出師表（前、後）（諸葛亮）

【諸葛亮前出師表】（《後漢文》）
 
臣亮言：先帝創業未半而中道崩殂，今天下三分，益州疲弊，此誠危急存亡
之秋也。然侍衛之臣不懈於內，忠誌之士忘身於外者，蓋追先帝之殊遇，欲報之
於陛下也。誠宜開張聖聽，以光先帝遺德，恢弘誌士之氣，不宜妄自菲薄，引喻
失義，以塞忠諫之路也。宮中府中俱為一體，陟罰臧否，不宜異同。若有作奸犯
科及為忠善者，宜付有司論其刑賞，以昭陛下平明之治，不宜偏私，使內外異法
也。

“侍中、侍郎郭攸之、費禕、董允等，此皆良實，誌慮忠純，是以先帝簡拔
以遺陛下。愚以為宮中之事，事無大小，悉以谘之，然後施行，必能裨補闕漏，
有所廣益。將軍向寵，性行淑均，曉暢軍事，試用於昔日，先帝稱之曰能，是以
眾議舉寵以為督。愚以為營中之事，事無大小，悉以谘之，必能使行陣和穆，優
劣得所也。親賢臣，遠小人，此先漢所以興隆也；親小人，遠賢臣，此後漢所以
傾頹也。先帝在時，每與臣論此事，未嚐不歎息痛恨於桓、靈也。侍中、尚書、
長史、參軍，此悉貞亮死節之臣也，願陛下親之信之，則漢室之隆，可計日而待
也。

臣本布衣，躬耕於南陽，苟全性命於亂世，不求聞達於諸侯。先帝不以臣卑
鄙，猥自枉屈，三顧臣於草廬之中，諮臣以當世之事，由是感激，遂許先帝以驅
馳。後值傾覆，受任於敗軍之際，奉命於危難之間，爾來二十有一年矣。先帝知
臣謹慎，故臨崩寄臣以大事也。受命以來，夙夜憂歎，恐托付不效，以傷先帝之
明。故五月渡瀘，深入不毛。今南方已定，兵甲已足，當獎率三軍，北定中原，
庶竭駑鈍，攘除奸凶，興複漢室，還於舊都。此臣所以報先帝而忠陛下之職分也。
至於斟酌損益，進盡忠言，則攸之、禕、允之任也。願陛下托臣以討賊興複
之效；不效，則治臣之罪，以告先帝之靈。若無興德之言，則責攸之、禕、允之
咎，以彰其慢。陛下亦宜自謀，以谘諏善道，察納雅言，深追先帝遺詔，臣不勝
受恩感激。今當遠離，臨表涕零，不知所雲。


【諸葛亮後出師表】（《後漢文》）
 
先帝慮漢、賊不兩立，王業不偏安，故托臣以討賊也。以先帝之明，量臣之
才，固知臣伐賊，才弱敵強也；然不伐賊，王業亦亡，惟坐而待亡，孰與伐之？
是故托臣而弗疑也。

臣受命之日，寢不安席，食不甘味。思惟北征，宜先入南，故五月渡瀘，深
入不毛，並日而食。臣非不自惜也，顧王業不可偏安於蜀都，故冒危難，以奉先
帝之遺意，而議者謂為非計。今賊適疲於西，又務於東，兵法乘勞，此進趨之時
也。謹陳其事如左：
 
高帝明並日月，謀臣淵深，然涉險被創，危然後安。今陛下未及高帝，謀臣
不如良、平，而欲以長策取勝，坐定天下，此臣之未解一也。劉繇、王朗，各據
州郡，論安言計，動引聖人，群疑滿腹，眾難塞胸，今歲不戰，明年不征，使孫
策坐大，遂並江東，此臣之未解二也。曹操智計，殊絕於人，其用兵也，仿拂孫、
吳，然困於南陽，險於烏巢，危於祁連，逼於黎陽，幾敗北山，殆死潼關，然後
偽定一時爾。況臣才弱，而欲以不危而定之，此臣之未解三也。

