客觀對待曆史，才能正確評價毛澤東的曆史地位

對政治人物的評價，尤其是對偉人毛澤東，拋棄個人恩怨，稟持客觀立場是至關重要的。張戎的書之所以招來各種立場的曆史學家的質疑，是因為她立足於個人恩怨，以至於在書中滲入了太多的主觀臆測以及割斷曆史或與曆史事實不符合的東西。

舉一例。這裏引用某網友的一段文字，她是讚許張戎的 "書中對毛所做的最為嚴厲的批判卻是基本上站得住腳的。比如張戎說，毛對中國的農民並多少無同情，書中有大量例子證明這一點。在瑞金時期，在延安時期，毛領導的中共政權都對農民大規模地征糧、征夫。49年後對農民的剝奪更是嚴酷，各種政策也對農民充滿歧視。"

毛澤東對中國農民沒有多少同情心嗎？試問：毛澤東是靠什麽贏得中國革命勝利的？沒有農民的支持，何來 "農村包圍城市的道路？" 為什麽 "第二次國內革命戰爭時期" 又被史學家們稱為 "土地革命時期？" 那是因為毛澤東和 GCD 帶領農民起來造反奪政權。

就憑在瑞金時期，在延安時期，毛領導的中共政權都對農民大規模地征糧征夫來指責毛，那是不公允的。在戰爭年代，環顧世界曆史，哪一個軍事政權不是這樣做的呢？其實中國農民心裏也是很清楚的，跟同一時期的蔣介石國民黨比，中國 (至少在最貧窮地區的) 農民是站在毛這一邊的。

全國解放以後，中國農民的日子跟解放前相比普遍是轉好的 (當然或許可以批評進步太慢)。中國農民還是毛澤東和 GCD 政權可以依賴的根本。除了 "四五運動"，毛澤東還在什麽時候用過武力來鎮壓人民群眾造反？毛將知識青年送到農村去，難道說僅僅是為了打發城市待業中學畢業生嗎？知識青年插隊落戶到中國農村，對農村的影響是巨大的。毛澤東對中國農民的感情，隻要看毛澤東逝世時，中國農村的悲慟就知道了。中國農村的合作化，無論如何在當時是代表了進步，是當時農村邁向機械化的唯一道路。

張戎書中舉的例子不能說明問題，因為別人也可以舉大量相反例子。張戎所謂的嚴厲批判隻是在主觀臆測，是在割斷曆史，是根本站不住腳的。

鄧小平對毛澤東的評價是 "三七開"，即所謂的三分缺點七分成績，這裏表現出鄧大人對偉人毛澤東的崇敬。但鄧的評價也不能算是客觀和公正的，至少牽扯進了個人的恩怨和政治立場。

我們對曆史人物的評價一是需要參照體係，二史不能超出曆史範疇，我們不可能奢望秦始皇是一個共和黨人。要公正的評價毛澤東，隻能將毛澤東跟他同一曆史時期的中國和世界的領袖人物作比較。比如，中國革命戰爭年代裏的毛澤東可以跟蔣介石作比較。到底是誰代表了革命的進步力量，是誰代表了民主和清廉，是誰代表了人民的利益，是誰代表了正確的政治和軍事政策和方針。

同樣的，全國解放後的毛澤東可以跟印度的莫罕達斯·甘地和尼赫魯作比較。將印度獨立時的工農業的規模，人均 GDP 等與中國一九四九年建國時作比較。再將毛澤東去世時，即一九七六年，中國和印度工農業規模，人均 GDP 等作比較。這樣的比較還可以包括對領土完整，資源保護，人口增長，社會文化等方麵。

這樣的比較才是合乎情理的。切忌對曆史人物求全責備，包括張戎等人，他們實際上是將毛澤東放到了神的位置上，然後拖下來加以鞭撻。

張戎是站錯了立場的。她寫這本書的目的，無非是為了博得她的新主子高興而已。讓那些 (英國) 白人殖民者的後裔意淫一番，原來將英國殖民者趕出中國的是那麽醜惡的一群人。

中國革命是因為殖民侵略而起來的，中國革命再醜陋，跟萬惡的殖民侵略相比較，中國革命要高尚千千萬萬倍。

看一看今天的津巴布維吧。津巴布維的總統選舉之爭，實際上就是白人農莊主 (殖民者的後裔) 和農莊主的代理人，跟以穆加貝總統為首的廣大貧窮黑人之間的鬥爭。這就是為什麽美國人和英國佬那麽起勁的高喊要製裁，要抵製。而非洲聯盟卻異常低調的尋求妥協的根本原因。

試想一下，如果沒有毛澤東和中國 GCD，中國革命沒有將殖民主義的勢力徹底趕出中國，四九年以後的中國占優勢的仍將是殖民者和他們的代理人，今天的中國可能連津巴布維都不如!

