（穀歌翻譯：There’s a popular mandate for ending the war machine, and it isn’t only coming from the left. We must harness it.）
美國國內對反帝事業的民眾支持比左翼機會主義分子希望我們相信的要大得多；那些對結束美帝國主義有著主要物質利益並因此可能產生反戰思想的人的比例也是如此。不僅是那些最有社會開明的人，或者最傾向於支持社會主義的人，也支持結束帝國的想法。數據Popular support for the anti-imperialist cause within the USA is much bigger than the left’s opportunistic elements want us to believe; as is the proportion of the people who have a primary material interest in ending U.S. imperialism, and therefore could be brought towards antiwar ideas. It’s not just those who are most socially enlightened, or most inclined to support socialism, that support the idea of ending the empire; data has 顯示shown在過去十年中，右傾人士比自由主義者更反對外國軍事介入。如果沒有美國保守派中更有意識的人士反戰情緒的高漲，我們現在就不會處於大多數美國人基本上反對烏克蘭代理戰爭的境地；本月，在對衝突的支持率長期下降之後，一項調查顯示， that throughout the last decade, right-leaning individuals have come to oppose foreign military involvement more than liberals do. Without this rise of antiwar sentiment among the more conscious elements of American conservatives, we wouldn’t now be in a situation where a majority of Americans have essentially come to oppose the Ukraine proxy war; this month, after a long period of decline in support for the conflict, a survey came out 超過showing50% 的人不希望我們向烏克蘭提供更多援助。 a little over 50% don’t want us to send more aid to Ukraine.
如果我們利用群眾意識的這種轉變來開展反帝國主義運動，那麽我們就有機會使政府的戰爭行動變得難以為繼。然而這個國家的“左派”的主要部分並不想這樣做，因為盡管他們聲稱反對帝國，但實際上他們對團結大多數人民實現革命目標並不感興趣。This shift in mass consciousness gives us an opportunity to render our government’s war operations untenable, should we take advantage of it by building up the anti-imperialist movement. Yet the primary parts of the “left” in this country don’t want to do that, because even though they claim to oppose the empire, in practice they’re not interested in rallying a majority of the people towards revolutionary goals.
與帝國主義相容的左派之所以表現得像隻有左派和自由派才值得帶入反戰運動，是因為這部分左派對這場運動的看法與嚴肅的反帝國主義者的看法根本不同。致力於這場鬥爭的分子願意采取一切必要措施來削弱戰爭機器。如果我們需要與非左翼組織建立聯盟，以團結所有持反戰立場的人，那麽我們應該這樣做。兼容的左派不願意實施這樣的項目，因為它認為反戰運動不需要以實際停止戰爭為目標來領導。The reason why the imperialism-compatible left acts like only leftists and liberals are worth bringing into the antiwar movement is because this part of the left views this movement in a fundamentally different way from how serious anti-imperialists do. The elements that are committed to this struggle are willing to do whatever is necessary for weakening the war machine. If we’re going to need to build a coalition with non-left formations in order to rally everybody who shares the antiwar stance, then we should do this. The compatible left isn’t willing to carry out such a project, because it thinks that the antiwar movement doesn’t need to be led with the goal of actually stopping the wars.
如果這聽起來很荒謬，請聽聽我們從這些類型的左翼分子那裏聽到的各種論點，每當有人試圖將反戰運動超越他們最喜歡的“左派”組織製定的狹隘指導方針時。他們認為，我們對政府卷入的衝突產生影響是不現實的，這讓我們產生了一種觀念，即在革命發生之前我們對戰爭機器無能為力；我看到這個論點的例子隻是軼事，但其背後的想法是基於對我們的激進主義空間擁有重大權力的機構內部。這種對我們能夠產生多大影響力的不必要的悲觀看法自然來自於捍衛這些機構的願望，以及它們在反帝國主義方麵的軟弱立場和做法。 If this sounds absurd, listen to the kinds of arguments we hear from these types of leftists whenever somebody tries to take the antiwar movement beyond the narrow guidelines which their favorite “left” orgs have put in place. They argue that it’s unrealistic for us to have an impact on the conflicts our government is involved in, cultivating the perception that we’re powerless against the war machine until after a revolution has happened; the instances of when I’ve seen this argument are anecdotal, but the ideas behind it are based within institutions that hold serious power over our activist spaces. This unnecessarily pessimistic view of how much influence we’re capable of having naturally comes from a desire to defend these institutions, with their weak stances and practices when it comes to anti-imperialism.
當兼容的“左派”組織隻舉行反戰集會以回應更嚴重的反帝國主義者已經舉行的事件時；然後When the compatible “left” orgs only ever hold antiwar rallies in response to events which more serious anti-imperialists have already held; then 利用這些集會use those rallies來攻擊威脅其激進主義壟斷的組織；他們為這種狡猾且不置可否的運作方式辯護的唯一方法就是聲稱反帝國主義並不真正那麽重要。 to attack the orgs which threaten their activism monopoly; the only way they can justify this slimy and non-committal way of operating is by claiming anti-imperialism doesn’t truly matter all that much.
這就是兼容的左派決定無視結束戰爭機器的民眾要求背後的基本原理；拒絕接觸任何支持反帝國主義事業的保守派，因為擔心這會使他們的組織計劃變得不純粹。然而，問題不僅僅在於這些孤立的組織隻想與左翼激進主義空間中存在的少數群體建立關係；問題還在於，這些組織隻想提出一種妥協版本的“反帝國主義”，以避免失去自由派非政府組織的支持或疏遠自由派。This is the rationale behind the compatible left’s decision to ignore the popular mandate for ending the war machine; to refuse to reach out to any of the conservatives who are compatible with the anti-imperialist cause, for fear of this making their organizing projects impure. The problem, though, isn’t just that these insular orgs only want to build a relationship with the niche minority who exist within left activism spaces; the problem is also that these orgs only want to put forth a version of “anti-imperialism” that’s been compromised, so as to avoid losing support from the liberal NGOs or alienating liberals.
