們這個時代三個偉大的自由倡導者發起的，他們是：阿斯納爾，哈韋爾和沙蘭斯基。我感謝他們邀請我來到這個令人鼓舞的會議上發表演講，並向世界表明，一個具有崇高道德和勇氣的人是可以改變曆史進程的。

今天，我們在捷克共和國——這個位於歐洲心髒地帶的國家，也是為自由而奮鬥的國家——召開這個會議是恰如其分的。 90年前，Tomas Masaryk（譯者注：第一次世界大戰後獨立捷克國家的奠基者、第一任總統馬薩裏克）就宣布了捷克斯洛伐克建立在“現代民主理念”基礎上的獨立。但這一民主進程卻被中斷了，開始是被納粹分子，後來又被共產黨人，他們發動了可恥的政變，奪取了國家政權，當時的外交部長就犧牲在了這個宮殿的院子裏。

雖然經過了蘇聯占領的漫長的黑暗時期，但這個國家為爭取自由的鬥爭卻從未停止過。在布拉格之春的改革中，在77憲章運動的籲求中，世界看到了自由的力量。這些種種努力遭到了坦克的鎮壓，棍棒的威嚇，秘密警察的逮捕，但暴力不會取得最後的勝利。1989年，成千上萬的人聚集在瓦茨拉夫廣場要求自由，魔燈劇院成為了持不同政見者的總部，工人們舉行了罷工。在數周內，共產黨政權崩潰了。哈韋爾從一個國家囚犯變成了國家元首。捷克斯洛伐克人民用天鵝絨革命撕碎了鐵幕。

在整個東歐，相似的情景在一一展現。在波蘭，肇始於一個造船廠的運動（譯者注：團結工會運動）解放了全國人民。在匈牙利，悼念者聚集在英雄廣場，為一個被謀殺的改革家（譯者注：指匈牙利前總理納吉）舉行葬禮——同時也埋葬了共產黨政權。在東德，千家萬戶因祈禱會聚集在一起，並且尋找到了推倒柏林牆的力量。很快，爭取自由的運動從屋頂室、教堂地下室蔓延到了保加利亞、羅馬尼亞、阿爾巴尼亞、拉托維亞、立陶宛和愛沙尼亞的大街小巷。正是在這個大廳，華沙條約組織被和平的解散，在70年的壓迫統治之後，蘇聯分崩離析，不複存在。

在這些令人驚訝的成就背後，是自由在這場觀念鬥爭取得了最後的勝利。共產黨國家曾信奉一種威嚴的意識形態，他們宣稱掌握了曆史的發展方向，但最終，人民拋棄了它，因為他們要生存，因為他們要崇拜上帝，因為他們要向孩子講真話。共產黨國家也曾經曆別列日涅夫、昂納克和齊奧塞斯庫等人的嚴厲統治，但最終，它戰勝不過瓦文薩和哈韋爾的理想，薩哈羅夫和沙蘭斯基的抗拒，裏根和撒切爾夫人的決心以及約翰保羅的無畏見證。曆史的經驗清楚地說明了一個真理：自由可以被抵製，自由可以被拖延，但自由絕不能被抗拒。

解放後，中東歐國家開始了向民主的艱難轉型。各國領袖進行了艱巨的必要改革，以加入北約和歐盟。巴爾幹以及之外的國家的公民獲得了自由。在經曆了數個世紀的戰爭和苦難之後，歐洲大陸現在終於獲得了和平。

隨著這個新時代的到來，對自由新的威脅也接踵而至。一代代人在世界黑暗和壓迫的角落裏長大成人，他們在政府裏沒有聲音，他們對未來沒有希望。這種被壓迫的生活滋生出了深深的怨恨情結，怨恨又轉化成了激進主義、極端主義和暴力活動。世界從911的恐怖襲擊中看到了這種仇恨的結果。

一些人隻要求對這一襲擊作出有限的回應。但事實上，911事件表明，國際社會麵臨著一個更廣泛的危險——伊斯蘭極端分子正在威脅著全世界各地的自由人民。極端分子的野心是要建立一個極權主義帝國，這個帝國包括了目前所有的穆斯林領土，甚至包括歐洲的一部分。他們實現目標的戰略是通過采取無情的恐怖主義襲擊手段，來恫嚇全世界，讓世界不戰而降。

為了對抗這一敵人，美國及其盟友采取了主動攻勢，全麵動用了軍事、情報和執法能力。但這場戰爭不僅僅是一場軍事衝突。就如同冷戰一樣，這是一場意識形態的鬥爭，是兩個根本不同的人類觀念之間的鬥爭。一方是極端分子，他們允諾天堂，卻公開地鞭打和壓製婦女，製造著人肉炸彈的生活。另一方是大量的溫和的男人和女人——包括穆斯林世界千千萬萬的人——他們相信，每個人都應當過有價值、有尊嚴的生活，任何人都無權隨意剝奪。