曹操五攻昌霸不下，四越巢湖不成。任用李服，而李服圖之。委任夏侯，而
夏侯敗亡。先帝每稱操為能，猶有此失，況臣駑下，何能必勝？此臣之未解四也。
自臣到漢中，中間期年耳，然喪趙雲、陽群、馬玉、閻芝、丁立、白壽、劉
郃、鄧銅等及曲長、屯將七十餘人，突將無前；賨叟、青羌散騎、武騎一千餘人。
此皆數十年之內所糾合四方之精銳，非一州之所有。若複數年，則損三分之二也。
當何以圖敵？此臣之未解五也。

今民窮兵疲，而事不可息。事不可息，則住與行，勞費正等。而不及早圖之，
欲以一州之地，與賊持久，此臣之未解六也。
 
夫難平者，事也。昔先帝敗軍於楚，當此時，曹操拊手，謂天下已定。然後
先帝東連吳、越，西取巴、蜀，舉兵北征，夏侯授首。此操之失計，而漢事將成
也。然後吳更違盟，關羽毀敗，秭歸蹉跌，曹丕稱帝。凡事如是，難可逆料。臣
鞠躬盡，死而後已，至於成敗利鈍，非臣之明所能逆睹也。

翻譯：臣諸葛亮上言：先帝創立帝業還沒有完成一半，就中途去世了。現在，天下已分成魏、蜀、吳三國，我們蜀國人力疲憊，物力又很缺乏，這確實是國家危急存亡的關鍵時刻。然而，侍衛大臣們在宮廷內毫不懈怠，忠誠有誌的將士在疆場上舍身作戰，這都是因為追念先帝在世時對他們的特殊待遇，想報效給陛下啊。陛下確實應該廣泛地聽取群臣的意見，發揚光大先帝留下的美德，弘揚誌士們的氣概；不應該隨隨便便地看輕自己，言談中稱引譬喻不合大義（說話不恰當），以致堵塞忠臣進諫勸告的道路。

皇宮的侍臣和丞相府的宮吏都是一個整體，對他們的提升、處分、表揚、批評，不應該因人而有什麽差別。如果有營私舞弊、違犯法律和盡忠行害的人，陛下應交給主管的官吏，由他們評定應得的處罰或獎賞，用來表明陛下公正嚴明的治理方針。不應偏袒徇私，使得宮內和宮外有不同的法則。侍中郭攸之、費禕、侍郎董允等人，他們都是忠良誠實的人，他們的誌向和心思忠誠無二，因此先帝把他們選拔出來留給陛下。我認為宮中的事情，無論大小，陛下都應征詢他們，然後再去實施，這樣一定能補求欠缺疏漏的地方，獲得更好的效果。將軍向寵，性格和善，品德公正，精通軍事，從前經過試用，先帝稱讚他有才能，因此大家商議推舉他做中部督。我認為軍營中的事務，都應與他商量，這樣一定能使軍隊團結協作，將士才幹高的差的、隊伍強的，都能夠得到合理的安排。親近賢臣，疏遠小人，這是前漢興隆昌盛的原因；親近小人，疏遠賢臣，這是後漢所以傾覆衰敗的原因。先帝在世時，每次與我談論這些事，沒有一次不對桓、靈二帝感到歎息、惋惜痛心的。侍中郭攸之、費禕，尚書陳震，長史張裔，參軍蔣琬，這些都是忠貞賢良能夠以死報國的忠臣，希望陛下親近他們、信任他們，那麽漢室的興隆就指日可待了。

我本來是一介平民，在南陽親自種田，隻求能在亂世中暫且保全性命，不奢求在諸侯麵前有什麽名氣。先帝不因我身世卑微、見識短淺，反而降低自己的身份，三次到草廬裏來訪問我，向我征詢對當今天下大事的意見，我因此十分感激，於是答應先帝願為他奔走效勞。後來遇到失敗，我在戰敗的時候接到委任，在危難的時候奉命出使東吳，從那時到現在已經二十一年了。先帝（劉備）知道我謹慎，因此在臨終前把國家大事托付給我（諸葛亮）。自從接受任命以來，我日夜憂慮歎息，擔心不能將先帝的托付的事情辦好，有損先帝的聖明。所以我在五月渡過瀘水，深入到荒涼的地方。現在南方已經平定，兵器已經準備充足，應當鼓舞並率領三軍，向北方平定中原。希望全部貢獻出自己平庸的才能，鏟除奸邪凶惡的曹魏，複興漢室，回到原來的都城洛陽。這是我用來報答先帝並忠於陛下的職責的本分。至於對政事的斟酌興廢，進獻忠誠的建議，那是郭攸之、費禕、董允等人的責任。

