本周在廣島日舉行集會的“人道和平”組織提出了以下要求：Humanity for Peace, the organization that’s holding a rally this week on Hiroshima Day, is putting forth these demands:
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立即停止向烏克蘭提供所有資金和武器。the immediate ending of all funding and weapons to Ukraine.
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立即召開無條件和平談判。convene immediate unconditional peace talks.
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北大西洋公約組織（NATO）解散the dissolution of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
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必須建立一個新的國際安全架構，以結束世界的分裂，消除地緣政治。這種新架構必須考慮到每個主權國家（無論大小）的安全關切。 a new international security architecture must be created to end the division of the world into blocs, eliminating geopolitics. This new architecture must take into account the security concerns of every sovereign nation, large or small.
從本質上講，這些想法得到了一直在推動向多極世界過渡的主要領導人的認同。佩佩·埃斯科巴These ideas are, in essence, shared by the primary leaders who’ve been facilitating the transition to a multipolar world. Pepe Escobar has 觀察到observed“2022 年以結束所有 Zoom 通話的 Zoom 通話結束：弗拉基米爾·普京總統和習近平主席在獨家視頻通話中討論了俄中戰略夥伴關係的各個方麵……關於他們協調‘建立基於普京強調，“我們對全球地緣政治格局持續轉變的原因、進程和邏輯持有相同的看法。” 麵對“來自西方前所未有的壓力和挑釁”，普京指出，俄羅斯和中國不僅在捍衛自己的利益，“也在捍衛所有那些支持真正民主的世界秩序和各國自由決定自己命運的權利的人”。 ” how “The year 2022 ended with a Zoom call to end all Zoom calls: Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping discussing all aspects of the Russia-China strategic partnership in an exclusive video call…On their coordination to ‘form a just world order based on international law,’ Putin emphasized how ‘we share the same views on the causes, course, and logic of the ongoing transformation of the global geopolitical landscape.’ Facing ‘unprecedented pressure and provocations from the west,’ Putin noted how Russia-China are not only defending their own interests ‘but also all those who stand for a truly democratic world order and the right of countries to freely determine their own destiny.’”
The fact that Russia’s actions in Ukraine are supported by socialist states 俄羅斯在烏克蘭的行動得到了朝鮮等like the DPRK社會主義國家的支持；; and by Global South liberation movements 以及由布基納法索上尉易卜拉欣·特拉奧雷領導的全球like the one南方解放運動；顯示“人類和平”正在推進一項得到世界上增長最快的政治力量共同支持的計劃。這些力量正在取代美國的力量。 led by Burkina Faso’s Captain Ibrahim Traoré; shows Humanity for Peace is advancing a program that’s collectively backed by the world’s fastest-rising political forces. Those being the forces that are replacing American power.
這就是為什麽“人類和平”組織展示這些要求的圖片引起了那些力圖讓北約繼續主導話語權的勢力的強烈反應（相對於它最初發布的地方的曝光率）。Reddit 是一個社交網絡，實際上是民主黨在線部門的話語管理工具，該圖已被廣泛分享。This is why Humanity for Peace’s graphic displaying these demands has been getting a wildly outsize reaction (relative to its exposure in the places where it initially got posted) from the forces which seek to make NATO continue dominating the discourse. Reddit, the social network that in effect functions as a discourse management tool for the Democratic Party’s online wing, has been seeing this graphic widely shared. This has suddenly made Humanity for Peace’s program commonly known not just among English-speaking pro-NATO partisans, but also among a variety of European ones, as I’ve discovered upon finding German-language commenters who’ve 正如我在找到鏈接linked到該圖片的德語評論者時發現的那樣，這突然使“人道和平”計劃不僅在講英語的親北約遊擊隊中廣為人知，而且在許多歐洲遊擊隊中也廣為人知。顯然，這些演員分享這張圖片的目的是為了嘲笑人類和平組織的想法，但這可能會適得其反。 to the graphic. Obviously these actors have been sharing the graphic with the intent to ridicule Humanity for Peace’s ideas, but this could backfire.
這場大規模嘲諷運動背後的親北約偽粉絲群體樂於廣泛分享這張圖片，因為 Reddit 是一個回音室，這似乎使得這些想法不可能影響到該國廣大的工人階級。然而，這些支持北約的話語管理中心感到有必要對這張圖片做出如此聳人聽聞和不成比例的反應，這一事實表明，反北約運動采取的行動越多，話語管理者受到的威脅就越大。The pro-NATO pseudo-fandoms behind this mass mockery campaign feel comfortable widely sharing the graphic because Reddit is an echo chamber, seemingly making it implausible that these ideas could reach the country’s broad working class. Yet the fact that these pro-NATO discourse management centers have felt the need to respond to the graphic so sensationally and disproportionately is an indication that the more actions the anti-NATO movement takes, the more threatened the discourse managers get.