在反抗極端主義的鬥爭中，最強大的武器不是子彈或炸彈——而是對自由的普遍訴求。自由是我們建國者的理念設計，是每個心靈的渴望追求。自由是一個國家釋放創造力和經濟潛力的最佳途徑，自由是一個社會追求正義的惟一秩序。人類自由是實現人權的唯一途徑。

擴展自由不僅僅是一個無可辯駁的道德要求，——從長遠來看，它是保護我們的惟一的現實途徑。數年前，薩哈羅夫警告說，一個不尊重自己人民權利的國家也不會尊重其鄰國的權利。曆史證明他是對的。對其人民負責任的政府不會相互襲擊。民主國家可以通過政治協商解決問題，而不是尋找代罪羔羊。可以公開不同意領導人意見的年輕人極少會采納激烈的意識形態。而人民享有自由的國家也不會支持極端分子——他們將團結起來，擊敗極端分子。

正是出於所有這些原因，美國承諾要推進全世界的自由和民主事業，取代那些專製和激進主義的政權。（掌聲）這是我們在考慮中的一個曆史性目標。在我的第二屆任職演說中，我向美國保證，要徹底根除和終結我們這個世界上的暴政。一些人把我稱為“持不同政見者總統”。如果因為支持世界的自由事業而使我成為一個持不同政見者，那麽我願驕傲地戴上這頂頭銜。（掌聲）

美國將以多種方式追求我們的自由議程——一些是看得見的、公開的，另一些則是靜悄悄的、隱秘的。結束暴政需要道德良心力量的支持，它會從內部削弱專製社會。蘇聯的持不同政見者安德烈· 阿馬利克將一個獨裁國家比作時時把槍指著敵人的士兵——直到他的手臂最終疲勞，犯人逃跑。自由世界的作用就是給世界上暴君的手臂增加壓力——並且加強犯人試圖加速政權崩潰的力量。

因此，我私下接見了世界上一些最壞的獨裁國家——包括白俄羅斯、緬甸、古巴、北朝鮮、蘇丹和津巴布韋——的持不同政見者、民主活動家。在此次會議上，我期待著會見其他的持不同政見者，包括來自伊朗和敘利亞的持不同政見者。在這些人當中，有一個叫馬穆·胡姆斯的敘利亞人，2001年他是敘利亞議會的獨立派議員，僅僅因為發表了一個要求政府尊重人權的聲明，僅僅因為這一完全和平的行為，他就遭到了逮捕並被投入監獄，與其他爭取自由敘利亞的無辜的倡導者們一道度過好幾年的鐵窗生涯。

我將會見的另一個持不同政見者是中國的熱比婭·卡迪爾，她的兒子們身陷囹圄，我們認為這是對她從事人權活動的一種報複。象熱比婭這樣的人才是他們民族最寶貴的財富，價值遠遠超過他們軍隊的武器或是地下的石油。美國呼籲每個鎮壓持不同政見者的國家要結束其壓迫，信任其人民，並給予其公民應得的自由。（掌聲）

還有許多的持不同政見者不能和我們在一起，因為他們遭到了不公正的監禁或軟禁。我期待著有一天，白俄羅斯的亞曆山大·庫祖林、緬甸的昂山素季、古巴的奧斯卡·伊利亞斯·比斯塞特、越南的阮文力教父（音譯）、埃及的阿曼·努爾（掌聲）能夠來參加今天的會議。其中有一個政治犯的女兒今天就在我們這裏，我想對她說，對所有的家庭說：謝謝你們的勇氣，我為你們的平安和力量祈禱。我呼籲立即無條件地釋放你們所愛的親人。（掌聲）

在美國的眼裏，今天民主的持不同政見者就是明天的民主領袖。因此，我們正在采取新的步驟，加強我們的支持力度。最近我們設立了人權守護者基金，為受到專製政府逮捕或毆打的民主活動家提供法律辯護、醫療救助等援助措施。我強烈支持會議準備發表的《布拉格文件》，文件指出，“保護人權對國際和平和安全至關重要”。為了實現宣言的目標，我已要求賴斯國務卿向每一個在不自由國家的美國大使發出指令：竭力尋找並會見民主運動活動家，竭力尋找要求人權的人們。（掌聲）