希望陛下把討伐奸賊、複興漢室的任務交給我，如果沒有完成，就請治我重罪，來告慰先帝在天之靈。如果沒有勸勉陛下宣揚聖德的忠言，就責備郭攸之、費禕、董允等人的怠慢，來揭露他們的過失；陛下自己也應該認真考慮國家大事，征詢治理國國的好辦法，聽取正確的意見，深切追念先帝的遺訓。如果能夠這樣，我就受恩感激不盡了。現在我就要辭別陛下遠行了，麵對奏表熱淚縱橫，不知說了些什麽。

先帝考慮到蜀漢和曹賊是不能同時存在的，複興王業不能偏安一方，所以他才把征討曹賊的大事托付給我。憑著先帝的英明來衡量我的才幹，本來他是知道我去征討曹賊，我的才能是很差的，而敵人是強大的。但是不征伐曹賊，他所創建的王業也會丟掉，坐著等待滅亡，哪裏比得上去討伐敵人呢？因此先帝毫不遲疑地把討伐曹賊的事業托付給我。

我接受遺命以後，每天睡不安穩，吃飯不香。想到為了征伐北方的敵人，應該先去南方平定各郡，所以我五月領兵渡過瀘水，深入到連草木五穀都不生長的地區作戰，兩天才吃得下一天的飯。不是我自己不愛惜自己，隻不過是想到蜀漢的王業決不能夠偏安在蜀都，所以我冒著艱難危險來奉行先帝的遺意。可是有些發議論的人卻說這樣作不是上策。如今曹賊剛剛在西方顯得疲困，又竭力在東方和孫吳作戰，兵法上說要趁敵軍疲勞的時候向他進攻，現在正是進兵的時候。我恭敬地把一些情況向陛下陳述如下：

高帝象日月一樣英明，謀臣們智謀淵博深遠，卻是經曆過艱險，受過創傷，遭遇危難以後才得到安全，現在陛下未韶趕得上高帝，謀臣不如張良、陳平，卻想采用長期相持的策略來取得勝利，安然平定天下，這是我不理解的第一點。

劉繇、王朗，各自占據州郡，在談論如何才能安全、提出種種計謀時，動不動就引用聖賢的話，滿腹都是疑問，胸中塞滿了難題，今年不戰，明年又不出征，使得孫策安然強大起來，於是吞並了江東。這是我不理解的第二點。

曹操的智慧計謀，遠遠地超過一般人，他用起兵來就好象孫臏、吳起一樣，可是他卻曾在南陽受困，在烏巢處於險境，在祁連山上遭到危險，在黎陽被逼，幾乎在北山失敗，差一點死在潼關，後來才在表麵上穩定了一段時間。何況我的才力很弱，卻打算不經曆危險來安定天下。這是我不理解的第三點。

曹操五次攻打昌霸沒有獲勝，四次渡過巢湖沒有獲得成功，任用李服，可是李服卻圖謀殺死他，委任夏侯淵，可是夏侯淵卻戰敗身亡。先帝常常稱讚曹操是個有才能的人，他還有這些失誤的地方，何況我才能平庸低下，哪裏就一定能獲勝呢？這是我不理解的第四點。

自從我到漢中，其間不過一年罷了，可是卻失去了趙雲、陽群、馬玉、閻芝、丁立、白壽、劉邰、鄧銅等人，以及部曲中的首領、屯兵中的將官共七十多人，衝鋒無前的將領，賨、羌民族將士以及散騎、武騎各路騎兵一千多人，這都是幾十年來從四處聚合起來的精銳力量，不是一州所能具有的。如果再過幾年，那就要損失全軍的三分之二，那時拿什麽兵力去消滅敵人呢？這是我不理解的第五點。

現在百姓窮困、兵士疲憊，可是戰爭不能停止。戰爭不能停止，那軍隊駐紮下來和去攻打敵人，所付出的辛勞和費用正好是相等的。既是這樣，不趁現在考慮攻取北方，卻想用一州之地，去和曹賊長期相持。這是我不理解的第六點。