對民主黨來說可能發生的最糟糕的事情；以及在線空間、企業媒體和其他地方的敘事管理部門；美國工人廣泛接觸同樣的反帝國主義思想，促使世界其他大多數國家越來越多地反抗美國的霸權。這個國家工人的利益與結束霸權統治的全球努力是一致的；因此，如果太多的工人有機會吸收這種努力背後的想法，整個係統就會不穩定。從外部來看，帝國變得無法維持美元的主導地位，因為內部對戰爭機器的大規模反對使得保持美元堅挺的全球戰爭行動變得難以為繼。在內部，帝國變得無法繼續利用民主黨來拉攏和轉移階級鬥爭，因為工人受過太多教育，無法接受帝國主義政黨領導的權利運動。這是北約敘事管理者的任務是預防的兩種災難場景。The worst thing that could happen for the Democratic Party; as well as for its narrative management wings in the online spaces, the corporate media, and elsewhere; is the USA’s workers being widely exposed to the same anti-imperialist ideas driving most of the rest of the world to increasingly defy American hegemony. The interests of this country’s workers align with this global effort to end the hegemon’s rule; therefore if too many of these workers get the opportunity to absorb the ideas behind this effort, the entire system gets destabilized. Externally, the empire becomes unable to maintain the dollar’s dominance, as internal mass opposition towards the war machine renders untenable the global war operations which keep the dollar strong. Internally, the empire becomes unable to keep using the Democratic Party to co-opt and divert the class struggle, as the workers have become too educated to accept their rights movement being led by an imperialist party. These are the two disaster scenarios that NATO’s narrative managers are tasked with preventing.
然而，他們越努力阻止這種話語劇變，我們就越能看到一種趨勢：新冷戰戰士的行動所產生的事件最終會導致自由主義秩序內部的同樣的破壞。他們非常害怕。當他們在烏克蘭問題上八年的好戰導致華盛頓和基輔一係列令人無法接受的升級時，這些升級激怒了莫斯科進行幹預，這隻為冷戰者提供了暫時的可信度提升。烏克蘭戰爭在整個歐洲造成的所謂的團結在北約背後的使命隻能被視為如此。歐洲對華盛頓的忠誠度是有限度的，而且從長遠來看，烏克蘭戰爭造成的嚴重經濟損失使兩國關係變得更加緊張。 The more they’ve worked to stop this upheaval of the discourse, though, the more we’ve seen a trend: the events that get produced by the actions of the new cold warriors end up leading to the same disruptions within the liberal order which they fear so much. When their eight years of warmongering over Ukraine enabled an unacceptable series of escalations by Washington and Kiev, escalations which provoked Moscow into intervening, this only provided the cold warriors with a temporary gain in their perceived credibility. The supposed mandate to unify behind NATO which the Ukraine war created throughout Europe can only be viewed as such for so long; there’s a limit to Europe’s loyalty towards Washington, and the grievous economic costs of the Ukraine war have in the long term made their relationship more strained than it would have been otherwise.
評論員拉迪卡·德賽 (Radhika Desai)Commentator Radhika Desai 評論了observes為什麽發動烏克蘭代理戰爭對於霸權來說是一場注定失敗的賭博： why bringing about the Ukraine proxy war represented a doomed gamble for the hegemon:
中國。拜登知道歐洲本來就不願意與俄羅斯開戰，更不願意（出於合理的經濟原因）加入任何反華事業，因此拜登如此堅決、徹底地尋求通過以下方式將歐洲與俄羅斯分開，並將其與美國捆綁在一起。烏克蘭戰爭之後，它別無選擇，隻能在中國問題上與美國站在一起。然而，這家企業起步並不樂觀，現在正在分崩離析。即使團結起來對抗俄羅斯也是很困難的，因為它確實給歐洲帶來了巨大的經濟痛苦。盡管拜登政府曆史上很幸運，在如此多的國家首都（尤其是柏林）擁有令人驚訝的順從領導層，但北約在烏克蘭衝突問題上的團結更像是一種表演，而不是現實，隻有最低程度的真實性和最大程度的表演性順從。製裁通常僅限於那些傷害最小的企業，導致如此多的西方公司仍在俄羅斯運營，人們不禁想知道這有什麽大驚小怪的。武器供應主要集中在那些最容易備用且往往已經過時的武器上，這使得烏克蘭成為一個難以有效部署或修複的“北約裝備大動物園”。China. Knowing that Europe, already reluctant to go to war with Russia, would be even more reluctant (for sound economic reasons) to join any anti-Chinese venture, Biden sought so resolutely and completely to sunder Europe from Russia and bind it to the US through the Ukraine war that it would have no choice but to go along with the US on China later. However, this enterprise got off to an unpromising start and is now unravelling. Marshalling unity even against Russia was hard, involving as it did inflicting a great deal of economic pain on Europe. Even with the Biden Administration’s historical luck of having astonishingly compliant leaderships in so many capitals, pre-eminently Berlin, NATO unity over Ukraine conflict has been more a show than a reality, with a minimum of real and maximum of show compliance. Sanctions have generally been confined those that hurt the least, leaving so many western companies still operating in Russia one wonders what the fuss is all about. Weapons supplies have focused on those that are easiest to spare, often obsolete, leaving Ukraine with a ‘Big Zoo of NATO equipment’ that is hard to deploy or repair efficiently.
