馮德萊恩 丹麥皇家軍事學院 歐洲防務演講

馮德萊恩總統在丹麥皇家軍事學院就歐洲防務發表演講

Speech by President von der Leyen on European defence at the Royal Danish Military Academy

Mar 17, 2025 

https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/speech_25_814

謝謝您，首相，親愛的梅特，親愛的學員們，女士們，先生們，

我很榮幸今天能和你們在一起。沒有比那些選擇將自己的職業生涯和生命奉獻給他人的安全和自由的男女更鼓舞人心的群體了。你們的精神和身體堅韌——你們的責任感和榮譽感——是對你們自己、你們的家人和你們整個國家的證明。這個曆史悠久的學院是我選擇丹麥談論安全問題的原因之一。並表明如果歐洲想要避免戰爭，歐洲必須做好戰爭準備。

丹麥敏銳地意識到自己的安全和威脅。不僅因為其獨特而具有戰略意義的地理位置，還因為最近發生的事件：我當然是在談論烏克蘭正在進行的戰爭和其他戰場上的衝突，以及對波羅的海關鍵基礎設施的反複和持續的襲擊。當然，還有對包括格陵蘭島在內的北極地區影響力的持續競爭。對於格陵蘭島的所有人民——以及整個丹麥——我想明確表示，歐洲將永遠維護主權和領土完整。正是在這種複雜的背景下，我讚揚首相決定在未來兩年內將國防開支增加到 GDP 的 3%。這是真正的領導力。

親愛的學員們，

如果我們回顧從這所學校畢業的每一代學員，他們每個人都麵臨著自己的挑戰。對於那些戰後年代的人來說，這是關於在那個危險時期找到自己的出路。幾乎就在 1948 年 3 月的這一天，丹麥在你們的安霍爾特島、萊斯島和薩姆索島上駐紮了海軍資產。這樣做是因為人們非常擔心來自東方的攻擊迫在眉睫。這些事件最終導致丹麥在次年做出加入北約的曆史性決定。而成為北約的一部分意味著，對於後來的幾代人來說，他們的職責還包括保護世界和平，幫助確保我們自己的自由。但不知何故，和平紅利時代逐漸到來。

人們認為，在衝突時期應該增加國防開支，但在相對和平時期也應該迅速減少國防開支。在北約和跨大西洋聯盟的幫助下，這些相對和平的時期似乎是一種永久的狀態。事實上，我們很快就說服自己，這個真正特殊的時期，鐵幕和柏林牆倒塌，整個國家和人民獲得自由，是一種新常態。這導致了國防投資不足，坦率地說，導致了過度自滿。我們的對手利用那段時間不僅重新動員，還挑戰了管理全球安全的規則。

這讓我想到了今天。和平紅利的時代早已一去不複返。我們依賴的安全架構不再是理所當然的。勢力範圍和權力競爭的時代確實又回來了。以俄羅斯為例。我們已經知道它決心剝奪其他國家選擇自己道路的權利。現在俄羅斯正走上一條不可逆轉的戰爭經濟之路。它大規模擴大了軍工生產能力。40% 的聯邦預算用於國防。占其 GDP 的 9%。這項投資助長了它在烏克蘭的侵略戰爭，同時也為未來與歐洲民主國家的對抗做準備。就在這些威脅增加的同時，我們看到我們最老的夥伴——美國——將注意力轉移到印度太平洋地區。

親愛的學員們，

我們可能希望這些事情不是真的。或者我們不必如此直言不諱地說出來。但現在是誠實說話的時候了，這樣每個歐洲人都能明白利害關係。因為聽到這些話的不適與戰爭的痛苦相比微不足道。隻需問問烏克蘭的士兵和人民。關鍵是我們必須看清世界的本來麵目——我們必須立即采取行動來麵對它。因為一個新的國際秩序將在本世紀下半葉及以後形成。因此，今天我們站在這裏，歐洲麵臨著對其未來的根本選擇。我們是否繼續以漸進和謹慎的方式應對每個挑戰？還是我們準備好抓住這個機會建立一個更安全的歐洲？一個繁榮、自由、隨時準備、願意並能夠保衛自己的歐洲。

親愛的學員們，

答案是明確的。沒有選擇。歐洲已準備好挺身而出。我們已準備好掌控不可避免的變化。因為我們不能被曆史所左右。這意味著，現在采取行動是必須的。到 2030 年，采取大膽行動是實現速度、規模和實力的必要條件。這就是丹麥和其他國家正在做的事情。這就是德國正在決定做的事情

