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馮德萊恩推不動這項對華政策：我們是歐盟，不是美國
在歐盟準備公布對華“經濟去風險”路線圖之際，部分歐盟成員國提出了異議。
香港《南華早報》10日援引五名外交官和其他參與討論的人士的話報道稱，在本周三（7日）的一次會議上，來自法國、德國、意大利和荷蘭的外交官對歐盟委員會主席馮德萊恩辦公室主任塞伯特（Bjorn Seibert）在一次演講中提到的“國家安全”表示擔憂，一些成員國警告稱，歐盟不應“模仿”美國對中國的態度。
一位高級官員透露，一些歐盟成員國直言“我們是歐洲，不是美國”，他們擔心，歐盟將貿易政策和“國家安全”混為一談。
報道稱，本月20日，歐盟委員會將公布一項新的經濟安全戰略的早期提案，該提案不會直接針對中國，但在起草過程中考慮到了中國的影響。
3月30日，馮德萊恩首次宣布將提出這項經濟安全戰略，她當時表示，有必要減少歐盟對中國的依賴。4月18日，歐盟委員會主席馮德萊恩再次強調歐洲必須要製定一個“連貫的、獨特的”對華戰略，核心必須是“經濟去風險化”。馮德萊恩重申其一貫看法，即歐洲需平衡與中國的關係，降低對華依賴、降低對華關係中一些“重要且敏感領域”的風險，但稱之為“避險”，而非“脫鉤”。
據報道，提案將包括對外投資審查，這將限製歐洲公司投資中國的某些領域。
一名外交官表示，這一提議令成員國感到不安，他們認為歐盟與美國的步調過於相似。
“雖然塞伯特提出了一個很好的計劃，但我們要小心，不要模仿美國人的姿態和措辭。”另一名外交官說道。
馮德萊恩 比利時布魯蓋爾研究所（Bruegel）的貿易專家大衛·克萊曼（David Kleimann）分析稱，從成員國的反應可以明顯看出，馮德萊恩在發表與美國相似的對華表態前，沒有征求各成員國的意見。
“這令人驚訝，因為限製資本外流需要得到歐洲理事會的一致同意。此外，成員國在國家安全事務上擁有專屬權限。”克萊曼說。
不過，馮德萊恩仍有一批支持者，他們表示，馮德萊恩曾透露新的經濟安全戰略中涉及國家安全的部分非常少，僅包括量子計算、人工智能和半導體等特定領域，且絕大多數貿易和投資被視為無風險，不會對成員國造成影響。
美國消費者新聞與商業頻道（CNBC）此前分析認為，歐盟成員在對華政策上有不同看法，一些成員不願與中國為敵，但也有一些歐盟成員在安全問題上緊跟美國，這造成歐盟對華戰略的分裂。
CNBC稱，許多歐盟領導人發現，要想在降低二氧化碳排放方麵取得實質性進展，與中國進行對話至關重要。這與美國的觀點截然不同，因為美國官員認為與北京完全分離——即所謂的“脫鉤”——才是最好的辦法。對歐洲而言，他們需要的是降低和規避風險，而不是完全脫離中國。
歐洲對外關係委員會（ECFR）近日發布的一項多國調查報告也顯示，絕大多數歐洲人（74%）支持歐盟加強防衛能力，而不是依賴美國，近半數受訪者（43%）將中國視為歐洲的合作夥伴，而非競爭對手。
EU's 'de-risking' plan for China meets resistance from some members
https://finance.yahoo.com/news/eus-risking-plan-china-meets-093000710.html
South China Morning Post
As European Union chief Ursula von der Leyen prepares to unveil a road map for "de-risking" economic ties with China, big member states have warned against "mimicking" the "gung ho" approach of United States.
At a breakfast meeting in Brussels on Wednesday, diplomats from France, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands were among those expressing concern about "national security" references von de Leyen's chief of cabinet, Bjorn Seibert, made in a presentation, according to five diplomats and others party to the discussion.
