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Upcoming Ontario PC leader Caroline Mulroney, her father and mother
This is a group of reproduced information about upcoming Ontario PC leader Caroline Mulroney, her father and mother.
Contacts
https://carolinemulroney.ca/contact/
Phone: 905-960-1457
Email: caroline@carolinemulroney.ca
Media Inquiries: media@carolinemulroney.ca
Caroline Mulroney Campaign
P.O. Box 106
Sutton West, ON
L0E 1R0
Caroline Mulroney officially joins PC leadership race - Toronto - CBC
Daughter of former PM also receives key endorsement from rumoured candidate Rod Phillips
The Canadian Press Posted: Feb 04, 2018 3:40 PM ET Last Updated: Feb 04, 2018 10:16 PM ET
Caroline Mulroney, the Toronto lawyer and daughter of former prime minister Brian Mulroney, is running to become the leader of Ontario's Progressive Conservative Party.
Mulroney confirmed the news, which has been rumoured for over a week, in a series of interviews Sunday afternoon at a hockey arena in north Toronto. She took questions from reporters between watching her two boys play on their Triple A teams.
前總理馬羅尼女兒有望成為省保守黨黨魁
有消息稱，前加拿大總理馬羅尼（Brian Mulroney）的女兒Caroline Mulroney可能臨危受命，出任新的安省保守黨黨魁。如果這個消息屬實，安省2018年省選將會出現3個主要政黨均為女性黨魁競爭省長。
現年43歲的Caroline Mulroney去年才取得York-Simcoe選區提名。不過，由於他的父親是加拿大前總理，兒童時期就對政治有一些接觸。
2015年12月，多倫多太陽報曾猜測她是否會被推選為聯邦保守黨的新黨魁。據未署名的保守黨人部消息稱，“她擁有的智慧與光芒，足以在未來選舉中與現任總理小杜魯多較量。”不過，當時Caroline並沒有表態有意競選聯邦保守黨領袖。
2017年8月，Caroline宣布競選安省保守黨York-Simcoe選區提名。9月，她成為該選區保守黨候選人，並被認為是2018年省選的一顆政治新星。
彭建邦辭職後，小馬羅尼並沒有宣布有意競選黨領袖，但是發表了一份簡短聲明，她說：“我們生活在一個偉大的時代，安省、加拿大，乃至全球的女性和女童不再沉默，她們受到性騷擾的故事有人在傾聽……這是悲傷的一天。”
阿省保守黨國會議員Michelle Rempel已經在推特上回複表示對她的支持。
形勢比人強，尚無從政經驗的小馬羅尼突然可能競選當上省長。上次聯邦大選，小杜魯多勢不可擋擊敗執政的哈珀總理，今年6月省選，小馬羅尼會不會上演“拚爹2.0版” ，扳倒省長韋恩？
Mather, Mila Mulroney
Toronto, Ontario, M4P 2C9
Milica "Mila" Mulroney (Serbian Cyrillic: Милица "Мила" Пивнички – Milica "Mila" Pivni?ki; born July 13, 1953) is the wife of the 18th Prime Minister of Canada, Brian Mulroney. They have one daughter, Caroline, and three sons, Ben, Mark, and Nicolas. Their youngest child, Nicolas, was born while the family was living in 24 Sussex Drive.
Life and work
Mulroney was born Milica Pivni?ki to Serbian Orthodoxparents Dimitrije "Mita" Pivni?ki and Bogdanka (née Ili?) in Sarajevo, PR Bosnia-Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia. Her first years were spent in the city of Sarajevo where her father was assigned to practise medicine by Yugoslav Titoistauthorities. In 1956, Dr. Pivni?ki took a research fellowship position at the Royal Victoria Hospital's Allan Memorial Institute of Psychiatry in Montreal in order to circumvent the strict exit rules in Yugoslavia and get his family out of the country. While his pregnant wife Bogdanka waited to join him, she moved with young Milica back to their hometown of Novi Be?ej, Serbia. Finally, two years later, in 1958, she and their two children (five-year-old Milica and one-year-old Jovan) emigrated to Canada and joined Dimitrije in Montreal. Mila, the elder child, studied engineering at Concordia University, but did not graduate.[1]
At age 19, she married Brian Mulroney, then a 34-year-old lawyer, on May 26, 1973. Both were involved with the Progressive Conservatives (PC) in Westmount. Mila played a large role in her husband's first campaign for the Progressive Conservative Party leadership.