生活在暴政下的人民需要知道他們沒有被遺忘。北朝鮮人生活在一個封閉的社會裏，在那兒持不同政見者被殘酷鎮壓，他們與南方的兄弟姐妹骨肉分離。伊朗人是一個偉大的民族，是有權規劃自己未來的民族，但他們的自由權利卻被一幫謀求核武器的極端分子剝奪。古巴人也極其渴望自由——隨著國家進入轉型期，我們必須堅持自由的選舉、自由的言論和自由的集會。（掌聲）

在蘇丹，自由遭到了抗拒，基本人權被一個正在對自己人民實施種族屠殺的政府踐踏。我要對所有遭受暴政統治的人民說：我們絕不饒恕壓迫自由的人。我們將永遠支持你們的自由。（掌聲）

自由在那些取得一些進展的國家也遭到了攻擊。在委內瑞拉，民選領導人正利用淺薄的民粹主義破壞民主製度，強化其對權力的掌控。烏茲別克斯坦的政府正繼續通過監禁人權活動家來壓製獨立的聲音。越南最近也逮捕並拘禁了一群和平的宗教和政治活動家。

這些事態發展盡管讓人感到消沉，但有更多的理由保持樂觀。20世紀80年代初，世界上僅有45個民主政體，但現在已經有120多個民主國家——越來越多的人民現在生活在自由當中。享受自由福音的國家的人民有責任、有義務去幫助那些正在為建立自由社會而鬥爭的人民。為此，美國為民主計劃投入了將近兩倍的資金。我們正在與八國集團的盟友們一道，通過未來論壇這樣的倡議推動中東生機勃勃的公民社會的崛起。我們正在與烏克蘭、格魯吉亞、吉爾吉斯斯坦的新興民主國家緊密合作，我們祝賀也門人民舉行了裏程碑式的總統選舉，我們祝賀科威特人民的選舉，婦女第一次有了投票權，第一次可以參加公職競選。（掌聲）

我們堅定地與黎巴嫩、阿富汗和伊拉克人民站在一起，因為他們在保衛他們的民主果實不被極端的敵人竊取。（掌聲）這些國家的人民正在為自由作出巨大的犧牲。他們贏得了自由世界的尊敬，他們贏得了我們堅定的支持。（掌聲）

美國也正在使用其影響力，敦促象埃及、沙特阿拉伯和巴基斯坦這樣的夥伴邁向自由。這些國家已經采取了勇敢的措施去對抗極端分子，同時也采取了一些措施擴大自由和透明度。但他們仍有一大段路要走。美國將繼續鼓勵這些國家開放其政治體製，給人民更多的言論權。這不可避免會帶來緊張。但我們與這些國家的關係既深且廣，足以承受這一變革。正如我們在冷戰時與韓國和台灣的關係所證明的那樣，美國一方麵可以保持友誼，另一方麵可以促進一國走向民主。（掌聲）

我們也將這一經驗運用於我們處理與俄羅斯和中國的關係問題上。（掌聲）美國與這些國家建立了深厚的工作關係。我們的友誼是複雜的。在一些領域我們有著共同的利益，我們緊密合作。而在另一些領域，我們卻有著強烈的分歧。中國的領導人認為，他們可以繼續開放本國的經濟而不用改革其政治體製。我們不同意這一觀點。（掌聲）在俄羅斯，曾經一度賦予公民權利的改革已經偏離了軌道，對民主的發展產生了惡劣的影響。我們良好關係的一部分就是可以公開地談論我們之間的分歧。因此，美國將繼續與這些國家保持關係——但我們絕不會放棄我們的原則或我們的價值觀。（掌聲）

我們讚同，自由社會的形成和建立在不同的地方，有著不同的發展速度。民主的一個基本屬性就是，它必須反映本國的曆史和傳統。然而，所有的民主國家都有一些共同的基本要素——言論自由，宗教自由，新聞自由，集會自由；獨立法院執行的法治；私人財產權；以及在自由公正選舉中進行競爭的政黨。（掌聲）這些權利和製度是人類尊嚴的基石，隨著各國探索符合本國的自由發展之路，他們必定發現美國是一個忠誠的夥伴。

擴展自由的邊界是將全世界民主國家團結起來的一項任務和使命。對自由最偉大的貢獻是來自於曾經對暴政有著最鮮明記憶的國家。我讚賞捷克共和國對白俄羅斯、緬甸和古巴的人權計劃的支持。我感謝德國、波蘭、捷克共和國、匈牙利、斯洛文尼亞、格魯吉亞、立陶宛、愛沙尼亞、克羅地亞對新的聯合國民主基金會作出的貢獻。我萬分感謝中東歐許多新興民主國家對阿富汗和伊拉克作出的承諾。我讚賞這些國家願意盡其所能，去幫助想自由地生活在自由社會中的人們。（掌聲）