While there is broad support for reducing Europe's dependencies on China and finding alternative suppliers for critical goods, there are worries that von der Leyen's European Commission is moving too quickly and too expansively.
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The "cool and cautious" feedback from some the bloc's most powerful members, said a senior official, was: "We are Europe, not the United States."
Some capitals worry that Brussels is veering onto their turf by conflating trade policy with "national security".
"National security means national security," one western European diplomat said, a reminder that the EU has no domain over its members' individual policies in this area.
An early-stage proposal for the new economic security strategy - which will not directly target China, but which has been drafted with it in mind - is due on June 20, having been first announced by von der Leyen during a speech on China at the end of March.
At that time, she warned of the need to wean Europe off Chinese supplies of critical minerals, and to keep cutting-edge European technologies out of the hands of China's military.
The policy will include outbound investment screening, which would restrict European firms from investing in some sectors of the Chinese economy.
The concept has made western European capitals jittery about Brussels moving too close to Washington, where security has trumped economic rationale when it comes to Beijing, a second diplomat said.
A third added that while Seibert presented "a good overall plan, we need to be careful not to mimic the American in their posture and their words".
"The overall response was pragmatic, we aren't interested in a gung ho approach to China," said a fourth.
The lukewarm response could set the tone for an EU leaders' debate on China later this month, as the 27 top officials mull over an updated policy towards Beijing.
"It is evident from member states' reactions that she did not consult EU governments before rhetorically aligning with the Biden administration on this subject," said David Kleimann, a visiting fellow at the Bruegel think tank in Brussels.
"This is surprising, because limitations to outbound capital flows are subject to unanimity in the European Council. Moreover, member states have exclusive competence for national security matters," he added.
The von der Leyen camp is unfazed by the blowback and points to a series of trade weapons pointed at China that were unpopular with EU members initially, only to eventually pass into law.
An anti-coercion instrument designed to tackle China's perceived economic bullying was formally agreed upon this week, less than two years after it was proposed. Initially, free market-minded member states had been extremely uncomfortable with the concept.
Also, von der Leyen's supporters note, she has said that the national security elements of her de-risking proposal would be very limited, to specific tech industries like quantum computing, artificial intelligence and semiconductors.
The vast majority of trade and investment is deemed unrisky, and would not be affected.
Western Europe's anxiety has crept into other areas of EU-China relations as well.
Some members are frustrated that Beijing was not consulted earlier about proposed EU sanctions on eight Chinese companies - some of which have bases in Hong Kong - for funnelling banned European goods to Russia's military.
Relevant EU officials only met with Chinese interlocutors to explain why the firms had been targeted this week, according to a senior EU source, despite reaching out earlier to other countries in a similar position.
"We don't need to tell them everything, but we need to stay engaged, I mean it is China," said a western European diplomat about the delayed approach to Beijing. "We need to explain [things] to China - as always, it's more about respect than consent with them."
The measures, which have been negotiated for the past month, could be finalised as soon as Wednesday as part of a broader package of sanctions, mostly on Russia.
China's ambassador to the EU, Fu Cong, has complained about the lack of consultation and suggested in a recent interview that if presented with evidence he could help close the loopholes through which hi-tech goods used in cruise missiles were being sold to Russia.
Not everyone shares anxieties over a sharper EU turn on China. Many member states from central and eastern Europe are very comfortable with a tougher approach and with greater alignment with the US.
"What we see right now is that the western European capitals tend to regard China-related challenges primarily through the lens of economic security. This is the order of the day and the key discussion," said Grzegorz Stec, an analyst of EU-China relations at the Mercator Institute for China Studies in Berlin.
"In turn, central and eastern European capitals are closer to the [Ukraine] war, making the traditional security lens comparatively stronger," he added.
"Beijing's relationship with Moscow impacts these countries' fundamental safety and brings in more geopolitical dynamics given that Nato and the US act as security guarantors in the region."
