今年最無恥： 胡溫倒薄

今年最無恥： 胡溫倒薄

根據紐約時報(4月26日)報導，重慶政法委書記劉光磊是胡錦濤安插到重慶的秘密特務，肩負監視和匯報薄熙來行動和動向的特務任務。不幸的是被反間的王立軍發現，同時王立軍搞竊聽劉光磊與胡錦濤通話又被中央特務竊聽發現。 這給王立軍莫大的壓力。 怪不得王立軍要跑進美領事館，狐瘟搞封建王朝特務治國治黨，目無國法黨紀。王立軍掌握了狐瘟陰暗政治的切實證據， 可惜薄熙來治不了狐瘟。 王立軍如果不跑進美人窩裏， 而是跑向北京反水咬死薄熙來，最後下場還是要被狐瘟整死， 因為王立軍就是狐瘟倒行逆施的活證據，陰毒的狐瘟黨徒也會為主子銷贓滅跡。

狐瘟倒薄就是黨內權爭，狐瘟官大，薄官小，所以被倒。狐瘟倒薄蓄謀已久，利用青幫黨暗中調查，明樁暗坑，構陷基層一個幹實事的幹部。

狐瘟倒薄施行的手段沒有最無恥，隻有更無恥。 狐瘟勾結反華勢力，裏應外合，對內是強取”忠心“，高壓水籠頭，快刀“割喉”術，對外是屈膝退讓投降，不惜以出賣中華民族的政治經濟利益而換回狐瘟一點點可憐的麵子。狐瘟之害，荼毒汪洋，禍害中華發展大業。

狐瘟治政是中國政治的大倒退，狐瘟封建餘孽不除，中國黨國難有安寧，老百姓難見青天。

狐瘟就是中國政壇上的薩斯病菌. 滅除狐瘟人人有責，狐瘟死有餘辜。

[楓葉老李]

【五律】狐瘟紫禁繞
來源: up7 於 2012-04-26 07:51:23
http://bbs.wenxuecity.com/currentevent/479682.html
【五律】狐瘟紫禁繞
狐瘟紫禁繞，鬼火擾蒼天。
權高九州鼎，業達百姓錢。
真偽築高台，是非憑烈焰.
秦朝複古夢，魂斷漢宮前。

[楓葉老李]

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/26/world/asia/bo-xilai-said-to-have-spied-on-top-china-officials.html

Ousted Chinese Leader Is Said to Have Spied on Other Top Officials
BEIJING — When Hu Jintao, China’s top leader, picked up the telephone last August to talk to a senior anticorruption official visiting Chongqing, special devices detected that he was being wiretapped — by local officials in that southwestern metropolis.