自由的議程正在以各種各樣的方式創造一個別樣的曆史。任務非常艱巨，也不會立竿見影。這中間將會有勝利，也有失敗，有進步，也有挫折。結束暴政不能希冀一夜之間就能實現。當然，對這一目標也有許多批評。

一些人認為，結束暴政意味著“將我們的價值觀強加”在那些與我們價值觀不同的人或那些生活在自由還未紮根的世界的人身上。這一論點經不起反駁，如果給人民一次選擇，他們必定選擇自由。當拉丁美洲的人民從獨裁政體轉向民主政體的時候，當南非人民用自由社會取代種族隔離的時候，當印尼人民結束長期的威權統治的時候，我們看到了自由；當係著橙色絲帶的烏克蘭人要求計算選票的時候，我們看到了自由；當成千上萬的阿富汗人和伊拉克人不畏恐怖分子的威脅去選舉自由政府的時候，我們看到了自由。在巴格達的一個投票站，我被一個隻有一條腿的伊拉克人的一番話深深打動，他對記者說：“如果我不得不這樣子的話，我會爬著到這兒來投票。”我倒要反問一下那些批評家，民主難道是強加在那個人身上的嗎？自由難道不是他所認同的價值觀嗎？事實上，將價值觀強加在人們身上的人恰恰是極端分子、激進分子和專製暴君。（掌聲）

這就是共產黨為什麽要鎮壓布拉格之春，把一個無辜的劇作家投入監獄，對波蘭教皇的見證感到顫抖的原因。曆史表明，自由最終會征服恐懼。如果有機會，自由也將會征服全世界每個國家的恐懼。（掌聲）

另一個貌似客觀的反對意見認為，結束暴政將會打開混亂的潘多拉盒子。他們以阿富汗、伊拉克或黎巴嫩的暴力局麵為例，證明自由讓人民感到更不安全。但我們要看一看是誰製造了暴力。是恐怖分子，是極端分子，他們把目標盯牢中東年輕的民主國家，這絕不是什麽巧合。他們知道，自由社會的成功是對他們野心，也是對他們生存的道德威脅。我們的敵人在反擊這一事實並不是質疑民主的一個理由。事實是，他們認識到了民主的威力，事實是，我們處在戰爭中，事實是，自由國家必須竭盡全力，取得最終的勝利。（掌聲）

還有一些人認為，一個更安全的目標應該是穩定，特別是在中東。問題是，以犧牲自由為代價追求的穩定並不能帶來和平——它隻帶來了911。（掌聲）

容忍暴政的政策是一個道德和戰略失敗。21世紀的世界再也不能重蹈這一錯誤。

一些人還擔心，民主會將危險的力量送上權力的寶座，比如巴勒斯坦的哈馬斯。選舉並不總能帶來我們希望的結果，然而民主並不僅僅是走向投票箱，民主要求有意義的反對黨，一個活躍的公民社會，一個能夠執行法律、對其人民的要求作出回應的政府。選舉可以加快創建這樣的製度。在一個民主國家，人民不會為無休無止的暴力生活投票，為了執政，被選舉的官員必須傾聽人民的呼聲，追求人民和平的願望——否則，民主國家的選民會通過自由選舉將他們換下台。

最後，有一種意見認為結束暴政是不現實的。是的，一些人會認為在全世界擴展民主太難，難以成功。這是老調重彈。回顧曆史，我們也曾聽到過這種批評的論調。在冷戰時，有些人就認為柏林牆會永久存在，鐵幕後麵的人民絕不會戰勝他們的壓迫者。但曆史的發展改寫了這一切。

曆史的教訓是，人們常常會對自由產生懷疑。但這不是自由的全部。也有象你們這樣為自己的理想，勇於承擔一切風險的人。在哈韋爾總統的第一次演講中，他宣布：“人民，你們的政府已經歸還了你們！”。他要表達的意思是，自由是永恒的。自由不屬於一個政府或一代人。自由是每個時代每個國家每個人的夢想和權利。（掌聲）

美利堅合眾國深信這句話。她曾激勵著我們建國的夢想，當我們宣布“人人生而平等”的時候。她曾是我們的信念，率領著我們解放歐洲大陸，並與為自由而長期奮鬥的被監禁的國家和人民站在一起。她是真理，指引著我們的國家推翻今天世界上的激進分子、極端分子、恐怖分子和專製暴君。

我離開布拉格，滿懷信心：自由的事業不會疲倦，自由的未來將掌握在最好的人的手裏。懷著對自由力量的不可動搖的信念，你們將會鼓舞你們的人民，你們將會領導你們的國家，你們將會改變世界。