這種落後實踐模式背後的核心假設是，人民中最有意識的成分是政治光譜中最左的那些人。真正最有覺悟的人是那些最反對美國霸權的人；因為隻有充分解決帝國主義的矛盾，我們的國內矛盾才能得到解決。但兼容並包的左翼分子卻不這麽認為，所以他們采取了一種在反帝方麵無效的運作方式。在最壞的情況下，他們會願意反對華盛頓競爭對手的反帝國主義行動，如果這有利於他們迎合自由派的使命的話；像PSL這樣的組織已經站出來反對俄羅斯對烏克蘭的幹預，盡管他們對中國的反帝國主義項目做出了積極的評價， The core assumption behind this backward mode of practice is that the most conscious element of the people are those to the furthest left on the political spectrum. The true most conscious element are those most opposed to U.S. hegemony; as all of our domestic contradictions can’t be resolved until the contradiction of imperialism gets sufficiently addressed. This isn’t how the compatible leftists see it though, so they adopt a way of operating which makes them ineffectual on anti-imperialism. At worst, they become willing to oppose the anti-imperialist actions of Washington’s rivals, should this be expedient for their mission to pander to liberals; orgs like PSL have come out against Russia’s Ukraine intervention, even though they say positive things about China’s anti-imperialist projects, because they don’t want to scare off the anti-Russian libs and lib-lefts.
即使兼容的左翼人士確實認識到這些行動正在產生曆史性的進步影響，他們也會加入到對所有支持俄羅斯的反帝國主義組織的攻擊中。這使得他們對俄羅斯的“支持”變得膚淺和象征性；為了有效地協助帝國挑戰者正在進行的敘事戰爭，你需要建立一個有效的運動，這需要與該運動的其他參與者聯合起來。And even when compatible left individuals do recognize that these actions are having a historically progressive impact, they join in on the attacks against all the anti-imperialist orgs that back Russia. Which renders their own “support” for Russia shallow and tokenistic; to effectively assist with the narrative war being fought by the empire’s challengers, you need to build an effective movement, which requires uniting with the other participants in this movement.
當有人被這個國家的“左派”孤立的思想所引導時，他們不可避免地得出的結論是否認存在普遍的反帝國主義使命的現實。如果你表現得好像反對美國霸權不是我們現階段能做的最有影響力的事情，並且為了純粹而犧牲反帝運動的力量，那麽你就已經含蓄地采取了一種對待日益高漲的反帝情緒的心態。一樣毫無意義。其基本信念是：“那麽，在我的情況下，大多數人都表現出支持反帝國主義，這又如何呢？因為其中許多人在很多其他事情上都不符合我的水平，所以他們應該被拋棄。” When somebody is guided by the ideas which keep the “left” in this country insular, the conclusion they inevitably come to is one of denial about the reality of there being a popular anti-imperialist mandate. If you act like fighting U.S. hegemony isn’t the most impactful thing we can do at this stage, and sacrifices the anti-imperialist movement’s strength for the sake of purity, you’ve implicitly adopted a mentality which treats this rising anti-imperialist sentiment as meaningless. The underlying belief is: “so what that a majority of the people in my conditions have been shown to be compatible with anti-imperialism? Because many of those people aren’t where I’m at on a lot of other things, they should be discarded.”
如果這種做法隻是為了讓你接觸自由主義者，甚至不挑戰他們的核心親帝國主義思想，就無法利用我們受歡迎的反帝國主義使命。而熱衷於這種做法的激進自由主義者並不關心，因為他們認為我們可以擊敗國家，而無需認真對抗維持國家強大的帝國機構。A practice that’s designed only to let you reach liberals, without even challenging their core pro-imperialist ideas, is not capable of harnessing our popular anti-imperialist mandate. And the radical liberal actors who are invested in this practice don’t care, because they think we can defeat the state without seriously fighting the imperial institutions which keep the state strong.
如果反戰活動家或組織受到帝國主義媒體的攻擊；如果他們受到國家的迫害；如果他們對自己提出的指控無法得到誠實的支持；然後重新評估你所受的訓練對他們產生的任何偏見。他們代表了能夠團結與革命相容的大多數人的力量，並團結這大多數人來破壞我們的統治機構。那些行動和想法有製度支持的人是你最應該懷疑的人，因為即使他們聲稱是革命的，但一旦鬥爭升級，他們就會背叛事業。 If an antiwar activist or org is being attacked by the imperialist media; if they’re being persecuted by the state; if they’re having accusations directed towards them that can’t honestly be backed up; then re-evaluate whatever biases you’ve been trained to have against them. They represent the forces which can unite the revolutionary-compatible majority, and rally this majority towards undermining our ruling institutions. Those whose actions and ideas have institutional backing are the ones you should be most suspicious of, because even if they claim to be revolutionary, they’ll betray the cause as soon as the struggle escalates.
他們已經通過提出這樣的觀念來做到這一點：我們應該在社會和種族正義“有原則”的幌子下，努力保持與革命相容的多數人的分裂。不要被旨在阻止我們反帝國主義運動進一步崛起的心理戰所迷惑；加入這場運動，這樣它就能摧毀舊的權力中心，讓我們能夠建設社會主義。They’re already doing this by putting forth the notion that we should try to keep the revolutionary-compatible majority divided, under the guise of being “principled” on social and racial justice. Don’t fall for the psyops designed to prevent the further rise of our anti-imperialist movement; join with this movement so it can destroy the old centers of power, and allow for us to build socialism.
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