與這場衝突給帝國帶來的失敗相比，北約的短暫統一和北溪管道的破壞隻是空洞的“勝利”。隨著俄羅斯特別行動帶來的“一帶一路”和金磚國家的加速進展，最終，與俄羅斯繼續被動應對相比，華盛頓的競爭對手能夠更好地定義21世紀。 The momentary reunification of NATO, and the destruction of the Nord Stream pipeline, have been hollow “victories” compared to the defeats the conflict has brought to the empire. With the acceleration of the progress by BRI and BRICS that Russia’s special operation has brought, ultimately Washington’s rivals are in a better place to define the 21st century than they would be if Russia had continued to respond passively.
不過，這些反帝事業的國際勝利並不是新冷戰戰士發動戰爭所帶來的唯一意想不到的結果。他們過度自信地試圖破壞歐亞大陸的穩定，這也成為帝國中心地區新的反帝國主義運動興起的催化劑。這場運動有能力破壞美國資本在後美國世界中試圖維持權力的最終絕望計劃；該計劃旨在進一步推動經濟去增長，同時實施自由法西斯主義，鎮壓反霸權的政治行為者。These international victories for the anti-imperialist cause aren’t the only unexpected outcomes that the new cold warriors have brought by starting the war, though. Their overconfident attempt to destabilize Eurasia has also turned into a catalyst for the rise of a new anti-imperialist movement within the heart of the empire. A movement that’s capable of sabotaging U.S. capital’s final, desperate plan for trying to maintain power in a post-American world; that plan being to engineer a further degrowth of the economy, while implementing a liberal fascism which suppresses counter-hegemonic political actors.
諷刺的是，如果這個計劃像自由主義秩序的捍衛者迄今為止所采用的計劃一樣成功，那麽它將無意中結束這個秩序。 The irony is that if this plan is as successful as the schemes the defenders of the liberal order have been employing so far, it will be the thing which unintentionally ends this order.
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當前階段的自由文化霸權與其挑戰者之間的權力鬥爭始於 2008 年自由主義秩序作為可行的後蘇聯世界體係的可信度受到威脅。反布什運動和伊拉克大規模殺傷性武器的曝光有助於這一運動的欺詐行為，在很長一段時間內隻是代表了對霸權的對抗。由於該運動的領導來源（例如 ANSWER）的自由主義尾巴主義，示威活動未能呈現出革命性和可持續的性質。因此，當布什時代末期新自由主義經濟秩序崩潰時，統治階級處於危機狀態，但它也能夠在不受任何強大革命力量挑戰的情況下嚐試強化自由主義。 The present phase of the power struggle between the liberal culture hegemony, and those who challenge it, began when the liberal order’s credibility as a viable post-Soviet world system became threatened in 2008. The anti-Bush movement, and the revelations of Iraq WMD fraudulence that aided this movement, had only represented a counter to the hegemon for so long. Due to the liberal tailism of the movement’s leadership sources, such as ANSWER, the demonstrations failed to take on a revolutionary and sustainable nature. So when the neoliberal economic order imploded at the end of the Bush era, the ruling class was in a state of crisis, but it also was able to try to reinforce liberalism without being challenged by any strong revolutionary presence.
