徐文立：敦促中共政府在大陸實行政治改革的路線圖和時間表

 徐文立：敦促中共政府在大陸實行政治改革的路線圖和時間表

敦促中共政府在大陸實行政治改革的路線圖和時間表

   （徐文立起草）

   （2006年5月15日公布）

   我們高度讚賞、評價和理解中國政治反對派各方人士為在中國大陸實行政治改革或改變所提出來的各項政治主張和政治方案。

   我們現在所提出的《敦促中共政府在大陸實行政治改革的路線圖和時間表》隻是以上各項政治主張和政治方案的一個部分，歡迎各位同仁提出批評和補充的意見。

   為了一個重大的政治進程得以實現，提出實現這個政治進程的路線圖和時間表，是當今世界政治領域中成功的方式之一。

   當今世界，恐怕再沒有比有13億人口的中國大陸實現政治改革或改變，更加迫切和重大的政治課題了。

   中國大陸不實行政治改革，中國民眾就不可能保持住經濟改革所帶給他們的種種權益，或消解經濟改革所帶給他們的損傷；更不可能使得中國走向公平、均富、穩定、繁榮的未來；也無法消除世界各國對於中國大陸的前景所存有的疑慮。

   何況，1939年2月25日的《新華日報》就代表中共中央指出：“他們（國民黨）以為中國實現民主政治，不是今天的事，而是若幹年以後的事，他們希望中國人民知識與教育程度提高到歐美資產階級民主國家那樣，再來實現民主政治。其實在民主製度之下才更容易教育和訓練民眾。”

   何況，1944年2月1日《新華日報》就代表中共中央指出：“為了國際的地位，必須從保障基本的民主權利開步走。恐懼是懦夫，疑慮是自私，反對便是倒行。我們再度呼籲：保障人民的基本民主權利。”

   何況，1941年10月28日《解放日報》就代表中共中央指出：“目前推行民主政治，主要關鍵在於結束一黨治國。”

   何況，1944年4月19日《新華日報》就代表中共中央指出：“民主和言論自由，實在是分不開的。”

   何況，1944年2月2日《新華日報》就代表中共中央指出：“要徹底地、充分地、有效地實行普選製，使人民能在實際上，享有‘普遍’、‘平等’的選舉權、被選舉權，則必須如中山先生所說，在選舉以前，‘保障各地方團體及人民有選舉之自由，有提出議案及宣傳、討論之自由。’也就是‘確定人民有集會、結社、言論、出版的完全自由權。’否則，所謂選舉權，仍不過是紙上的權利罷了。”

   因此，在中共已在中國大陸執政57年、實行經濟改革也已28年、經濟有所發展、社會矛盾卻更加尖銳的今天，立即敦促中共政府實行政治改革或改變是再自然不過的事了。

   為此我們提議：

   1． 中國大陸應從2007年起，經過五年漸進的政治改革或改變，至2011年即亞洲第一共和國——“中華民國”成立100周年的時候，初步完成政治改革或改變的預訂目標。

   2． 建議中國共產黨的第17次代表大會學習中國國民黨和越南共產黨，差額選舉黨主席或總書記，首先在中共黨內實現民主化。

   3． 在必要的準備之後，從2007年6月1日起，中共政府經人大常委會授權逐步釋放全部因政治、思想、言論、宗教、民族諸問題而被囚禁的各類政治犯和良心犯。允許所有流亡海外的政治反對派人士回到自己的祖國。

   4． 當中共政府確實按第二條款實施了釋放全部政治犯和良心犯、允許所有流亡海外的政治反對派人士回到自己的祖國的情況下，中國海內外政治反對派人士亦在2008年中國大陸舉辦奧運會期間，暫停一切行動上的政治反對活動作為善意的回應。

   5． 經過2008年起的一年多的醞釀和準備，於2009年秋天在北京召開中國共產黨和政治反對派人士共同參加的“國是大會”；進而於2010年召開“國是大會”授權的“製憲會議”。

   海內外政治反對派人士和中國共產黨雙方應立即著手各組織和成立一個約20人的聯絡小組，各含一個研究操作方案的機構，從2007年起至2009年秋天在北京召開共同參加的“國是大會”之前的一年內，至少舉行二次坦誠和善意的會談，最好由聯合國有關機構專人召集、調解及監督，一次在海外，一次在中國大陸，為大會議題、議程和可行性做充分的準備。可以先從政治反對派人士回國事宜談起。 

