Why are the highest-paid U.S. doctors in the Dakotas?

來源: BeLe 2023-08-11 09:16:33 [] [博客] [舊帖] [給我悄悄話] 本文已被閱讀: 次 (55194 bytes)
本文內容已被 [ BeLe ] 在 2023-08-11 09:17:44 編輯過。如有問題,請報告版主或論壇管理刪除.

              https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2023/08/11/doctor-pay-geography/        

 

             Why are the highest-paid U.S. doctors in the Dakotas?

 
 

While conducting last week’s hull-bustingly deep dive on doctor pay — in which we revealed that doctors earn more than any other major American profession — we noticed a weird subplot. And it involves one of our favorite topics: lawyers.

We already knew that the highest-earning lawyers, like other elite white-collar professionals, live in high-cost, high-income metropoli such as New York and D.C. But here’s the weird part: That’s not true of doctors. They earn the most in rural states.

 
End of carousel

The best-paid doctors in America work in the Dakotas, where they averaged $524,000 (South) and $468,000 (North) in 2017 in their prime earning years, including business income and capital gains. That’s well above the already astonishing $405,000 the average U.S. doctor made in the prime earning years, defined here as 40 to 55.

 
 

And it’s way above the $288,000 we estimate was earned by lawyers in that age group. Prime-earning-age attorneys in South Dakota made $165,000 in 2017, while their neighbors to the north made $183,000.

 

By contrast, lawyers in New York earned an average of $438,000, which is roughly comparable to the $447,000 earned by the average New York doctor. Their D.C. lawyer friends made $406,000, while the average D.C. doctor eked out just $349,000. This makes our nation’s capital one of only two places in the nation where lawyers out-earn doctors. (The other is Delaware, our nation’s corporate capital.)

Overall, the average U.S. lawyer can expect about $7.1 million in lifetime income, a bit higher than a primary-care doctor ($6.5 million) but well behind the broader physician average of $10 million, according to a sophisticated analysis of about 2 million tax records from lawyers and more than 10 million tax records from doctors.

 
 

That analysis appears in a recent working paper by economists Maria Polyakova of Stanford University, Joshua Gottlieb of the University of Chicago, Kevin Rinz and Victoria Udalova of the Census Bureau and Hugh Shiplett of the University of New Brunswick. The project is one of the first major results from a health-data-focused Census Bureau effort to link sprawling government data sets (while, of course, following stringent standards regarding confidentiality and privacy).

The more-limited lawyer data doesn’t allow for the same in-depth analysis we did for doctors: It includes far fewer records, and the definitions aren’t as clean. For example, while attorneys predominate, we aren’t able to sort out judges, magistrates, clerks and other judicial workers.

But it does offer a useful tool for highlighting the supremely weird geographic distribution of physician income, which defies expectations across the board.

 
 

Rural regions rule the doctor rankings: Alaska, Wyoming and Nebraska join the Dakotas in the top five states for physician pay, confounding the intuition hammered into our souls by more than a decade of covering economics. None of those are high-earning states overall, with the evergreen exception of Alaska. They’re also not high-cost: North and South Dakota rank 41st and 45th, respectively, in cost of living among the states and D.C.; only Alaska costs more than averageaccording to the Bureau of Economic Analysis.

They’re also exactly the sort of rural areas where you’d expect to find lower-paid primary care doctors, not high-earning specialists. But the economists found that, after accounting for training and experience, doctors of all stripes in low-income areas out-earn their peers in high-income ones.

That’s, uh, unusual. If it happened with other careers, low-income areas would — by definition — no longer be low-income areas!

 
 

“For lawyers, there is a strong relationship between the lawyer’s income and incomes of other people in the area. And that’s not true for doctors,” Gottlieb said, noting that doctor pay doesn’t have a strong relationship with local education levels and real estate prices, either.

So why is the geography of doctor pay so mind-blowingly inside-out?

We went to the phones. And, at first, most economists we called gave the same answer: competition.

Rural America has about 20 percent of the U.S. population but about 10 percent of its doctors, according to our analysis of Census Bureau data. So the talented young physicians willing to hang their shingles in North Dakota don’t have to worry about rivals undercutting their prices. They can charge more for everything, from appendectomies to vasectomies.

 
 

Competition could also show up in disguise: You may have to pay doctors more to lure them away from the big cities. Say what you will about big skies and fresh air; many educated young professionals making $405,000 a year can find more fun ways to spend that money in New York’s Manhattan than in Manhattan, Kan.

Not all doctors think that way, of course. And anyway, Gottlieb said, the normal laws of economics don’t always apply in health care, “a fascinating labor market where the government is playing a huge role.”

Take the country’s lopsided system of medical residencies. Residencies tend to be in well-established urban areas, in part because federal residency funding was essentially frozen in 1997 and ignores a quarter-century of population growth. Also because elite medical colleges stubbornly insist on staying put in the Northeast, and because it takes a hefty population to produce enough patients to provide the variety of ailments needed to fuel a teaching hospital.

 
 

The distribution of residencies helps determine the distribution of doctors, since most residents (54 percent) stay in-state for their careers, according to the Association of American Medical Colleges. So the lack of rural residencies has accelerated the rural doctor shortage.

The government also influences physician pay directly through Medicare, perhaps the biggest spigot of health-care cash on Planet Earth. Typically, people in low-income areas can’t spend as much and merchants tend to earn less. But that’s not the case for health care, in large part because Medicare ensures that retirement-age Americans — by far the biggest health-care consumers — can afford about as much in South Dakota as they can in South Beach. Which means doctors work in one of the few industries where demand is not necessarily determined by disposable income.

