美國第43屆總統小喬治布什連任就職演說 (原文/音頻/譯文)

The 43th Inaugural Address of Bush
美國第43屆總統小喬治布什連任就職演說
01-20-2005

Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens:
　　On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.
　　At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical - and then there came a day of fire.
　　We have seen our vulnerability - and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.
　　We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.
　　America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.
　　So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
　　This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.
　　The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America's influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America's influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom's cause.
　　My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America's resolve, and have found it firm.
　　We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.
　　We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America's belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.
　　Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty - though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.
　　Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:
　　All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.
　　Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country.
　　The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did: "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it."
　　The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.
　　And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom's enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies' defeat.
　　Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens:
　　From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well - a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.
　　A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause - in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy …… the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments …… the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives - and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.
　　All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself - and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.
　　America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home - the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.
　　In America's ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.
　　In America's ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character - on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before - ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.
　　In America's ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.
　　From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?
　　These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes - and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.
　　We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner "Freedom Now" - they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.
　　When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, "It rang as if it meant something." In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength - tested, but not weary - we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.
　　May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.
切尼副總統、首席法官先生、卡特總統、布什總統、克林頓總統、牧師大人、尊敬的來賓、同胞們：
　　今天，我們依法以這個儀式來慶祝我們充滿睿智的憲法曆久不衰，回顧將我們的國家團結在一起的堅定信念。我很感激此時此刻獲得的榮耀，想到今後我們即將度過的日子，我決心履行自己在你們的見證下宣讀的誓言。
　　在這一次也是第二次聚會上，我們的職責不是由我所使用的文字而是由我們所共同目睹的曆史所決定的。半個世紀以來，美國守護了遙遠的邊疆，捍衛了我們自己的自由。在共產主義崩潰後，我們度過了相對平靜、安寧、悠閑的幾年。接下來，一個災難性的日子降臨了。

我們看到了自己的脆弱，也看到了它的深刻根源。隻要世界各地還在仇恨和暴政中煎熬———這些暴政傾向於滋生仇恨並為殺戮尋找借口的意識形態———暴力活動就會增加，其破壞力就會成倍加強，並穿越大多數邊防線，構成一種致命的威脅。在曆史上，隻有一種力量能夠打破仇恨和怨忿的束縛，撕下暴君的偽裝，滿足那些寬容大度的正派人士的願望，那就是人類自由的力量。
　　我們從一些事件和常識中得出了一個結論：自由能否在我們的國家繼續存在下去，越來越多地取決於自由能否在其他國家取得成功。在全世界傳播自由是我們的世界實現和平的最大希望所在。
　　如今，美國的重要利益和我們的堅定信念是一致的。從我們建國的那一天起，我們就一直宣稱，這個地球上的每個男人和女人都擁有權利、尊嚴和無可比擬的價值，因為他們都是造世主的產物。
　　曆代以來，我們一直宣揚自治的必要性，因為沒有人有資格成為主人，也沒有人應該成為奴隸。追求這些理想的使命促成了我們國家的建立。這是我們祖先取得的光輝成就。現在，它是我們的國家安全提出的迫切要求，是我們這個時代的呼喚。
　　因此，尋求和支持民主運動和民主製度在各個國家和各種文化下的發展成為美國的政策，其最終目標是結束我們這個世界上的暴政。
　　這項任務並非主要由軍隊來承擔，盡管我們會在必要的時候依靠軍隊來保護我們自己和我們的朋友。由於自由本身的特點，它必須由公民來選擇和捍衛，並依靠法治和保護少數民族的措施來維係。當一個民族最終發出自己的心聲時，它所建立的製度可能反映出與我們截然不同的習俗和傳統。美國不會把我們自己的執政方式強加在不願意接受它的國家身上。相反，我們的目標是幫助其他人找到他們自己的心聲，獲得他們自己的自由，並取得他們自己的成功。
　　結束暴政的偉大目標是需要幾代人全力以赴的工作。這項任務的艱巨性不能成為逃避它的借口。美國的影響力並非毫無局限，但幸運的是，對於那些受壓迫的人來說，美國的影響力是相當大的，而我們將充滿自信地在自由事業中發揮這一影響力。
　　我最嚴正的職責就是努力保護美國及其人民免受新的恐怖襲擊和威脅。有些人非常愚蠢地選擇了考驗美國的決心，最終發現美國決心堅定。
　　我們將堅持不懈地澄清擺在每個統治者以及每個國家麵前的選擇———壓迫與自由之間的道義上的選擇。美國不會佯稱，被關押的異見分子更青睞束縛他們的枷鎖，或者婦女喜歡遭受屈辱和奴役，以及有人願意聽人擺布。
　　我們明確表示，要想同我國建立良好關係，須體麵地對待其自己的國民，並以此來鼓勵其它國家政府進行改革。美國對人類尊嚴的信念影響著我們的政策，然而，權利不僅僅是獨裁者做出的勉強讓步，而必須要靠自由地發表意見和被統治者的參與來得到保障。畢竟，沒有自由就沒有正義，沒有人類自由就沒有人權可言。
