四年前,因為痛恨奧巴馬治下的民主黨大搞族裔政治撕裂美國,大搞禍國殃民的奧八醫保坑害中產階級,以及在AA,大麻合法,非法移民,男女同廁等方麵的一係列的極左政策,在大選時我堅決支持政治素人川普。為老川在搖擺州賓州掃街拜票,出錢出力出文宣,飛機助選,bill board 助選,電話短信助選,幫助10萬挺川的阿米族出來投票,you name it。。。最後老川拿下賓州,大批來自賓州紐約州與新州的華人挺川義工們功不可沒。
我原本以為老川上台後,能夠致力於族裔融合,消除奧巴馬8年族裔政治的惡果。令我失望的是,老川完全繼承了奧巴馬族裔政治的衣缽,隻是換了個包裝而已。他當政四年,美國變得更加分裂,民主黨變得更加極左,兩黨的溫和派均被排擠,參院眾院兩黨不共戴天,變成內耗的戰場,而不是為老百姓謀福利的求同存異的地方。
我對老川的人品非常不屑,但是四年來,我一直支持他的絕大多數的對外對內政策,為宣揚保守理念與傳統價值價觀,我不僅出錢出力出文,而且身體力行,總是衝在為華人維權的第一線。。反AA,反細分,反大麻合法,反加州華州歧視華人法案,反取消SHSAT,為被黑人槍殺的中餐館老板發聲,為梁警官發聲,為新州,賓州,紐約州共和黨參議員眾議員州長候選人助選,等等,等等,我從來不落人後。。。
但這次疫情,老川的表現,逐漸失去了我的信任與支持。
他在這次疫情中的極端反智,一意孤行,不負責任又不願意承擔責任,到處甩鍋的行為,是他這次輸掉大選的直接原因。疫情前的民調,老川領先民主黨所有候選人by double digit,大選前,老川落後拜登by double digit,that tells all !
疫情早期,老川把covid-19稱為China virus,做為對250大傻叉政府發炎人趙立堅的回應,還有情可原。但大選臨近,他一而再再而三地充滿惡意地在公開場合稱呼China virus,Chinese plaque,試圖把他在疫情中的瀆職轉嫁到中國身上。他的這種甩鍋行為,把廣大美國華裔置於非常危險的處境。因為成千上萬把老川的話當聖旨的川粉們,是分不清China,Chinese,大陸華人,美籍華人的區別的,在他們眼裏,都是Chinese,都是讓美國死亡20萬的罪魁禍首。
即使這樣,我也不會去支持被極左把持的民主黨。最後捏著鼻子,還是選擇支持老川。不僅給他捐了錢,還給兩個不同的挺川華人組織捐了款,用來購買bill board的挺川廣告。
break camel 的最後一根稻草,讓我無法再支持老川的原因,是他公然詆毀汙蔑美國立國之本:讓美國成為全世界民主自由之燈塔的憲政製度。
本次大選,老川願賭不服輸,defy百年來美國大選的遊戲規則,在沒有任何確鑿證據的情況下,完全依靠謠言與謊言,公然耍無賴,拒絕美國的大選結果。做為民選的美國總統,在全世界麵前,惡意攻擊美國三權分立的民主製度,攻擊美國的司法獨立與選舉製度,讓美國變成全世界的笑柄。百年來,全世界的獨裁者們試圖詆毀汙蔑美國的民主製度,全都無功而返。但川普做到了,他對美國政體的破壞,遠遠大於這場疫情。網絡上諷刺他是中共的無間道,是全世界獨裁者們的大救星,嘿嘿,太形象啦!
這篇NYT的文章,說出了所有我想說的話:
A president is trying to undo an election result: How would you describe that situation in another country?
Erin Schaff/The New York Times
A thought experiment
The political scientist Brendan Nyhan has often responded to events during the Trump presidency by asking a question: What would you say if you saw it in another country?
Let’s try that exercise now. Imagine that a president of another country lost an election and refused to concede defeat. Instead, he lied about the vote count. He then filed lawsuits to have ballots thrown out, put pressure on other officials to back him up and used the power of government to prevent a transition of power from starting.
How would you describe this behavior? It’s certainly anti-democratic. It is an attempt to overrule the will of the people, ignore a country’s laws and illegitimately grab political power.
President Trump’s efforts will probably fail, but they are unlike anything that living Americans have experienced. “What we have seen in the last week from the president more closely resembles the tactics of the kind of authoritarian leaders we follow,” Michael Abramowitz, the president of Freedom House, which tracks democracy, told The Times. “I never would have imagined seeing something like this in America.”