天下的事情是很難評論斷定的。從前先帝在楚地打了敗仗，在這時，曹操拍手稱快，認為天下已被他平定了。以後先帝東邊聯合吳越，西邊攻取巴蜀，發兵向北征討，夏侯淵就被殺掉了，這是曹操未曾想到的，而複興漢朝的大業將要成功了。後來東吳改變態度，違背了盟約，關羽兵敗被殺，先帝又在秭歸失誤，曹丕稱帝，所有的事情都象這樣，很難預料。我小心謹慎地為國獻出我的一切力量，直到死為止。至於事業是成功是失敗，進行得順利還是不順利，那就不是我的智慧所能夠預見的了。

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賞析：《出師表》是出兵打仗前，主帥給君主上的奏章。這種表，或表明報國之心，或呈獻攻城掠地之策。曆來以戰名世者甚眾，以表傳後者頗少。惟獨諸葛亮的《出師表》不僅存之典冊，而且粲然於文苑。

諸葛亮上《出師表》是在蜀漢後主建興五年（227），率兵北伐之時。這時蜀偏居一隅，國力疲敝，又“北畏曹公之強，東憚孫權之逼”，諸葛亮為了實現劉備振興漢室、一統天下的遺願，“五月渡瀘，深入不毛”，平定了南方，有了較鞏固的後方，並抓住了曹魏兵敗祁山、孫吳兵挫石亭的時機，揮師北伐，擬奪取魏的涼州（今甘肅部分地區），向後主劉禪上了兩道表文，“前表開守昏庸，後表審量形勢”，即出名的《前出師表》《後出師表》。這裏談的是《前出師表》。

諸葛亮自劉備於公元207年“三顧茅廬”後，即忠心耿耿地輔佐劉備，以完成統一大業。經過長期奮戰，使寄寓荊州的劉備，一躍而為與魏、吳對峙的蜀漢之主，雄踞一方，到公元221年劉備即帝位。公元222年吳蜀彝陵之戰後，劉備敗逃白帝城，次年病死。劉備“白帝托孤”時對諸葛亮說：“君才十倍曹丕，必能安國，終定大業。若嗣子可輔，輔之；如其不才，君可自取。”對諸葛亮無比信賴。諸葛亮回答說：“臣敢竭股肱之力，效忠貞之節，繼之以死。”劉備吩咐劉禪說：“汝與丞相從事，事之如父。”劉禪繼位，即後主。劉禪黯弱昏庸，親信宦者，遠避賢能，胸無大誌，苟且偷安，是個“扶不起的阿鬥”。諸葛亮主張出兵擊魏，侃侃陳詞，力排眾疑，申明大義以拯其愚，吐露忠愛以藥其頑，既有政治家的眼光，又有軍事家的頭腦，且嚴守人臣下屬的身份。

《出師表》前半部分是臨行時的進諫，後半部分乃表明此行奪勝的決心。劉禪雖為蜀主，而蜀之安危成敗，實係於諸葛亮之身，因而率眾出征時，當促使後主保持清醒的頭腦，具備正確的觀點，采取得力的措施，才能保證前方順利進軍；同時表明自己忠貞死節之心，既是自勉自勵，也是預防小人惑主。

諸葛亮向後主提出三項建議：廣開言路，執法公平，親賢遠佞。這三項建議，既是安定後方的措施，也是施政的正理。為了治愚醫頑，作者在行文上頗費深思。

由勢入理，起筆崢嶸。表文第一節向後主提出“開張聖聽”的建議，可是卻從形勢敘起，這能起振聾發聵的作用，又能激發繼承遺誌的感情。表文開筆即言“先帝創業未半而中道崩殂”，深痛劉備壯誌未酬身先死，深誡後人繼承父業不可廢，以追念先帝功業的語句領起，至忠至愛之情統領了全文。繼而以“今天下三分”，點明天下大勢，逐鹿中原，尚不知鹿死誰手；複直言“益州疲敝”，自身條件很差，地少將寡，民窮地荒；進而大聲疾呼：“此誠危急存亡之秋也!”大有危在旦夕之勢，如不救亡存國，將會出現國破身亡的慘局，筆勢陡峭，崢嶸峻拔。在凸顯形勢的情況下，墊以“侍衛之臣不懈於內，忠誌之士忘身於外”，他們不忘先帝恩德，不改對後主的忠心，轉危為安，化險為夷還是有依傍的，有力量的，有希望的。在這樣的基礎上，提出“開張聖聽”，“以光先帝遺德，恢弘誌士之氣”的建議，規勸不可“妄自菲薄，引喻失義，以塞忠諫之路”。表文將是否廣開言路，從關係國家存亡的角度來談，從關係忠於先帝的高度來說，使人聞之驚心，思之動心。如果表文隻是一般地申述廣開言路的意義，平平道來，那對一個昏聵愚鈍的君主來說，顯然是不會有多大觸動的。