The discovery of that and other wiretapping led to an official investigation that helped topple Chongqing’s charismatic leader, Bo Xilai, in a political cataclysm that has yet to reach a conclusion.
Until now, the downfall of Mr. Bo has been cast largely as a tale of a populist who pursued his own agenda too aggressively for some top leaders in Beijing and was brought down by accusations that his wife had arranged the murder of Neil Heywood, a British consultant, after a business dispute. But the hidden wiretapping, previously alluded to only in internal Communist Party accounts of the scandal, appears to have provided another compelling reason for party leaders to turn on Mr. Bo.
The story of how China’s president was monitored also shows the level of mistrust among leaders in the one-party state. To maintain control over society, leaders have embraced enhanced surveillance technology. But some have turned it on one another — repeating patterns of intrigue that go back to the beginnings of Communist rule.
“This society has bred mistrust and violence,” said Roderick MacFarquhar, a historian of Communist China’s elite-level machinations over the past half century. “Leaders know you have to watch your back because you never know who will put a knife in it.”
Nearly a dozen people with party ties, speaking anonymously for fear of retribution, confirmed the wiretapping, as well as a widespread program of bugging across Chongqing. But the party’s public version of Mr. Bo’s fall omits it.
The official narrative and much foreign attention has focused on the more easily grasped death of Mr. Heywood in November. When Mr. Bo’s police chief, Wang Lijun, was stripped of his job and feared being implicated in Bo family affairs, he fled to the United States Consulate in Chengdu, where he spoke mostly about Mr. Heywood’s death.
The murder account is pivotal to the scandal, providing Mr. Bo’s opponents with an unassailable reason to have him removed. But party insiders say the wiretapping was seen as a direct challenge to central authorities. It revealed to them just how far Mr. Bo, who is now being investigated for serious disciplinary violations, was prepared to go in his efforts to grasp greater power in China. That compounded suspicions that Mr. Bo could not be trusted with a top slot in the party, which is due to reshuffle its senior leadership positions this fall.
“Everyone across China is improving their systems for the purposes of maintaining stability,” said one official with a central government media outlet, referring to surveillance tactics. “But not everyone dares to monitor party central leaders.”
According to senior party members, including editors, academics and people with ties to the military, Mr. Bo’s eavesdropping operations began several years ago as part of a state-financed surveillance buildup, ostensibly for the purposes of fighting crime and maintaining local political stability.
The architect was Mr. Wang, a nationally decorated crime fighter who had worked under Mr. Bo in the northeast province of Liaoning. Together they installed “a comprehensive package bugging system covering telecommunications to the Internet,” according to the government media official.
One of several noted cybersecurity experts they enlisted was Fang Binxing, president of Beijing University of Posts and Telecommunications, who is often called the father of China’s “Great Firewall,” the nation’s vast Internet censorship system. Most recently, Mr. Fang advised the city on a new police information center using cloud-based computing, according to state news media reports. Late last year, Mr. Wang was named a visiting professor at Mr. Fang’s university.
Together, Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang unleashed a drive to smash what they said were crime rings that controlled large portions of Chongqing’s economic life. In interviews, targets of the crackdown marveled at the scale and determination with which local police intercepted their communications.
“On the phone, we dared not mention Bo Xilai or Wang Lijun,” said Li Jun, a fugitive property developer who now lives in hiding abroad. Instead, he and fellow businessmen took to scribbling notes, removing their cellphone batteries and stocking up on unregistered SIM cards to thwart surveillance as the crackdown mounted, he said.
Li Zhuang, a lawyer from a powerfully connected Beijing law firm, recalled how some cousins of one client had presented him with a full stack of unregistered mobile phone SIM cards, warning him of local wiretapping. Despite these precautions, the Chongqing police ended up arresting Mr. Li on the outskirts of Beijing, about 900 miles away, after he called his client’s wife and arranged to visit her later that day at a hospital.

“They already were there lying in ambush,” Mr. Li said. He added that Wang Lijun, by reputation, was a “tapping freak.”
Political figures were targeted in addition to those suspected of being mobsters.
One political analyst with senior-level ties, citing information obtained from a colonel he recently dined with, said Mr. Bo had tried to tap the phones of virtually all high-ranking leaders who visited Chongqing in recent years, including Zhou Yongkang, the law-and-order czar who was said to have backed Mr. Bo as his potential successor.
“Bo wanted to be extremely clear about what leaders’ attitudes toward him were,” the analyst said.
In one other instance last year, two journalists said, operatives were caught intercepting a conversation between the office of Mr. Hu and Liu Guanglei, a top party law-and-order official whom Mr. Wang had replaced as police chief. Mr. Liu once served under Mr. Hu in the 1980s in Guizhou Province.
Perhaps more worrisome to Mr. Bo and Mr. Wang, however, was the increased scrutiny from the party’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, which by the beginning of 2012 had stationed up to four separate teams in Chongqing, two undercover, according to the political analyst, who cited Discipline Inspection sources. One line of inquiry, according to several party academics, involved Mr. Wang’s possible role in a police bribery case that unfolded last year in a Liaoning city where he once was police chief.
Beyond making a routine inspection, it is not clear why the disciplinary official who telephoned Mr. Hu — Ma Wen, the minister of supervision — was in Chongqing. Her high-security land link to Mr. Hu from the state guesthouse in Chongqing was monitored on Mr. Bo’s orders. The topic of the call is unknown but was probably not vital. Most phones are so unsafe that important information is often conveyed only in person or in writing.
But Beijing was galled that Mr. Bo would wiretap Mr. Hu, whether intentionally or not, and turned central security and disciplinary investigators loose on his police chief, who bore the brunt of the scrutiny over the next couple of months.
“Bo wanted to push the responsibility onto Wang,” one senior party editor said. “Wang couldn’t dare say it was Bo’s doing.”
Yet at some point well before fleeing Chongqing, Mr. Wang filed a pair of complaints to the inspection commission, the first anonymously and the second under his own name, according to a party academic with ties to Mr. Bo.
Both complaints said Mr. Bo had “opposed party central” authorities, including ordering the wiretapping of central leaders. The requests to investigate Mr. Bo were turned down at the time. Mr. Bo, who learned of the charges at a later point, told the academic shortly before his dismissal that he thought he could withstand Mr. Wang’s charges.
Mr. Wang is not believed to have discussed wiretapping at the United States Consulate. Instead, he focused on the less self-incriminating allegations of Mr. Bo’s wife’s arranging the killing of Mr. Heywood.
But tensions between the two men crested, sources said, when Mr. Bo found that Mr. Wang had also wiretapped him and his wife. After Mr. Wang was arrested in February, Mr. Bo detained Mr. Wang’s wiretapping specialist from Liaoning, a district police chief named Wang Pengfei.
Internal party accounts suggest that the party views the wiretapping as one of Mr. Bo’s most serious crimes. One preliminary indictment in mid-March accused Bo of damaging party unity by collecting evidence on other leaders.
Party officials, however, say it would be far too damaging to make the wiretapping public. When Mr. Bo is finally charged, wiretapping is not expected to be mentioned. “The things that can be publicized are the economic problems and the killing,” according to the senior official at the government media outlet. “That’s enough to decide the matter in public.”