   “國是大會”政治反對派與會的人士總數應不少於100位。這100位代表人士由政治反對派各方政治力量協商產生。

   “國是大會”中國共產黨和接受中國共產黨領導的政黨的與會代表總數應不多於100位。

   6． 未來“製憲會議”的參與者，應事先向國人公開做出日後永不謀求任何“公權力”的宣示。

   7． 與此同時，中共政府應和台灣政府及其朝野多黨、西藏以達賴喇嘛為首的流亡政府、法輪功人士、新疆和內蒙古尋求獨立的人士、六四受難者群體進行公開、和平的富有成效的對話，並吸納他們的代表人物參與2009年的“國是大會”。

   8． 不遲於2009年初，在完成《新聞出版法》的立法過程之後，中國大陸實現新聞自由。

   9． 在2009年，選擇一兩個省（如：福建、廣東或海南），作為政治改革先行省，允許先期實行有關言論自由和結社自由的立法；並不遲於2010年實現縣、市級的直接選舉；在積累經驗的基礎上，在2011年實現省級的直接選舉。應在2008年實現香港特區的“特首”的直選。

   10． 在中國大陸實行政治改革，至少應達到以下幾點目標：

   （1）任何政治組織不論是中國共產黨，還是其他的政黨組織，今後不得在政府部門和各地方政權組織、及國家的武裝力量內建立黨的組織機構或政治組織機構。中國共產黨和其他政黨組織在國家《政黨組織法》的基礎上，享有平等的權利和進行公平競爭的權利。任何政黨組織不享有任何政治特權。

   （2）真正由全國民眾選舉產生的國會，才是國家的最高權力機構；國家元首由全國民眾間接或直接選舉產生。國家的政治體製由“國是大會”授權的“製憲會議”提交方案之後，由全民公決確定。非此類重大政治事宜，不輕啟全民公決的民主程序。

   （3）國家的武裝力量國家化和中立化，由民選的國家元首指揮。除國家元首外，武裝力量的任何軍事人員不得幹涉國家的政治事務，否則將予以最嚴厲的軍法懲處。

   （4）國家繼續實行開放的市場經濟。

   （5）國家不謀求地區霸權和世界霸權，讓中國成為世界大家庭中有影響的負責任的一員。

   ________________________________________________________________

   Proposed Direction and Timeline to the Chinese Government for the Implementation of Political Reform in the People’s Republic of China

    

   (Preliminary Proposal)

    

   Xu Wenli

   (May 15 2006)

   We recognize and applaud the efforts taken by the various Chinese political opposition factions in lobbying for political change or reform in the People’s Republic of China and in suggesting the various political propositions and proposals presented thus far. 

   Our suggestion of a “Proposal of Direction and Timeline for Political Reform in China” is but one of the many political initiatives that have been proposed and I warmly welcome any form of criticism, recommendations or additional input on this issue. 

   One of the most successful measures undertaken in today’s international political arena to achieve political progress is through the formulation of timelines and blueprints.

   In the world of today, there is probably no issue more serious and more pressing than the topic of political reform and change in a China that houses 1.3 billion of the world’s population. 

   As long as political reform is not implemented in China, the Chinese people cannot retain the benefits nor relieve the suffering that has accompanied the recent economic reforms. Neither can China hope to progress towards a future of justice, equality, stability, and prosperity, nor can it dispel the doubts and reservations that nations around the world have regarding China’s future.

   Moreover, an article published in the Xinhua Daily on behalf of the Communist Politburo on February 25, 1939 has stated, “They (Kuomintang) think that democracy in China is something that belongs not to the present but somewhere in the distant future. Their hope is for the Chinese people to first elevate their knowledge and educational level to one comparable to the capitalist and democratic nations of the West before they can begin to implement democracy. Actually, it is precisely under a democratic system that people can be more easily trained and educated.” 

   Additionally, an article from the Xinhua Daily on behalf of the Communist Politburo on February 1 1944 has stated, “In order to maintain our international status, we must begin by guaranteeing the fundamental democratic rights of the people. Fear represents cowardice, doubt represents selfishness, and opposition represents backwardness. We urge once again: Guarantee the fundamental democratic rights of the people.

   On October 28, 1941, Liberation Daily published an article on behalf of the Communist Politburo, stating that “Right now, in order to establish a democratic political system, the key is to end a single-party government.”

   On April 19, 1944, Xinhua Daily stated on behalf of the Communist Politburo that “Democracy and freedom of speech are inseparable.”

   On February 2, 1944, Xinhua Daily once again stated on behalf of the Communist Politburo that “We must completely, fully, and effectively implement popular elections, so the people can realistically enjoy ‘popular’ and ‘equal’ right to election. With regards to the right to be elected, we must adhere to the words of Mr. Sun Yat-sen in that before every election, ‘we must guarantee that every person and organization from every locality has the right to vote and has the freedom to propose, publicize and discuss any policy propositions.’ This necessarily means that ‘we must guarantee that the people have the complete freedom of assembly, of speech, to publish, and to unionize’, otherwise, the so-called right to election is merely a right on paper.”

