風蕭蕭_Frank
以文會友
許多被西方文明獸性化的磚家叫獸，哀嚎民主，看不見自由民主國家的政客，已經把民主國家玩完，人們努力工作，還是入不敷出。它們為了展示自己尊重價值和人權，讓自己國民供養玩完母國到處流竄的移民，這種人，不能培養成合格勞工和守法公民，被當地人喂飽後如同警察巡街，本地人如同逃犯躲藏，還是被搶，被奸，被殺，既無人權，又無做人尊嚴。
香港大學徐成剛教授正在玩命地把中國推進此境地。這種被西方文明獸性化的磚家叫獸都是畜生啊。
中國能否在沒有憲政的情況下保持持續穩定的增長？
2014 年 6 月 11 日
https://www.ceu.edu/article/2014-06-11/can-china-maintain-sustained-and-stable-growth-without-constitutionalism
香港大學徐成剛教授表示，中國改革發展正在迅速放緩，經濟、政治和社會出現不穩定跡象。在傳奇的天安門廣場抗議活動 25 周年紀念日的前一天，徐教授思考了這個擁有 13 億多人口的國家在沒有功能性憲政的情況下還能堅持多久，包括限製政府權力的憲法規則、政治多元化和權力分立。
許誌永曾是馬克思主義和共產主義的狂熱信徒，但最終因發表言論和參與被前中共主席毛澤東視為“革命”的活動而成為政治犯。他被單獨監禁了 10 年，隨後在條件極其惡劣的勞改營服刑。
香港大學許成剛教授談論中國麵臨的經濟和政治挑戰。圖片來源：CEU/Daniel Vegel
在 CEU 活動中，許誌永的同事兼朋友、考文紐斯大學名譽教授、哈佛大學名譽經濟學教授雅諾什·科爾奈 (Janos Kornai) 介紹了許誌永。毛澤東去世後，許誌永回到北京繼續學業，最終考入哈佛大學。許誌永的父親是一位物理學家，曾將愛因斯坦的著作翻譯成中文，他也是當局的目標。他被開除出共產黨和中國科學院（他是該院的創始成員之一），並一直受到警方的監視，直到生命結束。
許誌永指出，通過建立憲法規則來改革中國的政治和法律製度的必要性一直是一個熱議話題，特別是在 2012 年中國共產黨第十八次全國代表大會之前。許誌永說，即使拋開人權和多元化等民主原則，那些隻關心經濟的人也有理由感到絕望。
“按 GDP 總量排名，今天的中國是世界第二大經濟體，”許誌永說。“然而，按人均 GDP 排名，中國比 1980 年代的蘇聯還要差。中國是一個相當貧窮的國家，人類發展指數 (HDI) 排名非常低，而且越來越差。”
徐教授指出，二戰後，世界上所有發達經濟體都是憲政民主國家，上個世紀幾乎所有最重要的發明都來自民主國家。此外，經濟發展專家徐教授指出，憲法規則是金融市場運作的先決條件。
“沒有憲法規則，政府就會一再侵犯產權，”他說。“這是中國金融市場無法正常運作的關鍵原因。”
香港大學徐成剛教授建議采取可行的、和平的步驟在中國建立憲政製度。
缺乏產權帶來的社會不穩定也是一個巨大的擔憂。徐教授解釋說，政府正在進行大規模的城市化，大片土地從農業用地轉變為城市用地。“他們從農民手中奪取土地，將其轉為國有，並將使用權出售給開發商（政府和開發商之間存在聯盟）。他們賺取巨額利潤，卻壓榨農民和城市居民——他們強行拆遷，迫使人們搬遷。”
反腐運動也因中國地方分權主義（RDA）的性質而失敗，其特點是政治權力和個人控製權高度集中，行政權力和經濟權力高度分散。作為這一製度的殘餘，任命的官僚隻對其上司負責，而不對其選民負責。
許建議采取切實可行的和平步驟，實現憲政體製，包括從地方選舉開始，建立一個民主的聯邦國家；改善現有的鄉鎮選舉；實施地方（市/省）選舉；以及製定全國大選的時間表。
關於執政黨的改革，許希望看到黨內競爭派係製度化以及黨內公開選舉。他總結說，司法獨立和私有財產權的確立對憲政和國家穩定也至關重要。
此次講座由中歐大學公共政策學院 (SPP)、國際關係與歐洲研究係以及經濟學係讚助。
Can China Maintain Sustained and Stable Growth Without Constitutionalism?
China is experiencing a rapid slowdown in reform and development and showing signs of economic, political, and societal instability, according to Professor Chenggang Xu of the University of Hong Kong. On the day before the 25th anniversary of the now legendary Tiananmen Square protests, Xu considered how long the country of over 1.3 billion can go on without functional constitutionalism, including constitutional rules that confine the power of the government, political pluralism, and separation of powers.
Xu, once an ardent believer in Marxism and communism, ultimately became a political prisoner after making remarks and participating in activities that authorities under China's former Communist Chairman Mao Zedong saw as “revolutionary.” He spent 10 years in solitary confinement, followed by a sentence in a labor camp under very harsh conditions,
noted Xu's colleague and friend, Janos Kornai, professor emeritus, Corvinus University and Allie S. Freed professor of economics emeritus, Harvard University, who introduced him at the CEU event. After the death of Mao, Xu returned to Beijing to continue his studies and ultimately attended Harvard. Xu's father, a physicist who translated Einstein into Chinese, was also a target of the regime who, after expulsion from the communist party, and the Chinese Academy of Sciences (of which he was a founding member), remained under police surveillance until the end of his life.
Xu noted that the necessity of reforming China's political and legal institutions by establishing the constitutional rule has been a hotly debated issue, particularly right before the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012. Even setting aside democratic tenets such as human rights and pluralism, Xu said those who care only about the economy also have reason to despair.
“Ranked by total GDP, today's China is the second largest economy in the world,” Xu said. “However, by per capita GDP ranking, China is worse than USSR in the 1980s. China is a fairly poor nation with a very poor Human Development Index (HDI) ranking that is getting worse and worse.”
In the post-WW II world, all the developed economies in the world are constitutional democracies, Xu stated, and almost all of the most important inventions in last century came from democratic countries. In addition, Xu, a specialist in economic development, pointed out that constitutional rules are a precondition for functioning financial markets.
“Without constitutional rule, the government violates property rights repeatedly,” he said. “This is the key reason the Chinese financial market doesn't work.”
Social instability brought on by the lack of property rights is a huge concern as well. Xu explained that the government engages in large-scale urbanization in which huge areas are being converted from agricultural to urban use. “They grab the land from peasants and convert to state ownership and sell use rights to developers (there is a coalition between the government and the developers). They make large profits but they squeeze both the peasants and the urban citizens – they force demolition and people have to move.”
Anti-corruption campaigns have also failed because of the nature of China's Regionally Decentralized Authoritarianism (RDA), characterized by highly centralized political and personal control power and highly decentralized administration and economic powers. A remnant of this system, appointed bureaucrats are only accountable to their bosses, not to their constituencies.
Xu recommended feasible, peaceful steps toward a constitutional system, including aiming at a democratic federal state, starting from local elections; improving existing village/town elections; implementing local (municipality/provincial) elections; and a timetable for general national election.
Regarding reform of the ruling party, Xu would like to see an institutionalization of competing factions of the party as well as open elections within the party. Judicial independence and the establishment of private property rights are also of utmost importance to a constitutional government and national stability, he concluded.
The lecture was sponsored by CEU's School of Public Policy (SPP), the Department of International Relations and European Studies, and the Department of Economics.