[楓葉老李]

春秋戈: 王力軍破獲胡辦利用劉光磊“熱線”從事非法特務活動，為黨立功，功不可沒！
http://bbs.wenxuecity.com/currentevent/479704.html
春秋戈
中央調查部（國家安全部前身）與中紀委是黨內專責地方黨委監督，偵查和調查的專門機構，所有與對黨員幹部和各級黨的組織實施監督，偵查和調查的一切活動，都必須由黨章認可的中央調查部和中紀委實施，除此之外，任何組織與個人從事對黨員和黨的一級組織實施監督，偵查和調查都是黨章，黨紀所絕對不能允許的，更不能因為胡錦濤是總書記，就可以拋開黨章，黨紀，對地方一級黨委和黨的幹部實施陰謀特務活動。
否則，既然胡辦可以對重慶市委實施陰謀特務活動，溫辦，習辦為什麽不可以對廣東省委，對內蒙古自治區黨委采取同樣的陰謀特務活動？如果黨中央領導人的辦公室都可以在黨內任意使用這種超越中央領導人個人權限，超越中央領導人辦公室職能範圍，繞過中央調查部和中紀委，肆意對有不同意見的黨員幹部和自己不滿意的地方黨委或黨的一級組織，濫用這種非法的陰謀手段，最後包括胡辦在內，都將被籠罩在陰謀與恐怖的陰影之下，哪裏還有什麽共產黨？這就是為什麽黨章所規定的領導人個人權限和黨的各級組織的職能範圍絕對不允許被超越的根本性原因。就是作為黨的總書記，胡錦濤的一切活動都必須受其個人權限的製約，胡錦濤也根本沒有通過劉光磊背著重慶市委，對黨的一級地方組織實施陰謀特務活動的權力。
既然胡辦可以背著重慶市一級黨委，通過所謂與劉光磊個人之間的“熱線”從事非法秘密活動，重慶市委為什麽不可以對這種違法，違紀行為進行偵查，調查和製止？王力軍破獲了胡辦的陰謀活動，是維護中國共產黨黨章和黨紀，維護中國共產黨的尊嚴，維護重慶市地方黨委的安全的英雄行為。王力軍對胡辦的陰謀活動實施竊聽，對秘密犯罪活動所實施的一切刑事和技術偵查措施是在憲法和法律保護下的公安機關的正常的業務活動，也是王力軍維護黨的一級地方組織的安全，捍衛法律尊嚴的職責所在。王力軍破獲胡錦濤辦公室利用與劉光磊個人“熱線”從事非法特務活動，為黨立功，功不可沒！