所以盡管犯了一些錯誤，但我們站在中國國家利益的立場上，每一個中國人都應當感謝偉人毛澤東。

附文：津巴布維的土地之爭 (http://www.hrcr.org/hottopics/zimbabwe.html)

Zimbabwe Government and Farmers Locked in Land Reform Dispute
Land possession has been a major area of dispute for whites and blacks in Zimbabwe for decades. In 1965, upon independence from Britain, white Rhodesians seized control of the majority of fertile land within the country and forced blacks to use the poorer, arid, and unproductive ground. After minority rule ended in 1980 through the election of President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the implementation of the Lancaster House Agreement, white landowners were granted ten years of protection from land distribution policies and reform. In addition, this agreement provided that land would not be seized without compensation.

In 1990, after the government was no longer constrained by provisions of the Lancaster Agreement, the Constitution was amended in order to provide for the redistribution of land within the country. Throughout this time, various amendments have been instituted in order to provide for an adequate redistribution of the land, while allowing for the fair compensation of landowners. In addition, various governments, including Britain, have provided land assistance grants in order to facilitate the process of land redistribution and compensation. By 1997, however, much of the more fertile land remained under control of a few thousand white farmers. Moreover, much of the land that had been distributed, remained in the hands of the black elites, and was not accessible for lower-class Zimbabweans. Throughout this period, the population of lower-class laborers within the "tribal reserves", increased. In 1998, international donor governments that had contributed to financing land reforms, held a conference on increased government enforced acquisition of land. These governments adopted a set of principles in order to guide "Phase II" of land reform in Zimbabwe. These principles included respect for the legal process, transparency, poverty reduction, consistency and ensuring affordability for acquisition and allocation of land grants. Subsequent to these proceedings, however, the relationship between the Zimbabwean government and donor governments faced instability, and Zimbabwe accused these governments of attempting to maintain the colonial distribution of wealth.

Over the last five years, there has been increasing political and social tension in Zimbabwe over land-distribution and compensation. In July 2000, President Mugabe stated that he would adopt a "fast-tracts" land reform process in Zimbabwe where a national committee, the National Land Identification Committee, would identify tracks of land for redistribution. This fast-tracts model consists of two approaches: model A1, to benefit 160,000 of the poor from the general landless population; and model A2 aimed at creating 51,000 black commercial farmers. This process, however, has been noted as an inefficient and inconsistent method of allocating land. Moreover, there were increasing concerns that these methods were not monitored by the judicial system.

In December 2000, the Commercial Farmer's Union (CFU) filed a suit in the Zimbabwe Supreme Court, challenging the legality of the current fast track land reform system. The CFU was successful in obtaining an order from the Court, barring land distribution under the fast-track method because the method was held to be unconstitutional. This interdict was overturned one year later after the government allegedly reformed its policies and procedures. During November 2001, CFU created the Zimbabwe Joint Resettlement Initiative (ZJRI) and proposed redistribution of land with assistance for newly resettled farmers. Since then, there have been reports that the fast-track land measures continue, and that the overall level of distribution and compensation remains ineffective.

[dressup9]

回複Zutong的評論:
替共產黨說句話就是GCD的幹部子弟了嗎？那您肯定同GCD有極深的個人恩怨，所以看不得別人替GCD說話而謾罵。我祖上解放前也是地主商人，解放後被遊街的都有，資產散盡。可是我爺爺告訴我說解放前真是民不聊生，他坐著轎子去收租，經常轎夫會不小心踢到死人。我沒有看金筆的文章，但是感覺是他在替GCD說句話，剛從封建社會走來，在下不覺得任何人或者政黨可以做得非常好，如果用現在的評價標準來看。支持小8毛。

[小8毛]

毛的功績是解放了全中國，盡管我家在舊社會屬於資產階級，但我的父母告訴我們，舊社會人民生活真是水深火熱，國民黨相當的腐敗，軍閥割據，戰亂不已。是gcd統一了國家，人民開始當家作主人。剛解放時是真的不錯。後來......我們都經曆了，運動太多，整了不少好人......
但是曆史就是曆史，改變不了....而且曆史也是人民創造的，是我們讓毛一個人說了算，因為全國的人民__我是指大多數人都盲目的崇拜毛，不是嗎？就如同當年德國人民選擇了希特勒一樣。人民也為自己的選擇付出了極大的代價。

[Zutong]

活在美國的中國太子黨
偶然進入你的博客，隻讀了兩篇文章，喔——立場太鮮明了！猜你一定是個GCD的幹部子弟。你能回答是與不是？

[金筆]

德州老人：

我們不能割斷曆史看問題。您舉出的幾個論據無法佐證您的論點。即，您是要說明解放後農民的日子不比解放前好，可是您的例子沒讓人看到這點，嗬嗬。

[德州老人]

孩子, 你還太小.

你真的調查過經半曆過解放前的農村老人嗎? 想想法*功為什麽會聚到眾多頑固的信徒. 毛從未兌現過戰爭時期對農民的許多承諾. 他的極端個人集權思想把國家推進了中國曆史上最為黑暗的一個時期.
當年做知青時, 大隊書記常派我們知青背著槍搜繳農民"餘糧".想起村民們仇恨的眼光, 我實在無法同意你的觀點.

請記住: "忘記曆史就意味著背叛!"