由主而次，肌理縝密。以情動人，更要以理服人。說理應主次分明，先後有序。表文主要是向後主進言的，因而首揭“開張聖聽”，以打開進言之路。在打通了忠諫之路的前提下，再言執法公平、親賢遠佞兩項。談執訟公平，又先總提“宮中府中，俱為一體，陟罰臧否，不宜異同”，繼而就宮中、府中兩方麵分述之。分述時，又切緊“開張聖聽”的精神，宮中之事，向郭攸之、費、董允這些誌慮忠純之士請教，而且要“事無大小，悉以谘之”，則“必能裨補缺漏，有所廣益”。對於府中之事，向“性行淑均，曉暢軍事”的向寵請教，“營中之事，悉以谘之”，也“必能使行陣和睦，優劣得所”。最後提出“親賢臣，遠小人”的問題。三項建議，既可獨立成項，又相互關聯。廣開言路，是開的忠諫之路，而非為讒邪開方便之門。親賢臣遠小人，才能廣納郭攸之、向寵等人的良言，才能“昭平民之理”，不讓奸邪得勢，造成內外異法，賞罰不明。君主昏庸，主要就在於貪於私欲，蔽於視聽，昧於事理，因而忠奸不分，賢愚不辨，是非不清，賞罰不當。諸葛亮針對後主寵信宦官黃皓，無視創業勳臣的毛病，對症施藥，又說得委婉深曲，入情合理。所列三項，廣開言路是前提，執法公平是關鍵，親賢遠佞是核心。嚴密的說理，再愚的人也會得到啟發。

由近及遠，思路開闊。表文為了說明親賢遠佞的利弊，以先漢的“興隆”和“傾頹”的曆史事實，作為前車之鑒，並以先帝歎息痛恨桓帝、靈帝昏庸誤國為告誡，促使後主親信賢臣，並以“漢室興隆，可計日而待”為鼓勵，由近及遠，借古鑒今，成敗並舉，顯得衢路交通，經緯成文。

諸葛亮因為後主是個“妄自菲薄，引喻失義”的昏庸之徒，理要說得明，語又不可用得重，既要循循善誘地開導，又要不失臣下尊上的分寸。因而以“形勢”使對方震動，明示已臨“危急存亡之秋”，如不勵精圖治，勢必國破身亡；以“情感”打動對方，連呼先帝，聲聲熱淚，其業係先帝首創之業，其臣為先帝簡拔之臣，其將為先帝稱能之將，怎不光先帝之遺德，竟先帝之遺業；以“措施”教之，告知治國理政的具體辦法，切實可行，行必有效；以“事業”勵之，告誡後主要完成“先帝創業未半”的業，使天下歸一，漢室興隆，促使他有遠大的抱負，完成千秋大業。表文從各個方麵規箴後主，情真理足，詞婉心切，因而雖屬奏章表文，卻感人至深。