It is “one of the gravest threats to democracy” the country has faced, Ryan Enos, a Harvard social scientist, wrote yesterday. He added in an email, “The result is crystal clear and, yet, the incumbent is creating ambiguity by baseless claims.”
I asked political scientists and historians for analogies, and they offered a few. The ruling party in Mexico probably reversed the true election result in 1988, as did ruling parties in Zimbabwe in 2002, Iran in 2009 and maybe Russia in 1996, Steven Levitsky, a co-author of “How Democracies Die,” told me. The details were different — the fraud sometimes occurred before the results were announced — but all were cases of politicians stealing an election mostly without military force.
The closest U.S. comparisons are more than a century old. The Federalist Party considered depriving Thomas Jefferson of the presidency in 1800 and used the courts to weaken him. During Reconstruction, parts of the South overturned election results, sometimes through violence. And of course multiple states responded to Abraham Lincoln’s 1860 victory by seceding from the union. (Thomas Edsall’s latest Times column has more details on each of these.)
What happens next? Republican officials seem to be trying to finesse the situation. They want to avoid angering Trump, who remains popular with Republican voters, as Liam Donovan, a party strategist, notes. That helps explain why most Republican officials have refused to recognize Joe Biden as the president-elect and have made vaguely supportive comments about Trump’s false claims.
But this support seems halfhearted. Few Republicans are taking their own steps to reverse the election result.
The two crucial next steps are the certification of state election results and the appointment of Electoral College voters, as Andrew Prokop of Vox explains. Both must happen by mid-December. If Republican officials in some states interfere — say, by trying to appoint electors who ignore the election results and vote for Trump in states he lost — it will be a sign that his attempt to undo the election has reached a more serious stage.
Eventually, Republican officials will be forced to make a choice, The Washington Post’s Greg Sargent writes — between breaking with Trump and breaking with democracy. Democracy seems much more likely to prevail, but in a damaged state. “Millions of his supporters,” my colleague Maggie Haberman writes, “will believe what he says.”
反之,如果剝奪川普在憲法規定中的質疑權利,才是unconstitutional .
對於公民來說,一個誠實的選舉是民主社會最基本的要求。這是我們最關心的。
在沒有任何確鑿證據的情況下,完全依靠謠言與謊言,公然耍無賴,拒絕美國的大選結果。做為民選的美國總統,在全世界麵前,惡意攻擊美國三權分立的民主製度,攻擊美國的司法獨立與選舉製度,讓美國變成全世界的笑柄。百年來,全世界的獨裁者們試圖詆毀汙蔑美國的民主製度,全都無功而返。但川普做到了,他對美國政體的破壞,遠遠大於這場疫情。網絡上諷刺他是中共的無間道,是全世界獨裁者們的大救星,嘿嘿,太形象啦!
不會這麽不分青紅皂白吧? 不會這麽脆弱吧?
等到老川所有的謊言都在法庭麵前現了原形,被證明是對美國憲政體製無中生有的汙蔑與誹謗,灰頭土臉下台時,我希望你能wake up。而不是開始blame美國所有的法院係統都被民主黨收買。
如果說分裂美國,奧巴開始,主黨和主媒在川的四年一直推波助瀾,他們在分裂者這個國家,挑起著種族間的仇恨,我沒覺得川普在分裂美國,是fake news這幾年一直在造謠中傷。在華人問題上,川政府還支持告哈佛,調查耶魯,民主黨要更進一步推動在各領域的AA,他們對華人又在乎了嗎?
我不覺得川的China virus是針對華人,中共在這次病毒中的作為是讓世界不恥,他們推卸責任,讓海外華人背包袱,對華人有一點兒關愛嗎?連自己的公民都拒絕於海外。
川普不跪文革小將,不跪貴人,尊重警察,法律法規,努力為美國爭取利益。是的,他做的不完美,但他在努力。民主黨就是賣國求榮。等他們把大批非法移民大赦了,把國庫掏空了,把工作都外輸了,受苦的是我們的後代。
現在歡呼的是那些等著揩美國油的蛀蟲們。
我身邊支持川的越來越多,包括許多華人,因為CCP不到,華人永遠被CCP綁架和利用。大家經曆不同,感受不同。我選川不是因為他是完人,是因為主黨更低下。那裏已經成了投機取巧,偷雞摸狗的聚集地。他們的做法是文化大革命。