一天。這些決定既具有曆史意義，又十分必要。到 2030 年，歐洲必須擁有強大的歐洲防禦態勢。“2030 年準備就緒”意味著重新武裝並發展出具有可靠威懾力的能力。“2030 年準備就緒”意味著擁有具有戰略優勢的國防工業基礎。但要“為 2030 年做好準備”，我們現在就需要采取行動。這就是歐盟的作用所在。需要明確的是：成員國將始終對自己的軍隊負責，從理論到部署，以及對其武裝部隊要求的定義。但在歐洲層麵還有很多需要做的事情。明天我們將提出“2030 年準備就緒”的路線圖。我想簡要談談四個關鍵優先事項。

第一個也是最重要的優先事項是增加國防開支。我們都知道國防投資不足已經太久了。自 2021 年以來，成員國的國防開支現已增長了 31% 以上。這更好了——但還不夠。仍遠低於美國、俄羅斯和中國。重建歐洲防務將需要長期的大規模公共和私人投資。這就是為什麽委員會提出了一項計劃，為歐洲防務釋放 8000 億歐元的投資。其中包括一種名為 SAFE 的新工具，可以為成員國快速釋放 1500 億歐元。這將幫助我們購買更好、更快、更歐洲化的產品。它將促進聯合采購。丹麥主導國家模式就是一個很好的例子。它交付快速可靠。投資應進入需要在歐洲層麵采取行動的優先能力領域，與北約保持一致。但我們還需要支持成員國增加自己的國防預算。這就是為什麽我們提議啟動所謂的“國家逃避條款”。這將使各國在不違反財政規則的情況下，在國防上投入更多資金，從而具有更大的靈活性。這有可能調動高達 GDP 1.5% 的額外國防開支。或者在未來四年內調動約 6500 億歐元。我們也在努力吸引私人融資——無論是來自歐洲投資銀行還是資本市場。

關於我的第二點：我們投資什麽——以及我們如何投資——與我們花費多少同樣重要。我們必須縮小我們的能力差距。我們必須以歐洲的方式做到這一點。這意味著大規模的泛歐洲合作，以解決優先領域的差距。這從基礎設施和軍事機動性等基本要素開始。到 2030 年，我們需要一個運轉良好的歐盟範圍的陸地走廊、機場和海港網絡，以方便快速運輸部隊和軍事裝備。同時，我們需要投資防空和導彈防禦、火炮係統、彈藥和導彈。我們必須從戰場和現代戰爭不斷變化的性質中吸取教訓。我們已經看到了無人機和反無人機係統在烏克蘭的重要性。歐洲需要開發所有類型的無人係統及其背後的先進軟件和傳感器。網絡、使用軍事人工智能或量子計算也是如此。這些領域項目的規模、成本和複雜性遠遠超出了任何單個成員國的能力。但作為歐洲人，我們可以共同應對這一挑戰。這就是為什麽我們必須在這些領域開發大型項目並加強合作采購。這意味著匯集需求、縮短交貨時間並確保互操作性。

女士們，先生們，

歐洲防務的第三個優先事項也許是最具戰略意義的。那就是增加對烏克蘭的支持。這就是我們所說的鋼鐵豪豬戰略。因為我們需要讓烏克蘭強大到足以讓潛在的入侵者無法消化。所以我們需要通過拒絕來投資烏克蘭的威懾力量。我們已經做了很多。我們僅軍事支持就為烏克蘭提供了約 500 億歐元，並訓練了超過 73,000 名烏克蘭士兵。我們對烏克蘭加入歐盟的支持一如既往地堅定。但我們還有很多事情要做。為了實現這一目標，我們將與烏克蘭成立聯合工作組，協調歐盟和成員國對烏克蘭的軍事支持。但烏克蘭也可以支持我們。事實上，我們可以從烏克蘭國防工業的轉型中學到很多東西。其工業基礎的創新、速度和規模令人矚目。這是烏克蘭的巨大財富，也是歐洲的藍圖。所以我們需要加快烏克蘭融入歐洲國防裝備市場的步伐。我們的工業正在向烏克蘭的國防工業學習。烏克蘭的工業擁有日常戰場經驗，知道如何及時創新，生產速度更快、更便宜、更智能。