表文的第二部分，由敘自己生平而至言伐魏的意義，進而表明自己“興複漢室，還於舊都”的決心，也寫得慷慨深沉，動人心魄。

由人到己，文勢跌宕。表文從第一部分的進諫，到第二部分，忽以“臣本布衣”起筆，另入蹊徑，別開生麵。敘寫自己二十一年來的情況，曆數先帝之殊遇，——一是三顧茅廬使之出山效命，一是傾覆之際使之出任丞相，使之由布衣身份一躍而為極位重臣，由躬耕隱士一舉而成三軍主帥。這一節敘述，好像是逸枝衍蔓，與上下文聯係不緊。其實，它與上下文貌分神合，明疏實密。這是因為：第一，追溯二十一年的殊遇，披露感恩戴德之情，說明以上進言純屬忠諫，叫後主聽來覺得舒徐入耳。第二，以自身不負先帝殊遇舍命驅馳，作為後主不忘先人之業的榜樣，進一步啟發後主奮發圖強。第三，二十一年不平凡曆程，說明創業艱難，激勵其不可半途而廢，更不能前功盡棄。第四，寫出先帝的榜樣，不以孔明“卑鄙”，猥自枉屈，三顧茅廬，事不分大小，悉以谘之，於敗軍之際，危難之間，仍委以重任，可見他任人唯賢，唯才是舉，叫後主效法先帝知人善任。第五，表明自己二十一年如一日，竭忠盡智，今後仍一如既往，忠心不改，餘力不遺，使後主托之以討賊興複之任，且可免因率師北伐，小人進讒而不予信任，壞了大局。諸葛亮的這段敘述，係進一步打動後主的心，樂於接受前麵的進言，又是臨別時的表白，實有深衷曲意。文章由進言轉而為自敘生平，宕開了筆墨，使文勢波瀾起伏，更為可觀。

由敘而誓，推上高潮。表文繼敘二十一年遭際之後，續述白帝托孤後的心情、工作，進而表明北定中原的決心。前麵的論世、進言、抒情，到此結穴，出師表文的特點由此完全挑明。追言托孤之事，交代這次出師的曆史根源，“受命以來，夙夜憂歎，恐托付不效，以傷先帝之明”，說明這次出師的思想基礎。“五月渡瀘，深入不毛。今南方已定”，指出這次出師的物質準備。在充分敘說條件的基礎上，提出“當獎率三軍，北定中原，庶竭駑鈍，攘除奸凶，興複漢室，還於舊都”，警拔爽截，鏗鏗振響，熠熠生光。《出師表》至此才徑言出師，切入本題。前麵的進言，是為了保證有出師的條件，中間敘事，是說明自身具有出師條件，至此兩線歸一，提出宜乎出師，也就如瓜熟蒂落，孕足而娩。

歸納前意，總綰全篇。表文結束之前，將出師與諫言兩層意思攏合一起。一方麵提出“願陛下托臣以討賊興複之效，不效，則治臣之罪”，另一方麵還提出“陛下亦宜自謀，以谘諏善道，察納雅言”，諸葛亮主動領受任務，並表示如失職，甘願受罰，以顯示“平明之理”。最後還不放心，諄諄告誡，要後主“深追先帝遺詔”。先帝臨終時訓示後主：“勿以惡小而為之，勿以善小而不為。惟賢惟德，能服於人。”最後又回複到“開張聖聽”的問題上來，可見修明內政與北伐勝敗的關係。這也就將前麵兩部分內容，溝通了內在聯係。

表文以“今當遠離，臨表涕零，不知所言”作結，其聲嗚咽似泣，其情沛然如注，勤勤懇懇之態如現，耿耿忠心盡袒。

“出師未捷身先死”，可惜諸葛亮此行未能如願卻先逝世，後人對此頗多惋歎。杜甫曾寫道：“三顧頻煩天下計，兩朝開濟老臣心。出師未捷身先死，長使英雄淚滿襟。”（《蜀相》）宋代文天祥身陷囹圄，還高唱“或為《出師表》，鬼神泣壯烈。”（《正氣歌》）陸遊更是多次提到《出師表》：“《出師》一表通古今，夜半挑燈更細看。”（《病起書懷》）“《出師》一表千載無”（《遊諸葛武侯台》），“一表何人繼出師”（《七十二歲吟》），“凜然《出師表》，一字不可刪。”（《感狀》），“《出師》一表真名世，千載誰堪伯仲間。”（《書憤》）總之，這道《出師表》，因其深情厚意寄翰墨，忠肝義膽照簡編，一直為人所樂道。

《出師表》能寫到如此地步，決不是偶然的。文章皆有所為而發。時當北伐在即，作為主帥的諸葛亮要向君主上一道表文，他不是作為例行公事，而是從北伐的全局上考慮，隻有後主修明政治，才能保證北征順利，因而先進安後之言，再表奪勝決心。表文又極為注意收表對象的特點，因而決不是一般的上條陳，列述方策，而是熔議論、敘事、抒情於一爐，啟愚矯頑。諸葛亮是後主的丞相，又是受“托孤”的對象。他給後主上表文，既不宜用訓斥的口吻，又不便用卑下的聲氣，寫得不卑不亢，方為得體。尤其文中連稱先帝，最為合宜。全文稱先帝凡十三次，顯得情詞十分懇切。諸葛亮自敘“先帝知臣謹慎，故臨崩寄臣以大事也”，確實“諸葛一生惟謹慎”，細玩本文，從慮事到措詞，無不體現了“謹慎”精神，這也是此表被之為“至文”的重要原因。