Mila was a radical change from the wives of recent prime ministers — the feminist Maureen McTeer and the “wild child” Margaret Trudeau. Being a housewife, she greatly appealed to that demographic, especially in her responses to criticism from prominent feminists (including, in 1987, remarks from Sheila Copps). Many PC campaign buttons featured both Mulroney’s face and hers, and Ontario Premier Bill Davis commented to Brian, “Mila will get you more votes for you than you will for yourself.”[2]
She took on a greater role than many Prime Ministers’ wives while Mulroney was in office, acting as a campaigner for several children’s charities. Her role, which some claimed was trying to become a “First Lady,” was criticized (especially when she hired a personal office and staff and for her lavish redecoration of the Prime Minister's residence). Her frequent shopping sprees became tabloid fodder, with some in the press dubbing her “Imelda” for her love of shoes (she allegedly had over 100 pairs).[3] In her book On the Take, Stevie Cameron accused Mila of trying to sell her old furniture to the government for much more than its value.
Mila Mulroney is currently a director of the Canadian Cystic Fibrosis Foundation and of Astral.
Father, Brian Mulroney
Martin Brian Mulroney, PC, CC, GOQ, lawyer, businessman, politician, prime minister of Canada 1984 to 1993 (born 20 March 1939 in Baie-Comeau, QC).
Mulroney, Brian
Martin Brian Mulroney (© Yousuf Karsh/Comstock Images & Agency/ National Archives of Canada/PA-164231).
Japanese Canadians
September 1988, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney signs the agreement to compensate the Japanese-Canadians for the expropriation of their property and their internment during World War II (photo by Mike Binder).
Martin Brian Mulroney, PC, CC, GOQ, lawyer, businessman, politician, prime minister of Canada 1984 to 1993 (born 20 March 1939 in Baie-Comeau, QC). As prime minister and leader of the Progressive Conservative party, Brian Mulroney brought in the landmark Free Trade Agreement with the United States, and oversaw passage of the unpopular Goods and Services Tax. Mulroney’s tenure was also marked by his efforts to persuade Québec government to sign the Constitution; despite extensive consultation and negotiation, both the Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown Accord were unsuccessful. In foreign affairs, he took a strong stance against apartheid. Mulroney has also been recognized for his environmental record, including the Acid Rain Accord with the United States and passage of the Environmental Protection Act.
Education and Early Life
The son of Irish immigrants, Brian Mulroney's father was an electrician, anxious that his children escape the paper mill that dominated Baie-Comeau. Brian Mulroney attended the private St Thomas High School in Chatham, New Brunswick, and then St Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, Nova Scotia, where he studied political science, joined the campus Conservative club, and was prime minister in the Combined Atlantic Universities Parliament. He worked for John Diefenbaker's successful leadership campaign in 1956. Smooth beyond his years, fluently bilingual and gregarious, Mulroney returned to Québec in 1961, receiving a law degree at Laval.
Lawyer and Businessman
Brian Mulroney joined a major Montréal law firm (now Norton Rose Fulbright) in 1964, soon specializing in labour negotiations for concerns such as Iron Ore Company of Canada and Power Corporation of Canada. His father died in 1965, and Mulroney took on heavy family responsibilities. Later, in 1973, he married Mila Pivnicki.
In 1974–75 Mulroney won public attention as an articulate and hard-hitting member of the Cliche Commission on violence and corruption in the construction industry in Québec. By now he was the leading Conservative organizer and fund-raiser in the province. Despite never having run for office, he was a strong candidate for the leadership of the federal party in 1976, finally being eliminated on the third ballot.