帝國試圖通過軍事侵略來彌補經濟衰退，這讓華盛頓失去了很大的信譽。隨著中國的崛起，以及俄羅斯擺脫美國附庸國的地位，世界反帝國主義力量在這十年中重新崛起。然而，在核心中出現激進力量之前，這些新興的革命政治全球優勢無法讓美國更接近革命。The empire’s attempts to compensate for its economic decline through military aggression had lost Washington much credibility. And with China’s rise, along with Russia’s break from being a U.S. client state, the world’s anti-imperialist forces had undergone a resurgence in strength throughout the decade. These emerging global advantages for revolutionary politics, though, wouldn’t be able to bring the U.S. closer to revolution until a radical force emerged within the core.
因此，在整個奧巴馬時代，統治階級能夠成功地強化自由主義。通過“占領華爾街”運動，國家不僅對可能被視為威脅的運動分子進行了鎮壓，而且還對他們進行了鎮壓。更重要的是，它還通過民主黨吸收了階級鬥爭。該運動是對日益惡化的經濟狀況的群眾反應，這種反應在很大程度上具有自發性。它無法獲得革命組織的領導，也無法將其參與者帶向馬克思主義，部分原因在於其粗俗的言辭（以一種掩蓋了階級衝突的工人與資本主義的特殊本質的方式談論“99％”） ）並且由於它吸引了大部分甚至不是工人（而是流氓分子）的參與者。 So throughout the Obama era, the ruling class was able to successfully fortify liberalism. With Occupy Wall Street, the state not only carried out a repressive campaign against the elements of the movement that could be seen as a threat; it also, more importantly, co-opted the class struggle via the Democratic Party. The movement was a mass reaction to worsening economic conditions, a reaction that largely had a spontaneous character. It couldn’t gain leadership from revolutionary organizations, and it was made unable to bring its participants towards Marxism in part due to its vulgarized rhetoric (talking about “the 99%” in a way which obscured the particular worker-capitalist nature of class conflict) and due to its attracting participants who largely weren’t even workers (rather lumpen elements).
當帝國主義者開始新冷戰時，他們遇到的嚴重反對主要來自美國RT記者，他們會受到新保守派的As the imperialists started up the new cold war, the serious opposition they encountered was mainly from American RT journalists, who would get 攻擊attacked，但還沒有像他們最終那樣受到如此多的恐懼。這種情況在 2016 年 11 月發生了變化，自由主義的弱點被暴露出來。 by the neocons but weren’t yet viewed with as much apprehension as they eventually would be. This changed in November 2016, when liberalism’s weaknesses were revealed.
2008年的危機使特朗普當選成為可能，不是因為“經濟焦慮”，而是因為經濟衰退不可避免地造成機構信任的喪失——包括像特朗普這樣的投票基礎，甚至不是特別是工人階級。這也是在當年興起的左翼民粹主義運動的背景下發生的。這場運動的改革派領導人伯尼·桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)未能阻止其基地內的許多人尋求民主黨的替代方案。僅僅這樣的事件能夠發生這一事實就足以激怒自由主義的支持者，他們驚慌失措地試圖恢複常態。這是不可能的，因為資本主義的長期危機隻會變得更加嚴重，所以他們至少必須以維持對敘事的主導地位為目標。 The 2008 crisis made Trump’s election possible, not because of “economic anxiety” but because of the loss in institutional trust that economic downturns inevitably create—including among voting bases like Trump’s, which wasn’t even particularly working class. It had also happened in the context of a left-wing populist movement having emerged that year; a movement whose reformist leader, Bernie Sanders, wasn’t able to stop many within his base from seeking out alternatives to the Democratic Party. Simply the fact that such an event had been able to manifest was enough to provoke the upholders of liberalism into panicked attempts at restoring normalcy. Which wasn’t possible, since capitalism’s long crisis can only grow more severe, so they had to at least aim for maintaining dominance over the narrative.