“Consumers’ purchasing power depends on their incomes. But here we break that link by providing subsidies specifically for purchasing medical care,” Gottlieb told us.

 
 

But Medicare plays an even more explicit role in fostering this geographic pay-gap anomaly. A stellar 2022 report from the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office lays out the astonishing design choices that have caused Medicare calculations for doctor pay to be remarkably flat from state to state.

Doctor pay is one of three elements (along with the costs of running a practice and of malpractice insurance) the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services use to calculate how much Medicare should reimburse in a given area. To calculate local doctor pay, CMS takes careful Bureau of Labor Statistics measurements of how much other local professionals earn and compares them with the national average for those professions.

Then — and you are not hallucinating here — CMS takes that carefully derived number and divides it by an arbitrary factor of four.

 
 

So if architects, engineers, computer scientists and attorneys earned 20 percent less than the national average in Idaho, then the government would take that 20 percent, divide it by four and set the physician-compensation component of their reimbursement formula at 5 percent less than the national average. Which helps explain why doctors in Boise might do pretty well for themselves compared with their neighbors at the local law firm.

Why does CMS do this? Because when the system was introduced in 1989, policymakers were troubled by the idea of large variations in doctor pay, according to a 2004 Urban Institute report. The normal economic calculations, they concluded, produced a “degree of geographic variation in physician work costs [that] appeared to be too large.”

And that arbitrary bit of division isn’t the end of it. In many years — including the current one, as well as the years we used for pay data — Congress has taken all the places with below-average adjustments and boosted them up to the national average. So instead of making 5 percent less, the Idaho doctors in our example should make zero percent less. (The Affordable Care Act made this zero-percent minimum permanent in the most rural states, which include the Dakotas. Alaska gets a special minimum of 50 percent above average.)

Doctors in high-paying states see the same adjustment in reverse. If local professionals make 20 percent more, the doctor-pay formula component would be just 5 percent higher. The goal of this exercise seems to be attracting physicians to rural areas. But the effect is that mighty Medicare expects physicians in Bismarck to earn nearly as much as their peers in Boston.

 

“Medicare adjustment rates certainly affect geographic patterns” in doctor earnings, Polyakova said. And if those adjustments were more closely related to local prices or median incomes, then geographic differences in physician incomes would look more like those of lawyers.

“If the reality is that you do have to pay a physician more to work in Rapid City or somewhere in Idaho, we still want Medicare patients in those markets to receive high-quality care,” said Christopher Whaley, a health care economist at the Rand Corp. and Brown University who has analyzed the factors influencing physician pay.

“And maybe that’s just the reality of operating a nationwide health-care system,” Whaley said: “In some areas, you have to pay more.”

Hey there! The Department of Data craves quantitative questions. What do you wonder about: Whether — in French, Spanish and all the other languages that ascribe gender to nouns — there are similarities in which objects are male and female? Whether we blame cities, farmers or fishers for the struggling Chesapeake Bay? Or why there are so many weird city rankings these days? Just ask!

If your question inspires a column, we’ll send an official Department of Data button and ID card. To get the latest and greatest as soon as we publish, sign up here for updates.

 

 

 

所有跟帖: 

好像越是大城市paid越低 -avw- 給 avw 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:18:40

主要是願意在那裏幹的醫生少。 -icando2- 給 icando2 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:36:30

法拉盛除外啊 -avw- 給 avw 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:39:40

因為沒人願意去吧,而且去了也沒地方花錢。我那朋友說他那個地方隻有幾個中國人。 -數與形- 給 數與形 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:19:36

老高? -avw- 給 avw 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:22:52

我聽說的是一個白人醫生買好多豪車。當時有朋友住院醫做完(H1)到那當醫生辦綠卡 -成功的兔- 給 成功的兔 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:23:26

我去哪裏玩過,真的超荒的,一個小唐幾千人,全是紅脖,你住哪裏不一定舒服 -yzhl888- 給 yzhl888 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:31:43

又要比哪裏錢多,除了這個,沒有任何其他愛好,也是絕了 -tibuko- 給 tibuko 發送悄悄話 tibuko 的博客首頁 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:32:35

醫生也在乎後代教育問題。去了某些州,很可能孩子教育會受限製。其實配偶工作機會也受限製。除非配偶不工作, -gossipgirl8- 給 gossipgirl8 發送悄悄話 gossipgirl8 的博客首頁 (68 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 09:43:14

在這些地方醫生的收入,配偶不用工作。孩子們的童年可能更無拘無束自由自在。 -icando2- 給 icando2 發送悄悄話 (0 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 10:08:01

加州醫生收入不高,但醫學院畢業後的matching最難進,越是網上推薦的地方退休,越沒人去,房價越不會漲,道理極其簡單: -trimtip- 給 trimtip 發送悄悄話 (99 bytes) () 08/11/2023 postreply 10:42:44

請您先登陸,再發跟帖!

發現Adblock插件

如要繼續瀏覽
請支持本站 請務必在本站關閉/移除任何Adblock

關閉Adblock後 請點擊

請參考如何關閉Adblock/Adblock plus

安裝Adblock plus用戶請點擊瀏覽器圖標
選擇“Disable on www.wenxuecity.com”

安裝Adblock用戶請點擊圖標
選擇“don't run on pages on this domain”