這讓我想到了我的第四個優先事項：加強歐洲的國防工業基礎。我們有許多具有競爭力和世界領先的國防公司。還有許多正在開發新技術的中小企業

我們處於創新的前沿。但我們的工業基礎仍然存在結構性弱點。它還不能以成員國需要的數量和速度生產國防係統和設備。它仍然過於分散，占主導地位的國家參與者隻迎合國內市場。我們需要扭轉局勢。首先要對歐洲進行投資。今天，大部分國防投資都流向了歐洲以外。換句話說：好工作都流向了歐洲以外。研究、開發和創新都流向了歐洲以外。這是不可持續的。我們必須購買更多歐洲產品。因為這意味著加強歐洲國防技術和工業基礎。這意味著刺激創新。這意味著為國防設備創建一個歐盟範圍的市場。此外，公司需要穩定的多年期訂單流來引導投資和提高產能。因此，匯集我們的需求和聯合采購就顯得更加重要。我們將建立歐洲軍事銷售機製來幫助實現這一目標。成員國需要能夠完全依賴歐洲國防供應鏈，特別是在緊急需要的時候。歐洲市場將實現這一點。它將成為我們繁榮和工業競爭力以及我們安全的驅動力。它將釋放創新、研究和技能。我們將提出一項國防綜合計劃，以簡化規則和法規——從認證到許可再到加入現有合同。我們將與國防工業召開戰略對話，研究他們麵臨的所有障礙。

親愛的學員們，

我知道我今天向你們傳達的信息很嚴峻。我描繪了一個充滿危險的世界。但我們比我們想象的更強大。我們並不孤單。歐洲比以往任何時候都更加團結。它比以往任何時候都更加堅定。它有可以合作和依靠的夥伴、朋友和盟友。安全挑戰往往具有全球影響。其他地方發生的事情很快就會發生在我們這裏，反之亦然。我們麵臨的大多數威脅都是跨境的，無論是俄羅斯決心重組；還是混合或網絡攻擊；還是太空或海上威脅。

這就是為什麽我們完全致力於與北約和美國合作。我們的安全是不可分割的。這就是為什麽我們正與英國和歐洲、鄰國或七國集團內的其他夥伴一起努力在安全領域開辟新天地。從加拿大到挪威，甚至遠至印度和亞洲其他地區。

像所有這些國家的所有年輕軍校學員一樣，你們的一生和事業將致力於建設和確保和平、自由和繁榮。但我希望你們記住，自由不是一個過程。它是一場持續的鬥爭。我不確定我是否找到了正確的英語單詞。但烏克蘭語中有一個詞。“volia”這個詞。“Volia”意味著自由，但也意味著為自由而戰的勇氣和意誌。這是每一代人的責任。這就是我們為之奮鬥的目標，因為歐洲不僅僅是一個聯盟，它是我們的家園。

謝謝你們，歐洲萬歲。

Speech by President von der Leyen on European defence at the Royal Danish Military Academy

Mar 17, 2025 

https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/speech_25_814

Thank you, Prime Minister, dear Mette,

Dear Cadets,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am honoured to be here today with you. There is no more inspirational group of people to speak to than women and men who have chosen to devote their careers and their lives for the security and freedom of others. Your mental and physical fortitude – your sense of duty and honour – are a testament to yourselves, your families, and to your nation as a whole. This historic Academy is one of the reasons I chose Denmark to speak about security. And to make the case that if Europe wants to avoid war, Europe must get ready for war.

Denmark is acutely aware of its own security and threats. Not least because of its unique and strategic geography but also because of recent events: I am of course talking about the ongoing war in Ukraine and conflicts in other theatres but also the repeated and continued attacks on critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. And, of course, the ongoing competition for influence in the Arctic region, including Greenland. To all the people of Greenland – and of Denmark as a whole – I want to be clear that Europe will always stand for sovereignty and territorial integrity. And it is against this complex backdrop that I salute the Prime Minister's decision to increase defence spending to 3% of GDP in the next two years. This is true leadership.

Dear Cadets,

If we look back over each generation of cadets who have graduated from this institution, they have each faced their own challenges. For those in the postwar years, it was about finding their way in that dangerous time. It is almost exactly on this day in March 1948 that Denmark stationed naval assets on your islands of Anholt, Læsø and Samsø. It was done because of very real fears of an imminent attack from the East. These events ultimately led to Denmark's historic decision to join NATO the following year. And being part of NATO meant that for generations that followed, their duty was also about protecting peace across the world to help secure our own freedoms. But somewhere along the line, the era of the peace dividend gradually set in.

The idea took hold that spending on defence should be ramped up during conflict eras – but should just as quickly be driven down in times of relative peace. With the help of NATO and the transatlantic alliance, these times of relative peace seemed to be a permanent state. The truth is we quickly convinced ourselves that this truly exceptional period that saw the Iron Curtain and Berlin Wall come down and entire nations and people set free was a new norm. This led to underinvestment in defence and, frankly, to over-complacency. Our adversaries used that time not only to re-mobilise but also to challenge the rules that govern global security.

