空手一方客
收獲了一種恬靜的生活, 像一條波瀾不驚的小河, 流過春夏 流過秋冬
James Miles：目睹西藏騷亂的英國“經濟學人”記者。
-----他的文字、圖片和訪談讓西方媒體的前期報道大打折扣。
-----從此，CNN一類西方媒體的報道口吻多少有點變了。
德國電視台NTV在新聞報道中把尼泊爾警察抓捕藏人說成是“發生在西藏的事件”。
在對西藏3.14騷亂的報道上，幾家有名的西方媒體都出盡了臭，
* 早年在海灣戰爭中一露頭角的CNN,在西藏問題上的報道圖片明顯做手腳，讓人對CNN的誠實和操守大打折扣。CNN，這個曾幾何時我們看新聞的首選，現在竟用剪刀剪剪照片就來胡弄觀眾，真是典型
的老美自以為是作風。CNN到了現在還沒表示過道歉，死不認賬的嘴臉，很像小布什，真讓人不齒。
* 德國RTL電視台新聞欄目曾登出一幅表現4名揮舞棍棒的警察追打遊行者的照片，幷將其注解為“中國警察在西藏鎮壓抗議者”。德國RTL電視台網站23日不得不承認對這幅照片做出了錯誤的文字說明，----因為這一照片反映的是3月17日尼泊爾警察在首都加德滿都驅散遊行者。其實，德國RTL電視台不僅是那表麵對圖片進行了錯誤的解釋，而是他們骨子裏對中國的偏見和認知的錯誤。
* 英國BBC也在新聞報道中使用了風馬牛不相及的照片，把尼泊爾警察在首都加德滿都驅散遊行者的照片注解為“中國警察鎮壓藏民”。到現在BBC還沒有公開向大眾道歉。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體出臭的原因，就是這些媒體對中國的長期偏見和自己的利益。他們違背新聞的真實原則，多是道聽途說。他們不僅沒有自己的一線記者在現場直擊，而且隻是用電腦編輯手段來達到自己需要的“新聞”效果，來得到自己設定的新聞目的。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體出臭的原因，就是這些媒體對中國和西藏的認知，多是基於藏獨和達賴的觀點，甚至全麵照搬。他們從來不對反麵的意見加以求證。這樣置他們自己到了十億中國人的對立麵。尤其經過這次的“新聞”效果，西方媒體在中國人心中的分量減低了，誠信度大打折扣---長遠來講，這是西方媒體在中國問題上最大的失敗。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體能出臭的原因，就是中國的媒體控製官員仍然使用老手段，把各家記者拒於現場之外，給人以猜測、杜撰、和混淆視聽提供了機會。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體能出臭的原因，就是Youtube功能的社會作用，它讓普通民眾加大了直接接觸到真相的機會。Youtubo上的圖片，讓往日媒體玩觀眾/讀者於股上的伎倆給徹底戳穿了。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體能出臭的原因，就是海外華人的努力，尤其新一代大陸移民利用傳媒和Youtube的功能，揭穿了西方媒體的偏見不公正和造謠惑眾的嘴臉。
-----讓這些有名的西方媒體能出臭的原因，就是一個西方記者在拉薩做出了與他們的慣常不同的報道，他就是英國經濟學人{ the Economics}常住北京的記者James Miles。
3月1日，英國經濟學人（ the Economics）常住北京的記者James Miles申請到拉薩采訪。他12日到了拉薩，3月14號西藏就爆發了騷亂。真好讓他給趕上了----對一個記者來講，這是千載難逢的機會。這讓他再次目睹了騷亂的實況-----就像當年他目睹了天安門的實況一樣。
James Miles說，“騷亂發生後，我在橫貫拉薩市的北京路上看見100多名藏人向漢人經營的商店扔石頭，向那些過路的漢人扔石頭。這些藏人不是僧侶，看上去隻是一般市民打扮，可能還是別的地方來的藏人。”
“他們對付的是漢人，還有穆斯林。那些穆斯林人掌控著拉薩的肉食市場”。
“我看到那些藏人扛著傳統的劍。盡管沒有拔出綃，但對漢人的威懾和恐嚇是有的。”
“有3個騎自行車的漢人從我身邊經過。那些藏人就往他們身上扔石頭，也向過路的漢人出租車司機扔石頭。有一塊石頭打中了汽車窗戶，司機很快掉轉車頭逃離現場。我還看見這些藏人在路中央用腳踐踏中國國旗。”
“之後的幾個小時，在拉薩市的舊城區，一大批漢人經營的商店受到了這些暴徒的襲擊，店主的財物被拖到街上，堆成堆，用火點燃。很多漢人倉惶逃跑。有一些漢人躲在商店頂層自己的家裏不敢出來。”
James Miles說，我看到了許多軍人，但沒有看到他們鎮壓藏人。接觸的人越多，發現越來越多的受害人是漢人。
James Miles是目前“唯一獲中國許可進藏”的在現場的外國記者，他目睹了這次騷亂的的實況，他在網上發表的文字和圖片報道給了CNN, BBC, NTV, RTL等西方媒體一記響亮的耳光。隨即，CNN一改過去對西藏問題的蠻橫態度，不僅在自己的網上轉載了James Miles的報道，而且報道西藏的口吻也改變了；RTL在網上公開認錯；德國新聞頻道NTV也表示正在對相關報道進行核查。
當然，不論這些西方媒體如何檢討，他們骨子裏對中國的認知還是有差距的，那就是他們根深蒂固的偏見。不管是在政治、社會、思想和文化方麵，他們那種自以為是的傲慢,自然而然地維護著他們的偏見。
西藏事件對西方媒體是個教訓，對中國官方來講也是一個教訓。他對我們這些海外的華人來講也是一個經驗：它讓我們要學會分析西方媒體的報道，學會批評西方媒體的報道，學會揭露西方媒體的虛偽，學會表達自己知道的真相，......
下麵是CNN對James Miles的訪問稿：
BEIJING, China (CNN) -- James Miles, of The Economist, has just returned from Lhasa, Tibet. The following is a transcript of an interview he gave to CNN.
James Miles
Q. How easy was it for you to see what you wanted to see?