Therefore, at a point where the Chinese Communist Party has governed Mainland China for 57 years, at a point where economic reforms have been in practice for 28 years, at a point where the economy is growing but social conflict is also increasingly sharpening, immediately urging the Communist party to implement political change or reform is but a natural thing to do.

   Thus, we propose that:

   1. Beginning from 2007, Mainland China should implement five years of gradual political changes or reforms that will allow the completion of the initial objectives of political reform by 2011, which is the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China, the first republic in Asia. 

   2. The Chinese Communist Party should emulate the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and the Vietnamese Communist Party in holding multi-candidate elections for its General Secretary. Democratization should first begin from within the Chinese Communist Party itself.

   3. Beginning from June 1, 2007, after all necessary preparation, the People’s Congress should authorize the gradual release of all prisoners that have been arrested for political, ideological, speech, religious, minority rights and other reasons. Additionally, the government should also allow all political dissidents that are exiled overseas to return to their home country. 

   4. Under the condition that the Chinese Communist government has implemented point number 2, which permits the release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, as well as allowing all overseas exiles to return to their home country, all Chinese political opposition factions, whether in China or abroad, will cease all political activities during the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, as a gesture of reciprocity.

   5. After more than a year of planning and preparations beginning from 2008, the Chinese Communist Party and all Chinese political opposition factions should collaborate in organizing and participating in the “Future of China Conference”, to be held in the fall of 2009 in Beijing. This conference should primarily focus on discussing the vital issues surrounding China’s political development and on charting China’s political direction. A “Constitutional Convention” will be subsequently convened in 2010 upon legitimate authorization by the “Future of China Conference”. 

   Local and overseas political opposition factions and the Chinese Communist Party will each begin to organize and establish a communication group, comprising approximately 20 members. Each group should encompass a sub-team responsible for researching the planning and implementation of political reforms prior to the conference in 2009. The sub-teams should also hold at least two open, honest and friendly discussions between the beginning of 2007 and the fall of 2008, allowing a full year before the 2009 “Future of China Conference”. Ideally, relevant authorities from the United Nations should be involved in the organization, mediation and supervision of these discussions, which will be conducted once in Mainland China and the other abroad, in order to make ample preparations for the topics, schedules and implementation of the conference itself. One of the starting points of discussion could be the return of exiled political dissidents. 

   The “Future of China Conference” should have no less than 100 representatives from the Chinese political opposition factions. These 100 representatives should be selected through negotiations among the different executive committees of the opposition groups. 

   6. Members of the Constitutional Convention should first make a public declaration to the Chinese people that they will never seek any form of “dominant authority” in the future.

   7. At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party should hold open, peaceful and constructive dialogues with the Taiwanese government and its other political parties, the Tibetan government in exile headed by the Dalai Lama, Falun Gong members, as well as the victims of the June 4th Tiananmen Incident. Their key representatives should be included in the 2009 “Future of China Conference” in Beijing.

   8. The legislative procedures of the “News Publication Law” should be completed no later than the beginning of 2009, henceforth allowing freedom of the press in Mainland China. 

   9. In 2009, one or two provinces, such as Fujian, Guangdong or Hainan, should be designated as Early Political Reform Provinces, allowing for the early implementation of the Freedom of the Press and Freedom of Association legislation in these areas. Direct elections at the county and city district levels should be held no later than 2010. Building upon the foundations of experience, direct elections should also be held at the provincial level in 2011. Direct elections for the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region should be held in 2008. 

   10. The implementation of political reform in Mainland China should at least achieve these targets as mentioned below:

   (1) Any political organization, be it the Chinese Communist Party or any other political groups, must not build up their party apparatus or political organizations within the government’s administrative departments or upon the military might of the Chinese army. Under the stipulations of China’s “Political Organizations Law”, the Chinese Communist Party and other political groupings are entitled to equal access to political power and the right to fair competition. No one political party should enjoy privileged political status or power. 

   (2) It is only when a parliament arises out of popular, nation-wide elections by the people themselves can it be truly considered as vested with the nation’s highest authority. China’s premier must be selected either through direct or indirect elections by the Chinese people. 

   (3) A nationalized and neutral military force will be commanded by the democratically elected president of the country. With the exception of the commander-in-chief, no other official within the military is allowed to interfere with the political matters of the country; otherwise he will be most severely punished by military law. 

   (4) The country will continue to implement open market economic policies.

   (5) The country will not pursue regional supremacy and world hegemony, therefore allowing China to become an influential and responsible member of the international community. 

   (Revised 4/12-24/06)