他們試圖做到這一點的方式是構建一個關於特朗普競選團隊與俄羅斯合作幹預選舉的陰謀論。這個想法可以讓他們將反戰運動以及任何其他尋求獨立於民主黨行動的運動描繪成外國對手的合成發明。2019年，在這一“通俄門”指控在新自由主義宣傳回聲室之外的任何地方都失去了可信度之後，亞倫·馬特觀察到了腐敗的秘密操縱，正是這些操縱使該指控在主流中受到認真對待。馬特The way they tried to do this was by constructing a conspiracy narrative about the Trump campaign having worked with Russia to interfere in the election. This was an idea that would let them portray the antiwar movement, and any other movement which sought to act independently from the Democratic Party, as a synthetic invention of a foreign adversary. In 2019, after this “Russiagate” accusation had lost perceived credibility everywhere outside the neoliberal propaganda echo chamber, Aaron Maté observed the corrupt secret maneuverings which had made the accusation come to be treated seriously in the mainstream. Maté 寫道wrote司法部長約翰·達勒姆（John Durham）和司法部長威廉·巴爾（William Barr）正在對“通俄門”的起源進行司法部調查，並如何找到一係列可疑事件進行調查；其中之一是情報人員克裏斯托弗·斯蒂爾對特朗普個人生活以及所謂與俄羅斯的聯係的明顯不可靠的“報道”： of how Attorney General John Durham and Attorney General William Barr, who were carrying out a DOJ investigation into Russiagate’s origins, had been able to find a series of suspect events to look into; one of which being intelligence asset Christopher Steele’s clearly unreliable “reporting” on Trump’s personal life and supposed links to Russia:
我們尚未收到可靠的解釋，為什麽情報官員認為從一係列未經證實的有關特朗普的聳人聽聞的陰謀論中獲取線索是適當的——所有這些都是由他的政治對手買單的。已經被揭露的事情已經夠可惡的了。聯邦調查局援引斯蒂爾檔案，於 2016 年 10 月獲得了對特朗普前競選助手卡特·佩奇的監視令，並告訴法庭，它“相信（俄羅斯的）行動正在與佩奇以及可能與特朗普競選活動有關的其他個人進行協調” 。這種瘋狂假設的來源是斯蒂爾，它稱他為“第一來源”且“可信”。然後是約翰·布倫南領導下的中央情報局的角色。多篇新聞報道明確表明，中央情報局是巴爾和達勒姆調查的主要焦點。在報道擴大刑事調查的故事時，《紐約時報》提出了一個奇怪的說法，即達勒姆詢問采訪對象“中央情報局官員是否可能以某種方式欺騙聯邦調查局啟動俄羅斯調查”。盡管我們對一個句子的理解是有限的，但這是一條指向布倫南的誘人線索。前中央情報局局長因發起俄羅斯調查而受到讚譽……We have yet to receive a credible explanation for why intelligence officials thought it was appropriate to take cues from an unverified collection of lurid conspiracy theories about Trump—all paid for by his political opponent. What has already been revealed is damning enough. The FBI cited the Steele dossier to obtain a surveillance warrant on former Trump campaign aide Carter Page in October 2016, telling the court that it “believes that [Russia’s] efforts are being coordinated with Page and perhaps other individuals associated with,” the Trump campaign. Its source for that wild supposition was Steele, whom it described as “Source #1” & “credible.” Then there is the role of the CIA under John Brennan. Multiple news reports make clear that the CIA is a principal focus of Barr and Durham’s inquiry. In breaking the story of the expanded criminal inquiry, The New York Times includes the curious claim that Durham has asked interview subjects “whether C.I.A. officials might have somehow tricked the F.B.I. into opening the Russia investigation.” Although there are limitations on how much we can make of one sentence, that is a tantalizing clue pointing to Brennan. The former CIA director has taken credit for launching the Russia investigation…
在本應證明“通俄門”的特別檢察官調查未能拿出證據後，敘事管理者暫時將主要目標轉向中國。中央情報局在香港引發的騷亂，以及隨後的大流行，使他們能夠更好地傳播“維吾爾族種族滅絕”和“台灣是自己的國家”等論調。自由主義者和自由派聯盟的“左派”接受了這些想法，部分原因是“通俄門”剛剛向他們灌輸了對任何挑戰親帝國主義言論的人的敵意。 After the Special Counsel investigation that was supposed to prove Russiagate failed to produce evidence, the narrative managers temporarily shifted to China as their main target. The CIA-fueled unrest in Hong Kong, and then the pandemic, made them better able to propagate psyops like the “Uyghur genocide” and the “Taiwan is its own country” argument. And the liberals and liberal-aligned “leftists” accepted these ideas, partly because Russiagate had just inculcated them with hostility towards anybody who challenges pro-imperialist narratives.