A. Well remarkably so, given that the authorities are normally extremely sensitive about the presence of foreign journalists when this kind of incident occurs. I was expecting all along that they were going to call me up and tell me to leave Lhasa immediately. I think what restrained them from doing that, one very important factor in this, was the thoughts of the Olympic Games that are going to be staged in Beijing in August. And they have been going out of their way to convince the rest of the world that China is opening up in advance of this. I think they probably didn't want me there but they knew that I was there with official permission, and one thing they've been trying to get across over the last few months is that journalists based in Beijing can now get around the country more freely than they could before. Of course Tibet is a special example. I've been a journalist in China now for 15 years altogether. This is the first time that I've ever got official approval to go to Tibet. And it's remarkable I think that they decided to let me stay there and probably they felt that it was a bit of a gamble. But as the protests went on I think they also probably felt that having me there would help to get across the scale of the ethnically-targeted violence that the Chinese themselves have also been trying to highlight.
Q. What you say you saw corroborates the official version. What exactly did you see?
A. What I saw was calculated targeted violence against an ethnic group, or I should say two ethnic groups, primarily ethnic Han Chinese living in Lhasa, but also members of the Muslim Hui minority in Lhasa. And the Huis in Lhasa control much of the meat industry in the city. Those two groups were singled out by ethnic Tibetans. They marked those businesses that they knew to be Tibetan owned with white traditional scarves. Those businesses were left intact. Almost every single other across a wide swathe of the city, not only in the old Tibetan quarter, but also beyond it in areas dominated by the ethnic Han Chinese. Almost every other business was either burned, looted, destroyed, smashed into, the property therein hauled out into the streets, piled up, burned. It was an extraordinary outpouring of ethnic violence of a most unpleasant nature to watch, which surprised some Tibetans watching it. So they themselves were taken aback at the extent of what they saw. And it was not just targeted against property either. Of course many ethnic Han Chinese and Huis fled as soon as this broke out. But those who were caught in the early stages of it were themselves targeted. Stones thrown at them. At one point, I saw them throwing stones at a boy of maybe around 10 years old perhaps cycling along the street. I in fact walked out in front of them and said stop. It was a remarkable explosion of simmering ethnic grievances in the city.
Q. Did you see other weapons?
A. I saw them carrying traditional Tibetan swords, I didn't actually see them getting them out and intimidating people with them. But clearly the purpose of carrying them was to scare people. And speaking later to ethnic Han Chinese, that was one point that they frequently drew attention to. That these people were armed and very intimidating.