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Petition on Taking the Field

Permit your servant, Liang, to observe: the late sovereign was taken from us while his life's work, the restoration of the Han, remained unfinished. Today, in a divided empire, our third, the province of Yizhou, war-worn and under duress, faces a season of crisis that threatens our very survival. Despite this, the officials at court persevere in their tasks, and loyal-minded officers throughout the realm dedicate themselves to you because one and all they cherish the memory of the exceptional treatment they enjoyed from the late sovereign and wish to repay it in service to Your Majesty.

Truly this is a time to widen your sagely audience in order to enhance the late Emperor's glorious virtue and foster the morale fo your dedicated officers. It would be unworthy of your majesty to demean yourself by resorting to ill-chosen justifications that would block the avenues of loyal remonstrance.

The royal court and the ministerial administration constitute a single government. Both must be judged by one standard. Those who do evil and violate the codes, as well as those who are loyal and good, must receive their due from the proper authorities. This will make manifest Your Majesty's fair and enlightened governance. Let no unseemly bias lead to different rules for the court and the administration.

Privy Counselors and Imperial Attendants like Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun are all solid, reliable men, loyal of purpose, pure in motive. The late Emperor selected them for office so that they would serve Your Majesty after his demise. In my own humble opinion, consulting these men on palace affairs great or small before action is taken will prevent errors and shortcomings and maximize advantages. Xiang Chong, a general of fine character and fair-minded conduct, profoundly versed in military matters proved himself in battle during the previous reign, and the late Emperor pronounced him capable. That is why the assembly has recommended him for overall command. In my humble opinion, General Xiang Chong should be consulted on all military matters large or small to ensure harmony in the ranks and judicious use of personal.

The Former Han thrived because its emperors stayed close to worthy vassals and far from conniving courtiers. The opposite policy led the Later Han to ruin. Whenever the late Emperor discussed this problem with me, he decried the failings of Emperors Huan and Ling. Privy Counselors Guo Youzhi and Fei Yi, Secretary Chen Zhen, Senior Advisor Zhang Yi, and Military Counselor Jiang Wan are all men of shining integrity and unshakable devotion. I beg Your Majesty to keep close to them and to trust them, for that will strengthen our hopes for the resurgence of the house of Han.

I began as a common man, toiling in my fields in Nanyang, doing what I could to keep body and soul together in an age of disorder and taking no interest in making a name for myself among the lords of the realm. Though it was beneath the dignity of the late Emperor to do so, he honored my thatched cottage to solicit my counsel on the events of the day. Grateful for his regard, I responded to his appeal and threw myself heart and soul into his service. Hard times followed for the cause of the late Emperor. I assumed my duties at a critical moment for our defeated army, accepting assignment in a period of direst danger. Now twenty-one years have passed. The late Emperor always appreciated my meticulous caution and, as the end neared, placed his great cause in my hands. Since that moment, I have tormented myself night and day lest I prove unworthy of his trust and thus discredit his judgment.

That is why I crossed the River Lu in the summer heat and penetrated the barren lands of the Man. Now, the south subdued, our arms sufficing, it behooves me to marshal our soldiers to conquer the northern heartland and do my humble best to remove the hateful traitors, restore the house of Han, and return it to the former capital. This is the way I mean to honor my debt to the late Emperor and fulfill my duty to Your Majesty.

As for weighing the advantages of internal policy and making loyal recommendations to Your Majesty, that is the responsibility of Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun. My only advice is to obtain and execute your commission to chasten the traitors and restore the Han. Should I prove unfit, punish my offense and report it to the spirit of the late Emperor. If those three vassals fail to sustain Your Majesty's virtue, then their negligence should be publicized and censured.

Your Majesty, take counsel with yourself and consult widely on the right course. Examine and adopt sound opinions, and never forget the last edict fo the late Emperor. Overwhelmed with gratitude for the favor I have received from you, I now depart on a distant campaign. Blinded by my tears falling on this petition, I write I know not what.