當特朗普破壞穩定的領導模式被新版本的奧巴馬政府取代時，敘事管理者就有機會安撫社會主義或與社會主義相關的運動；因為自由主義者的統治總是給革命努力製造障礙，而“通俄門”已經讓反帝國主義者受到嚴格審查和汙名化。1月6日，自由派能夠有效地發動一場反政變，他們利用美國右翼的行動審查When Trump’s destabilizing leadership model got replaced with a new version of the Obama administration, the narrative managers got an opportunity to placate socialist or socialist-adjacent movements; as domination by liberals always creates obstacles towards revolutionary efforts, and Russiagate had already allowed for anti-imperialists to become heavily censored and stigmatized. With January 6th, the liberals were able to effectively carry out a counter-coup, where they used the actions of the American right to 巴勒斯坦censor人和（反對美國外交政策的其他聲音），同時加強對所有被認為是“極端分子”的鎮壓。 Palestinians and (other voices opposing U.S. foreign policy) while intensifying repression against all judged to be “extremists.”
當敘事管理者努力升級與俄羅斯的緊張關係並最終引發歐洲代理人戰爭時，這些就是他們所擁有的優勢。然而，當拜登政府試圖維持對敘事的控製，同時繼續進行極具破壞性且明顯不必要的軍事冒險時，這些優勢就不再足以保持局勢穩定。拜登推高通貨膨脹，製造第三次世界大戰的危險，將不可避免地導致反北約運動的興起。這是敘事管理者必須努力消除的威脅，可能會帶來比 2016 年更嚴重的敘事混亂。These were the advantages the narrative managers had by the time their efforts to escalate the tensions with Russia finally brought about a European proxy war. Yet when the Biden administration then tried to maintain this control over the narrative, at the same time it perpetuated a wildly destructive and clearly unnecessary military adventure, these advantages became no longer enough to keep the situation stable. Biden’s driving up inflation, and creating a danger of a third world war, would inevitably lead to the rise of an anti-NATO movement. This was a threat that the narrative managers would then have to try to neutralize, potentially bringing a narrative disruption more severe than the one from 2016.
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反對今年二月舉行的“憤怒反對戰爭機器”集會的自由主義者和接近自由派的左翼人士認為，這次集會是一次失敗；但這些行為者感到有攻擊集會本身的衝動，這一事實證明集會對我們的統治機構構成了真正的威脅。那些代表民主黨負責把守激進空間的人決定試圖譴責和孤立這個新的反帝聯盟，這證明這個聯盟值得我們支持。The narrative of the liberals and liberal-adjacent leftists who opposed this February’s Rage Against the War Machine rally was that it had been a failure; but the fact that these actors felt an urge to attack the rally in itself proved the rally posed a genuine threat towards our ruling institutions. The ones with the task of gatekeeping radical spaces on the Democratic Party’s behalf have decided to try to censure and isolate this new anti-imperialist coalition, which proves this coalition deserves our support.
在 RAWM 和今年反俄左翼組織 ANSWER 舉辦的集會之間，RAWM 引發了 MSNBC 等媒體的Between RAWM, and this year’s rally put on by the anti-Russian left formation ANSWER, RAWM was the one which provoked outlets like MSNBC to 攻擊attack它。這是因為，盡管 ANSWER 自稱為“ANSWER 聯盟”，但它並不是真正的聯盟；它是一個聯盟。它並沒有完成 RAWM 所做的重要事情，即與不完全是左派的勢力形成合作。RAWM 的非左翼分子所代表的許多人，例如自由主義者，都是人民中最有意識的分子的成員：具有反帝國主義意識的分子。RAWM 聯盟內的共產黨人已經認識到，這個因素不僅僅存在於左派之中；它也存在於左派中。許多自稱“左派”的人實際上在思想和實踐上頑固地支持帝國主義。 it. This is because even though ANSWER calls itself the “ANSWER coalition,” it’s not truly a coalition; it hasn’t done the crucial thing RAWM has, which is forming a collaborative effort with forces which aren’t exclusively on the left. Many of the people represented by RAWM’s non-left elements, such as the Libertarians, are members of the most conscious element of the people: the element that’s come to an anti-imperialist consciousness. The communists within the RAWM coalition have been able to recognize that this element doesn’t exist solely on the left; and that many of those who claim to be on the “left” are in fact obstinately pro-imperialist in their thinking and practice.
正因為如此，我們的統治機構一直表現得像 RAWM，而由此產生的永久性組織項目是真正的威脅。當這些機構看到一群與自由主義相鄰的左翼分子聲稱支持反帝國主義的妥協版本，而不打算將其影響範圍擴大到“左翼”活動空間內的少數派之外時，它們並不擔心。當他們看到在全球反帝國主義運動中分享親俄立場的共產主義者正在建立真正獨立於民主黨之外的東西時，他們就有理由擔心。這就是為什麽一旦“人類和平”（RAWM 負責的項目）有了一點知名度，這些機構（在本例中為 Reddit）的宣傳部門就試圖反擊。It’s because of this that our ruling institutions have been acting like RAWM, and the permanent organizing project which has since emerged from it, are a genuine threat. These institutions aren’t concerned when they see a group of liberal-adjacent leftists claiming to support a compromised version of anti-imperialism, while not intending to expand their outreach beyond the niche minority within “left” activist spaces. When they see communists who share the pro-Russian stance of global anti-imperialist movements building something that truly exists independently from the Democratic Party, there’s reason for concern. That’s why as soon as Humanity for Peace (a project that RAWM is responsible for) got a little bit of visibility, the propaganda wings of these institutions (in this case Reddit) tried to counter it.
