美國第35任總統約翰肯尼迪就職演講（原文/音頻/譯文）

J. F. Kennedy 1961 Inaugural Address
FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961
　　Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
　　The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
　　Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
　　This much we pledge--and more.
　　To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
　　To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
　　To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
　　To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
　　To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
　　Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
　　We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
　　But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
　　So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
　　Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
　　Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
　　Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
　　Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."
　　And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
　　In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
　　Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
　　Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
　　In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
　　And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
　　My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
　　Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

美國第35任總統約翰-肯尼迪就職演講
　　星期五,1961年1月20日
　　首席法官先生、艾森豪威爾總統、尼克鬆副總統、杜魯門總統、尊敬的牧師、各位公民：
　　今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象征著一個結束，也象征著一個開端，表示了一種更新，也表示了一種變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝麵前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170多年前擬定的莊嚴誓言。現在的世界已大不相同了，人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮鬥的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是：人的權利井非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。
　　今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們為我國悠久的傳統感到自豪――他們不願目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。
　　讓每個國家都知道――不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落――為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。
　　這些就是我們的保證――而且還有更多的保證。
　　對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業中無在而下勝；我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成――因為我們不敢在爭吵下休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰。
　　對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們格守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統治。我們並不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由――而且要記住，在曆史上，凡愚蠢地騎在虎背上謀求權力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告終。
　　對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉村，為擺脫普遍貪困而鬥爭的人們，我們保證盡量大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間――之所以這樣做，並不是因為共產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的，自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法保全少數富人。
對我國南麵的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證――在爭取進步的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變為善意的行動，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。
　　聯合國是主權國家的世界性議事機構，是我們在戰爭手段大大超過和平手段的時代裏最後的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我們重申予以支持；防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所；加強它對新生國家和弱小國家的保護；擴大它的行使法令的管束範圍。
　　最後，對那些想與我們作時的國家，我們提出一個要求而不是一項保證：在科學釋放出可怕的破壞力量，把全人類卷人到預謀的或意外的自我毀滅的深淵之前，讓我們雙方重新開始尋求和平。
　　我們不敢以怯弱來引誘他們。因為隻有當我們毫無疑問地擁有足夠的軍備，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠下會使用這些軍備。
　　但是，這兩個強大的國家集團都無法從目前所走的道路中得到安慰――發展現代武器所需的費用使雙方負擔過重，致命的原子武器的不斷擴散理所當然使雙方憂心忡忡，但是，雙方卻在爭著改變那製止人類發動最後戰爭的不移定的恐怖均勢。因此，讓我們雙方重新開始――雙方都要牢記。禮貌並不意味著怯弱，誠意永遠有侍於驗證。讓我們決不要由於畏懼而談判。但我們決不能畏懼談判。
　　讓雙方都來探討使我們團結起來的問題，而不要操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。
　　讓雙方首次為軍備檢查和軍備控製製訂認真而又明確的提案，把毀滅他國的絕對力量置於所有國家的絕對控製之下。
　　讓雙方尋求利用科學的奇跡，而不是乞靈於科學造成的恐怖。讓我們一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，開發深梅，並鼓勵藝術和商業的發展。
　　讓雙方團結起來，在全世界各個角落傾聽以賽亞的訓令――“解下軛上的索，使被欺壓的得自由。”
　　如果合作的灘頭陣地的逼退猜忌的叢林，那麽就讓雙方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一種新的均勢，而是創造一個新的法治世界，在這個世界中，強者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護。
　　所有這一切下可能在第一個一百天內完成，也不可能在第一個一千天或者在本屆政府任期內完成，甚至也許不可能在我們居住在這個星球上的有生之年內完成。但是，讓我們開始吧。
　　公民們，我們方針的最終成敗與其說掌握在我手中，不如說掌握在你們手中。自從合眾國建立以來，每一代美國人都曾受到召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。響應召喚而獻身的美國青年的墳墓遍及全球。
　　現在，號角已再次吹響――不是召喚我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器，不是召喚我們去作戰，雖然我們嚴陣以待。它召喚我們為迎接黎明而肩負起漫長鬥爭的重任，年複一年，“從希望中得到歡樂，在苦難中保持堅韌”，去反對人類共同的敵人――專製、貧困、疾病和戰爭本身。
　　為反對這些敵人，確保人類更為豐裕的生活，我們能夠組成一個包括東西南北各方的全球大聯盟嗎？你們願意參加這一曆史性的努力嗎？
　　在漫長的世界曆史中，隻有少數幾代人在自由處於最危急的時刻被賦予保衛自由的責任。我不會推卸這一責任，我歡迎這一責任。我不相信我們中間有人想同其他人或其他時代的人交換位置。我們為這一努力所奉獻的精力、信念和忠誠，將照亮我們的國家和所有力國效勞的人，而這火焰發出的光芒定能照亮全世界。
　　因此，美國同胞們，不要問國家能力你們做些什麽，而要問你們能為國家做些什麽。
　　全世界的公民們，不要間美國將為你們做些什麽，而要問我們共同能為人類的自中做些什麽。
　　最後，不論你們是美國公民還是其他國家的公民，你們應該要求我們現出我們同樣要求於你們地高度力量和犧牲。問心無愧是我們唯一可靠的獎賞，曆史是我們行動的最終裁判，讓我們走向前去，引導我們所珍愛的國家。我們祈求上帝的福佑和幫助，但我們知道，確切的說，上帝在塵世的工作必定是我們自己的工作。