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Second Petition on Taking the Field

Painfully recognizing that either the kingdom of Han or the kingdom of Wei must fall and that our royal rule will never know security if confined to a part of the realm, the later Emperor empowered me to wage righteous war against the northern traitors. Accurately appraising his vassal's abilities, he knew full well what feeble talent I had to pit against so strong an enemy; but not to go forward spelled our doom. To arms, rather than to bow to fate! Thus, the late Emperor charged me, and he never wavered in that commitment.

The day I received his mandate, I neither slept nor ate; the northern expedition occupied my thoughts. But first we had to move into the region south of us. In the fifth month I crossed the River Lu and penetrated deep into aboriginal territory, going without food for days at a time-not because I threw caution to the winds but because, knowing that your majesty's rule could never have survived confined to the Shu capital, we would have faced any danger, any difficulty, to carry out the late Emperor's last wishes. Critics have complained of this plan. Now, when teh traitors are spent in the west and occupied in the east, military logic tells us to exploit their distress. It is time to move forward. Allow me to present further details of this case.

The founder of the Han, Emperor Gao Zu, had wisdom of a heavenly scale and advisers of great depth and subtlety. Yet he tested treacherous terrain and suffered painful defeats, gaining security only after many trials and ordeals. Your Majesty will never surpass Emperor Gao Zu; your advisers will never surpass Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. How Your Majesty could seek a long-range plan for conquering the empire from a passive position is the first thing I fail to understand.

Imperial Inspector Liu Yao and Governor Wang Lang each held imperial territory. They were concerned for their security and worked out plans, freely citing the ancient sages. But a crowd of doubts filled their breasts, innumerable obstacles impeded their thinking, and they put off military action from year to year. That they thus allowed Sun Ce to wax in power unhampered and eventually engross the whole of the Southland is the second thing I fail to understand.

Cao Cao-no shrewder planner than he- waged war in a manner worthy of Sunzi and Wu Qi. Nonetheless, his enemies trapped him at Nanyang, put him in straits in Wuchao, imperiled his life at Qilian, pressed him hard at Liyang, nearly ruined him at Beishan, and almost killed him at Tong Pass. After all that, he enjoyed a brief period of false security. How then this vassal, Liang, with so much less talent than Cao Cao, could ever conquer the north without running risks is the third thing I fail to understand.

Cao Cao attacked Changba five times but could not subdue it. He tried to cross Lake Chao four times and failed. He took Li Fu into his service, but Li Fu conspired against him. He gave authority to Xiaohou Yuan, but Xiaohou Yuan died. The late Emperor always acknowledged Cao Cao's capabilities, yet he had his failures too. How then one so inferior as this vassal could guarantee a victory is the fourth thing I fail to appreciate.

Alas, since arriving in Hanzhong, in one year we have lost Zhao Zilong, Yang Qun, May Yum Yan Zhi, Ding Li, Bo Shou, Liu He, Deng Tong, and others, in addition to unit leaders and positional commanders totaling more then seventy. We also lost more then a thousand of our special forces-shock troops, units of the Cong, Sou, and Black Qiang nations, rangers and armed cavalry. To assemble these elite forces from around the realm took many decades; no single province can make up the loss. And in a few more years, we will lose another two-thirds of them. How to deal with the enemy is the fifth thing I fail to understand. At present, though the population is strained to the utmost and the armed forces near exhaustion, events will not stand still; and in their swift course, action is no dearer then restraint. Not to act when the hour beckons, trying instead to sustain a protracted struggle with the resources of but a single province is teh sixth thing I fail to understand.

Events are the hardest things to control. Once the late Emperor lost a battle in Jingzhou, and Cao Cao gleefully rubbed his hands together, confident that he had conquered the empire. But then the late emperor allied himself with Wu and Yue in the east, took Ba and Shu in the west, and marched against the north. Xiahou Yuan fell. This was something Cao Cao failed to reckon on and a promise of success for the cause of Han. But the Southland turned on its Riverlands ally; Lord Guan perished, Zigui fell, and Cao Pi proclaimed a new dynasty. That's how things happen; it is difficult to anticipate things to come. Humbly I shall toil to the last ounce of my strength, until my end; but whether the outcome will favor us or not is beyond my powers of prediction.

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