Q. There was an official response to this. In some reporting, info coming from Tibetan exiles, there was keenness to report it as Tiananmen.
A. Well the Chinese response to this was very interesting. Because you would expect at the first sings of any unrest in Lhasa, which is a city on a knife-edge at the best of times. That the response would be immediate and decisive. That they would cordon off whatever section of the city involved, that they would grab the people involved in the unrest. In fact what we saw, and I was watching it at the earliest stages, was complete inaction on the part of the authorities. It seemed as if they were paralyzed by indecision over how to handle this. The rioting rapidly spread from Beijing Road, this main central thoroughfare of Lhasa, into the narrow alleyways of the old Tibetan quarter. But I didn't see any attempt in those early hours by the authorities to intervene. And I suspect again the Olympics were a factor there. That they were very worried that if they did move in decisively at that early stage of the unrest that bloodshed would ensue in their efforts to control it. And what they did instead was let the rioting run its course and it didn't really finish as far as I saw until the middle of the day on the following day on the Saturday, March the 15th. So in effect what they did was sacrifice the livelihoods of many, many ethnic Han Chinese in the city for the sake of letting the rioters vent their anger. And then being able to move in gradually with troops with rifles that they occasionally let off with single shots, apparently warning shots, in order to scare everybody back into their homes and put an end to this.
Q. Would be false to suggest there was heavy-handed security approach?
A. Well this was covering a vast area of the city and I was the only foreign journalist, at least accredited, to ... who was there to witness this. It was impossible to get a total picture. I did hear persistent rumors while I was there during this rioting of isolated clashes between the security forces and rioters. And rumors of occasional bloodshed involved in that. But I can do no more really on the basis of what I saw then say there was a probability that some ethnic Chinese were killed in this violence, and also a probability that some Tibetans, Tibetan rioters themselves were killed by members of the security forces. But it's impossible to get the kind of numbers or real first hand evidences necessary to back that up.
Q. Form any sense of where it would go from here?
A. Well I think they now have a huge problem on their hands. When I left Lhasa yesterday the city was still in a state of effectively Martial Law. They've been bending over backwards this time not to declare martial law as they did in 1989 after the last major outbreak of anti-Chinese unrest in Lhasa. This time they have not used that term and yet the conditions now in Lhasa are pretty much the same as they were in 1989 under martial law. Officials say there are no soldiers, no members of the People's Liberation Army involved in this security operation. And yet I saw numerous, many military vehicles, military looking vehicles with telltale license plates covered up or removed. And also many troops there whose uniforms were distinctly lacking in the usual insignia of either the police or the riot police. So my very, very strong suspicion is that the army is out there and is in control in Lhasa. And removing that security given the way Tibetans are now focusing on the Olympics as a window of opportunity, removing that security now I think would be something they would be very, very cautious about. And yet there are enormous pressures on them to do so. Coming up to the Olympic torch carrying ceremony in Lhasa in June. That is one obvious event they will want the world to see and they will want the world to see that Lhasa is normal. But I think getting to that stage will be enormously tricky given the depth of feeling in Lhasa itself among Tibetans.
Q. Did you actually see clashes between security forces and Tibetan protesters?
A. Well what I saw and at this stage, the situation around my hotel which was right in the middle of the old Tibetan quarter, was very tense indeed and quite dangerous so it was difficult for me to freely walk around the streets. But what I saw was small groups of Tibetans, and this was on the second day of the protests, throwing stones towards what I assumed to be, and they were slightly out of vision, members of the security forces. I would hear and indeed smell occasional volleys of Tear gas fired back. There clearly was a small scale clash going on between Tibetans and the security forces. But on the second day things had calmed down generally compared with the huge rioting that was going on...on the Friday. And the authorities were responding to these occasional clashes with Tibetans not by moving forward rapidly with either riot police and truncheons and shields, or indeed troops with rifles. But for a long time, just with occasional, with the very occasional round of tear gas, which would send and I could see this, people scattering back into these very, very, narrow and winding alleyways. What I did not hear was repeated bursts of machine gun fire, I didn't have that same sense of an all out onslaught of massive firepower that I sensed here in Beijing when I was covering the crushing of the Tiananmen Square protests in June, 1989. This was a very different kind of operation, a more calculated one, and I think the effort of the authorities this time was to let people let off steam before establishing a very strong presence with troops, with guns, every few yards, all across the Tibetan quarter. It was only when they felt safe I think that there would not be massive bloodshed, that they actually moved in with that decisive force.