And that brings me to today. The era of the peace dividend is long gone. The security architecture that we relied on can no longer be taken for granted. The age of spheres of influence and power competition is well and truly back. Just take Russia. We already know its determination to deny other countries their right to choose their own path. And now Russia is on an irreversible path to creating a war economy. It has massively expanded its military-industrial production capacity. 40% of the federal budget is spent on defence. 9% of its GDP. This investment fuels its war of aggression in Ukraine while preparing it for future confrontation with European democracies. And just as these threats increase, we see our oldest partner – the United States – move their focus to the Indo-Pacific.

Dear Cadets,

We may wish these things were not true. Or that we did not have to say them so bluntly. But now is the time to speak honestly so that every European understands what is at stake. Because the discomfort of hearing these words pales into insignificance with the pain of war. Just ask the soldiers and the people of Ukraine. The point is that we must see the world as it is – and we must act immediately to face up to it. Because a new international order will be formed in the second half of this decade and beyond. So as we stand here today, Europe faces a fundamental choice about its future. Do we keep reacting to each challenge in an incremental and cautious way? Or are we ready to grasp this opportunity to build a more secure Europe? One that is prosperous, free and ready, willing and able to defend itself.

Dear Cadets,

The answer is clear. The choice is none. Europe is ready to step up. We are ready to take control of the change that is inevitable. Because we cannot afford to be pushed around by history. This means, acting now is a must. Acting big is a conditio sine qua non for speed, scale and strength by 2030. This is what Denmark and others are doing. This is what Germany is deciding on today. These decisions are both historic and necessary. By 2030, Europe must have a strong European defence posture. “Readiness 2030” means to have rearmed and developed the capabilities to have credible deterrence. “Readiness 2030” means to have a defence industrial base that is a strategic advantage. But to be “2030 ready”, we need to move now. And that is where the EU comes in. To be clear: Member States will always retain responsibility for their own troops, from doctrine to deployment, and for the definition of the requirements of their armed forces. But there is a lot that is needed at European level. And tomorrow we will present a roadmap for “Readiness 2030”. I would like to briefly touch on four key priorities.

The first and overarching priority is a surge in defence spending. We all know there was an under-investment in defence for too long. Member States' defence spending has now increased by more than 31% since 2021. That is better – but not enough. Still far lower than that of the US, Russia and China. Rebuilding European defence will require massive investment over a sustained period, both public and private. This is why the Commission put forward a plan to unleash EUR 800 billion investment in European defence. This includes a new instrument – called SAFE – that can quickly unlock EUR 150 billion for Member States. This will help us buy better, buy faster, and buy more European. And it will facilitate joint procurement. A good example is the Danish lead-nation model. It delivers fast and reliably. Investments should go into priority capability domains for which action is necessary at European level, in alignment with NATO. But we also need to support Member States to increase their own defence budgets. This is why we are proposing to activate what we call the National Escape Clause. This will give countries much more flexibility to spend more on defence without falling foul of fiscal rules. This holds the potential to mobilise additional defence expenditure of up to 1.5% of GDP. Or some EUR 650 billion over the next four years. And we are working to draw in also private financing – whether from the EIB or on the capital markets.

To my second point: What we invest in – and how we invest – is just as important as how much we spend. We must close our capability gaps. And we must do this in a European way. That means large-scale, pan-European cooperation to address gaps in priority areas. That starts with fundamentals like infrastructure and military mobility. By 2030, we need a functioning EU-wide network of land corridors, airports and seaports that facilitate the fast transport of troops and military equipment. At the same time, we need to invest in air and missile defence, artillery systems, ammunition and missiles. And we have to learn the lessons from the battlefield and the changing nature of modern warfare. We have seen the importance of drones and counter-drone systems in Ukraine. Europe needs to develop all types of unmanned systems and the advanced software and sensors behind them. The same goes for cyber, or using military AI, or quantum computing. The scale, cost and complexity of projects in these areas go far beyond any single Member States' capacity. But together as Europeans, we can master this challenge. This is why we must develop large-scale projects and step up collaborative procurement in these areas. That means pooling demand, shorten lead times and ensure interoperability.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The third priority for European defence is perhaps the most strategic. And that is increasing support for Ukraine. This is what we call the steel porcupine strategy. Because we need to make Ukraine strong enough to be indigestible for potential invaders. So we need to invest in Ukraine's strength in deterrence through denial. We have done a lot already. We have supported Ukraine with about EUR 50 billion in military support alone and trained more than 73,000 Ukrainian troops. And our support for Ukraine's accession to the European Union remains as strong as ever. But there is a lot more that we can do. To help make this a reality, we will set up a joint Task Force with Ukraine to coordinate the EU's and Member States' military support to Ukraine. But Ukraine can support us too. In fact, there is a lot that we can learn from the transformation of Ukraine's defence industry. The innovation, speed and scale of its industrial base is remarkable. It is a huge asset for Ukraine, and it is a blueprint for Europe. So we need to speed up Ukraine's integration in the European defence equipment market. And our industry is learning from Ukraine's defence industry. Ukraine's industry has the daily battlefield experience, how to innovate just in time and produce faster, cheaper, and more intelligent.