明天集會舉行時，我們將看看企業媒體是否加入反對人類和平運動的行列。如果我們找到一種方法讓其要求廣為人知（具有諷刺意味的是，Reddit 用戶正在盡最大努力實現這一點），毫無疑問，敘事管理者會試圖在更大的平台上抹黑它。從長遠來看，真正決定當前反帝運動是否成功的是它對 2024 年選舉周期結束時的言論的影響程度。如果這場運動能讓民主黨在明年底無法界定我們的文化如何看待拜登政府的行動和想法，民主黨將在階級鬥爭的關鍵時刻徹底失去對組織空間的壟斷。When the rally takes place tomorrow, we’ll see whether the corporate media joins in on the campaign against Humanity for Peace. Should we find a way to make its demands widely known, which the Redditors are ironically doing the most to make happen, no doubt the narrative managers will try to discredit it on a larger platform. In the longer term, what can truly decide whether the present iteration of the anti-imperialist movement succeeds is how much it’s influenced the discourse by the end of the 2024 election cycle. If this movement can make the Democratic Party unable to define how our culture views the Biden administration’s actions and ideas at the end of next year, the Democrats will have definitively lost their monopoly over organizing spaces at a crucial juncture in the class struggle.
康奈爾·韋斯特有潛力在我們的全國對話中帶來我們所需要的這種破壞的很大一部分。對於公開反對烏克蘭心理戰的候選人來說，獲得大量選票，或者至少在對話中保持大量相關性，將在一定程度上永久削弱民主黨對大眾意識的控製。這將大大增加決心不再投票給民主黨總統候選人的人數，因為他們意識到，除了不那麽邪惡的改良主義之外，還有一個可行的替代方案。另一種選擇是建立一個能夠擊敗國家的反帝國主義運動；這隻有在原則上拒絕加強民主黨主導地位的想法和行動的基礎上才有可能實現。 Cornel West has the potential to bring a big part of this disruption we need within our national dialogue. For a candidate who speaks out against the Ukraine psyop to gain a significant amount of the vote, or at least sustain a significant amount of relevance within the conversation, would to an extent permanently diminish Democrat control over the mass consciousness. It would greatly expand the amount of the people who’ve resolved never to vote for a Democratic presidential candidate again, due to becoming aware that a viable alternative exists to lesser-evil reformism. That alternative is to build an anti-imperialist movement capable of defeating the state; which is only possible on the basis of a principled rejection of ideas and actions that reinforce the Democratic Party’s dominance.
民主黨以及尾隨民主黨的反俄左翼組織將試圖將投票給西方描繪成對邊緣化人群的背叛；但如果許多最近對民主黨幻滅的奧巴馬黑人選民加入韋斯特的行列，這可能會變得更加困難。考慮到拜登已經清楚地表明自己是馬爾科姆·艾克斯警告的暗中刺傷的白人自由主義者之一，這種可能性確實存在。The Democrats, as well as the anti-Russian left orgs that tail the Democrats, are going to try to portray voting for West as a betrayal of marginalized people; but this could be made more difficult should the many black Obama voters who’ve lately become disillusioned with the Democrats join with West. And that’s a real possibility, given how clearly Biden has shown himself to be one of the backstabbing white liberals Malcolm X warned about.
Politico 據《Politico》報道has ，民主黨全國委員會對此類事情的發生感到擔憂：“一些民主黨官員和戰略家擔心，自特朗普離開白宮以來，一些選民投票給拜登的緊迫性已經消失。他們尤其擔心年輕人可能會接受韋斯特的信息……CBC（國會黑人核心小組）成員還相信，選舉第一位黑人議長——少數黨領袖哈基姆·傑弗裏斯——將成為推動這一進程的動力。黑人選民也是如此……拜登的許多顧問淡化了西方在奪走黑人選民方麵所構成的威脅，並指出拜登在任命第一位黑人女性副總統和最高法院法官方麵的記錄。他們還注意到黑人失業率創曆史新低。” reported that the DNC is worried about just such things happening: “some Democratic officials and strategists worry that the urgency to vote for Biden has dissipated for some voters since Trump left the White House. They are anxious that young people, in particular, might be receptive to West’s message…There is also a belief among CBC [Congressional Black Caucus] members that the drive to elect the first Black speaker — Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries — would be a motivator for Black voters, too…Many advisers to Biden downplay the threat West holds in pulling away Black voters, pointing to Biden’s record in appointing both the first Black female vice president and Supreme Court justice. They also note record low Black unemployment rates.”