Q. At time you left, were Han Chinese moving freely back?
A. There were some on the Saturday morning. On the second day we came back to the shops and I saw them picking through the wreckage, tears in their eyes. They were astonished, as I was, at the lack of any security presence on the previous day. It was only during the night at the end of the first day that this cordon was established around the old Tibetan quarter. But even within it, for several hours afterwards, people were still free to continue looting and setting fires, and the authorities were still standing back. And it was only as things fizzled out towards the middle of the second day that as I say they moved in in great numbers. Ethnic Chinese in Lhasa are now very worried people. Some who had been there for many, many years expressed to me their utter astonishment that this had happened. They had no sense of great ethnic tension being a part of life in Lhasa. Now numerous Hans that I spoke to say that they are so afraid they may leave the city, which may have very damaging consequences for Lhasa's economy, Tibet's economy. Of course one would expect that ethnic Chinese would think twice now about coming into Lhasa for tourism, and that's been a huge part of their economic growth recently. And leaving Lhasa, I was sitting on a plane next to some Chinese businessmen, they say that they would normally come in and out of Lhasa by train. But their fear now is that Tibetans will blow up the railway line. That it is now actually safer to fly out of Tibet than to go by railway. We have no evidence of Terrorist activity by Tibetans, no accusation of that nature so far. But that is a fear that's haunting some ethnic Han Chinese now.
Q. When you were told to leave, what were you told?
A. Well I had an 8-day permit to be in Lhasa. That permit began two days before the rioting, on March 12, and was due to run out on March 19. My official schedule was basically abandoned after a couple days of this. Many of the places on my official itinerary turned out to be hotspots in the middle of this unrest. They left me to my own devices. I was stopped by the police at one point, taken to a police station. They made a few phone calls and then let me go back out on the streets full of troops and police carrying out the security crackdown. They insisted however that when my permit did expire on the 19th that I had to leave. I asked for an extension and they said decisively no.
Q. So you weren't expelled? It just ran out?
A. Well we're in a gray area here. Because in theory China has been opened up to foreign journalists since January 2007, which means no longer, which was the case before, do we have to apply for provincial level government approval every time we leave Beijing for reporting. The official regulations don't mention Tibet. But orally, officials have made it clear that Tibet is an exception to these new Olympic rules and journalists who have made their own way there, unofficially, both before this unrest and during it have been caught or ... and expelled. Or those who have succeeded in making it out without being detected have been criticized by the authorities for doing so. So one could argue that yes I was expelled, if one looks at the regulations they've announced which one could interpret as meaning we have the freedom to be where we like. But in their interpretation, Tibet is an exception and in their view they were being rather liberal towards me by letting run to the end of my official permit.
Q. Is Dalai behind this?
A. Well we didn't see any evidence of any organized activity, at least there was nothing in what I sensed and saw during those couple of days of unrest in Lhasa, there was anything organized behind it. And I've seen organized unrest in China. The Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 involved numerous organizations spontaneously formed by people in Beijing to oppose, or to call for more reform and demand democracy. We didn't see that in Lhasa. There were no organizations there that ... certainly none that labeled themselves as such. These accusations against what they call the Dalai Lama clique, are ritual parts of the political rhetoric in Tibet. There is a constant background rhetoric directed at the Dalai Lama and his supporters in India. So it is not at all surprising that they would repeat that particular accusation in this case. But they haven't come across, haven't produced any evidence of this whatsoever. And I think it's more likely that what we saw was yes inspired by a general desire of Tibetans both inside Tibet and among the Dalai Lama's followers, to take advantage of this Olympic year. But also inspired simply by all these festering grievances on the ground in Lhasa.
James Miles發表的圖片：
http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/23/china.tibet.ap/index.html#cnnSTCPhoto
要看James Miles的圖片，請點擊這裏：
http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/23/china.tibet.ap/index.html#cnnSTCPhoto
Why?
--Because it hurt already the feeling of Han and Zang nations.