　　我知道，有些人對全世界的自由呼聲提出了質疑———盡管自由在過去40年中取得了前所未有的飛速進步。美國人民永遠不應該為信念所產生的力量感到意外。最終，自由的呼聲定能深入人心。我們不允許暴君的長久存在，因為我們不允許出現長久的奴役。隻有熱愛自由的人才會得到自由。
　　今天，美國再次對全世界各族人民說：
　　所有生活在暴政和絕望下的人都會知道：美國不會無視你們所受到的壓迫，不會饒恕你們的壓迫者。當你們支持自由時，美國將與你們站在一起。
　　麵臨鎮壓、囚禁或者流亡的民主改革人士知道：美國把你們看作是你們國家今後的領導人。
　　非法政府的統治者知道，我們仍然像亞伯拉罕•林肯一樣認為：“那些不讓別人享有自由的人自己不配擁有自由，而且也不會長久地享有自由。”
　　那些習慣於控製的政府領導人需要知道：要想服務於民就必須學會信任他們。從這一進步與正義之旅開始，美國將伴你左右。
　　美國的所有盟友都知道：我們尊重與你們的友誼，我們依靠你們的忠告，我們依賴於你們的幫助。自由國家之間的不和是自由之敵的首要目標。自由國家共同努力推動民主是我們的敵人走向失敗的前奏。
　　今天，我再次對我的人民說：在保護美國安全的艱難時刻，我請求你們耐心。我們國家接受了難以完成且不應放棄的責任。由於在按我們國家解放被壓迫者的傳統行事，使得數億人獲得了自由。正如希望會點燃希望，還會有更多的人獲得自由。經過不懈的努力，我們點燃了人們心中希望的火種。它溫暖了那些感覺到了它的力量的人，它為那些奮勇前進的人照亮了方向，有朝一日，它將把自由的火種撒播到世界最黑暗的角落。
　　少數美國人已經承擔起了這一最艱巨的職責———情報界和外交界默默無聞的工作……幫助扶植自由政府的理想主義工作……以及打擊敵人這一危險而又必不可少的工作。有些人甚至將自己的生命奉獻給了我們的祖國———我們將永遠銘記他們的名字以及他們所做出的犧牲。
　　所有美國人都目睹了這種理想主義，有些人是第一次看到。我希望我們最年輕的公民相信你們的雙眼。你們從美軍士兵堅毅的表情中看到了責任和忠誠。你們看到生命是脆弱的，邪惡是真實存在的，勇氣獲得了勝利。加入這項比你的渴望、比你自身更偉大的事業吧！有生之年，你不僅為我們的國家增添了財富，你還會幫助它完善品格。
　　美國需要理想和勇氣，因為我們在本土有重要的工作，那就是尚未完成的美國推動自由的工作。在一個走向自由的世界裏，我們決心彰顯自由的意義和承諾。
　　在美國的自由理想中，公民們發現了經濟獨立帶來的尊嚴和保障，而不是徘徊在生存邊緣的辛苦勞作。這是自由更廣泛的定義，它推動了《宅地法案》、《社會保障法案》和《退伍軍人權利法案》的製定。現在，我們通過改革總體製度，滿足時代需求，來擴展這一定義。為了使每一個美國人都與我們國家的希望和未來息息相關，我們要以最高標準發展學校教育、建設所有權社會。我們將擴大人們對房屋和企業、退休儲蓄和醫療保險的所有權，讓我們的人民作好準備，應對自由社會中的生活挑戰。通過使每一位公民成為自己命運的主宰者，我們將使美國同胞更加遠離短缺和恐懼，使我們的社會更加繁榮、公正、平等。
　　在美國的自由理想中，公眾利益取決於個人品格———正直、對他人的寬容以及我們自己生活中的道德準則。民主自治最終要依賴對自我的管理。品格的大廈建立在家庭之上，由規範的社區來支撐，憑借西奈真理、山上寶訓、《古蘭經》上的話語以及各種信仰的支持，樹立在我們的國家生活之中。美國人通過弘揚過去創造的一切美好正確的東西———正義的思想和行為準則———一代代向前進。這些思想和準則昨天、今天、永遠都是如此。
　　在美國的自由理想中，助人、仁慈和對弱者的關心使權利的行使變得更加崇高。全麵的自由並不意味著人們互不相幹。那些照顧鄰裏、關愛迷失者的男男女女是我們國家的支撐。美國人珍視在其他人身上看到的活力，美國人必須永遠牢記，即便是被遺棄的東西也有價值。我們的國家必須拋棄所有種族主義的惡習，因為我們不能在傳遞自由信息的同時還攜帶著偏見的包袱。
　　從一天角度，包括從就職典禮這一天的角度來看，擺在我們國家麵前的事務和問題繁多。從幾個世紀角度來看，我們遇到的這些問題又可謂算不了什麽。我們這一輩人是否推動了自由事業的發展？我們有沒有給這項事業增光添彩？
　　那些對我們作出評判的問題也把我們團結在一起，因為不同黨派和背景的美國人，無論是移民還是本土公民，都在自由事業中相互凝聚。我們意識到了分歧，必須消除它們才能堅定前進，我將矢誌不渝地為之奮鬥。這些分歧不是美國的特色。當自由遭受侵犯時，我們能感受到我們國家的團結和友情，我們的反應是齊心協力。每當美國主持正義，受災者得到希望，不公正的現象被審判以及人質被釋放時，我們便能感受到同樣的團結和自豪。
　　在前進的道路上，我們堅信自由會取得最終的勝利。這不是曆史的必然性所致，而是人民的選擇；也不是因為我們把自己看作是受上帝垂愛的國家，而是上帝自己的意願。我們信心十足，因為自由是人類永恒的希望，是黑暗中的明燈，是靈魂的期盼。當我們的奠基人宣布延續幾個世紀的新秩序時，當一批批戰士為了自由聯邦而獻身時，當人們在“自由”的口號下激憤地進行和平抗議時———他們都在實踐著應當實現的古老願望。曆史曾有過正義的倒退，但曆史也有一個明確的方向，那就是由自由和自由之神確立的方向。
　　當《獨立宣言》首次公布於眾時，自由鍾在慶典上響起，一位與會者說：“它的敲響意味深長。”如今，它仍然蘊涵深意。在新的世紀，美國要向全世界及所有人宣告自由。我們的力量經過考驗沒有消沉，而是得到恢複，我們準備在爭取自由的曆史上取得最大的成就。
　　願上帝保佑你們，保佑美利堅合眾國。