民主黨人說這些話是為了讓自己不那麽焦慮。馬爾科姆·X 說：“如果你把一把刀插進我的背 9 英寸，然後拔出 6 英寸，那就沒有任何進展。如果你把它完全拉出來，那就不是進步。進展正在治愈打擊造成的傷口……他們甚至不承認刀在那裏。” 根據誠實的評估，民主黨甚至沒有把刀拔出一英寸；這些顧問忽略的背景是，黑人家庭因天然氣、食品和住房成本上漲而遭受的These are things the Democrats are saying to make themselves feel less anxious. Malcolm X said that “If you stick a knife in my back 9 inches and pull it out 6 inches, there's no progress. If you pull it all the way out, that's not progress. The progress is healing the wound that the blow made.. And they won't even admit the knife is there.” By an honest assessment, the Democrats aren’t even pulling the knife out by one inch; the context these advisers leave out is that black families have been 損失suffering最大，而拜登的戰爭加劇了這些成本。 the most from the rises in gas, food, and housing costs which Biden’s war has been exacerbating.
這些事情不僅表明一場重大的政治動蕩即將到來，而且表明自由派正在試圖阻止這一現實。許多工人，尤其是黑人工人，現在有可能變得激進。如果他們了解到最近自由法西斯鎮壓黑人共產主義的策略，這種激進化可能會將他們中的很多人變成共產主義者，而這些策略與代理人戰爭直接相關。起訴非洲人民社會黨成員，以報複他們公開反對烏克蘭心理戰；然後製定一項法案（限製），將起訴書背後的法西斯法律邏輯編入法典；自由主義者與很多人民為敵。These things make it obvious not only that a major political disruption is coming, but that the liberals are trying to block out this reality. Many workers, black workers in particular, now have the potential to become radicalized; and this radicalization could turn plenty of them into communists should they learn about the recent liberal fascist maneuvers to suppress black communism, maneuvers which have been directly related to the proxy war. By indicting the members of the African People’s Socialist Party in retaliation for their speaking out against the Ukraine psyop; then creating a bill (RESTRICT) that would codify the fascist legal logic behind the indictments; the liberals have made enemies of a great amount of the people.
通過在烏克蘭挑起戰爭，帝國主義者最終讓他們的敘事管理者的工作變得更加困難。它們讓反帝國主義者能夠指出我國政府正在犯下的一係列極具破壞性、高度可見的罪行，並團結越來越多的人來結束這些罪行。代理人戰爭的失敗By provoking war in Ukraine, the imperialists made the job of their narrative managers ultimately far harder. They let the anti-imperialists become able to point to a highly destructive, highly visible series of crimes that our government is committing, and rally a growing number of the people around ending these crimes. The proxy war’s failure is 促使prompting帝國主義轉向針對金磚國家以及更廣泛的可能與中國結盟的國家發動混合戰爭。他們希望這場戰爭能夠對公眾隱瞞，就像非洲司令部或製裁等其他新冷戰組成部分如何在相對較少的大規模審查下存在一樣。 the imperialists to pivot towards a campaign of hybrid warfare against BRICS, and against the broader series of countries which may align with China. And they hope this war can be mostly concealed from the public, like how other new cold war components such as AFRICOM or the sanctions have been able to exist with relatively little mass scrutiny.
RAWM、韋斯特的競選活動以及代理人戰爭促成的其他反霸權發展，都能夠使針對金磚國家的戰爭無法以這種方式隱藏起來。因為當人民熱情起來反對帝國主義時會發生什麽呢？他們中的更多人開始密切關注有關政府罪行的報道。這就是代理人戰爭的強烈反對可能對帝國造成的長期威脅。如果共產主義者正確應對我們的處境，大眾意識的轉變可能導致資本主義國家的最終失敗。
（穀歌翻譯：The corporate media brought war to Ukraine. Then this created an anti-NATO movement that’s threatening its narrative dominance.）