This brings me to my fourth priority: strengthening Europe's defence industrial base. We have many competitive and world leading defence companies. And many SMEs that are developing new technologies at the cutting edge of innovation. But our industrial base still has structural weaknesses. It is not yet able to produce defence systems and equipment in the quantities and speed that Member States need. It remains too fragmented with dominant national players catering to domestic markets. We need to turn the tide. It starts with investment in Europe. Today, the majority of defence investment goes outside Europe. In other words: good jobs outside Europe. Research, development and innovation outside Europe. This is not sustainable. We must buy more European. Because that means strengthening the European defence technological and industrial base. That means stimulating innovation. And that means creating an EU-wide market for defence equipment. In addition, companies need a steady stream of multi-year orders to steer investment and ramp up capacity. Pooling our demand and joint procurement is therefore even more important. We will set up a European Military Sales Mechanism to help make this happen. Member States need to be able to fully rely on European defence supply chains, especially in times of urgent need. And a European market would deliver that. It will be a driver for our prosperity and industrial competitiveness as much as for our security. It will unleash innovation, research and skills. We will put forward a Defence Omnibus to simplify rules and regulations – from certification to permitting to joining existing contracts. And we will convene a Strategic Dialogue with the Defence Industry to look at all the obstacles they face.

Dear Cadets,

I know that my message to you today was stark. I painted a picture of a world fraught with danger. But we are stronger than we think. And we are not in this alone. Europe is more united than ever. It is more determined than ever. And it has partners, friends and allies that it can work with and count on. Security challenges often have global implications. What happens elsewhere can quickly happen over here and vice-versa. And most of the threats we face are cross-border, whether that is a Russia determined to regroup; or hybrid or cyberattacks; or threats in space or at sea.

So that is why we are fully committed to working with NATO and the United States. Our security is indivisible. That is why we are working to break new ground on security with the United Kingdom and other partners within Europe, in our neighbourhood or within the G7. From Canada to Norway. And even as far afield as India and other parts of Asia.

Like all young cadets in all of those countries, your lives and careers will be devoted to building and securing peace, freedom and prosperity. But I would like you to remember that freedom is not a process. It is a constant struggle. I am not sure whether I have the right English word. But there is a word in Ukrainian. The word “volia”. “Volia” means freedom, but it also means courage and will to fight for freedom. That is every generation's duty. That is what we are working for, because Europe is more than a Union, it is our home.

Thank you and long live Europe.

馮德萊恩：歐盟支持丹麥捍衛主權和領土完整

 

 

　　新華社哥本哈根3月18日電（記者張玉亮）歐盟委員會主席馮德萊恩18日在丹麥首都哥本哈根發表講話說，歐盟支持丹麥捍衛包括格陵蘭島在內的主權和領土完整。

　　馮德萊恩當天與丹麥官員就歐洲安全與防務問題進行了討論。馮德萊恩說：“我要向格陵蘭人民和所有丹麥人民表明，歐盟將始終（支持）捍衛主權和領土完整。”

　　馮德萊恩在講話中提及俄烏衝突以及包括格陵蘭島在內的北極地區的地緣政治競爭時強調，麵對威脅，歐洲必須加強防禦能力。“如果歐洲想要避免戰爭，歐洲就必須為戰爭做好準備。”

　　格陵蘭島位於北美洲東北部，是世界第一大島。該島是丹麥的自治領地，有高度自治權，國防和外交事務由丹麥政府掌管。美國目前在格陵蘭島有一座主要軍事基地。去年美國總統選舉後，美國總統特朗普屢次表達奪取格陵蘭島控製權的強烈意願，還稱不排除通過“軍事或經濟脅迫”手段奪取該島控製權的可能性。