Mulroney became Vice President of Iron Ore Company in 1976; as president 1977–83 he emphasized management-labour relations and was able, at the end of his term, to close the company's operation in Schefferville, Québec, without serious political repercussions. Mulroney again ran for the Progressive Conservative leadership in 1983, a low-key effort in response to charges that his 1976 campaign had been too slick and showy. He beat Joe Clark on the final ballot: 1584 votes to 1325.
Leader of the Opposition
As leader of the Opposition and Member of Parliament for Central Nova in 1983–84, he proved a skillful manager, concentrating on healing party wounds and building a solid electoral machine. Moderate and conciliatory by nature, he called for a strengthened private sector and less government intervention in the economy, minority French-language rights, and closer Canadian-American and federal-provincial relations.
In the general election of 1984 he ran an almost flawless campaign against Prime Minister John Turner's Liberals and won 211 seats, the largest number in Canadian history. Mulroney, who had always emphasized the importance of Québec to the Conservatives, captured the seat of Manicouagan, his home riding. His pledge to bring Québec to the Constitution "with honour and enthusiasm" was decisive in persuading many Québec nationalists to support the Conservatives. The party took 58 of its seats in the province, the breakthrough that Mulroney had promised would take place under his leadership. He was sworn in as the 18th prime minister on 17 September 1984.
Economic and Constitutional Reform
The first two years of Brian Mulroney's administration were marked by indecision and scandals in his Cabinet, but by the spring of 1987 he had launched the two important initiatives that would mark his first term: the negotiation of the Meech Lake Accord (see Meech Lake Accord: Document) and the conclusion of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the United States, which was reached that October. The FTA became the central issue in the 1988 federal election, and the Conservatives overcame a resurgent Liberal Party around whom opposition to the FTA coalesced. The FTA went into effect 1 January 1989.
However, the Meech Lake Accord slowly unravelled, and its collapse in June 1990 was at least partly attributed to Mulroney's widely quoted "roll of the dice" in scheduling the final first ministers' conference so close to the deadline. His government reached a new low in popularity with the imposition of the new Goods and Services Tax (GST), which went into effect 1 January 1991. Mulroney had to stack the Senate with supporters in order to get the bill through the upper house.
Critics blamed the severity of the recession of the early 1990s on the FTA, but the Conservatives continued their policy of open trade and negotiated a North American free-trade agreement which this time included Mexico. Mulroney's popularity according to the polls was lower than that of any other prime minister in history as he attempted to arrange yet another constitutional pact in the fall of 1992. The so-called Charlottetown Accord (see Charlottetown Accord: Document) was pieced together after numerous commissions and negotiations, but it was rejected in a nation-wide referendum.
Environment and Apartheid
Although Brian Mulroney is best known for his economic and constitutional policies, his record in foreign affairs and the environment is also significant. In contrast to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and American President Ronald Reagan, Mulroney took a strong stand against apartheid, recommending stiff economic and diplomatic sanctions against South Africa. Shortly after Nelson Mandela was finally released from a South African prison in 1990, the anti-apartheid activist publicly thanked Canada for its support (see Nelson Mandela: A Soft Spot for Canada).
Mulroney also took strong measures to protect the environment. In 2006, he was voted the “greenest” prime minister in Canadian history in a survey by Corporate Knights: The Magazine for Clean Capitalism. In 1991, Mulroney negotiated the Acid Rain Accord with the United States, an air quality agreement that has significantly reduced acid rain levels and sulfur dioxide (SO2) emissions (see also Air Pollution). While prime minister he also passed the Environmental Protection Act (1988) and created eight new national parks.
Retirement from Politics
After much speculation, Brian Mulroney announced his decision to leave politics in February 1993. Despite his skill in putting together a coalition of Québecois and Westerners and in uniting the traditionally fractious Conservative Party, Mulroney's constitutional failures, the economic problems brought on by the persistent recession, the lingering bitterness over the GST and his personal unpopularity had made his political future and that of his party look bleak. He turned over the office of prime minister to Kim Campbell on 25 June 1993. His Conservative coalition disintegrated in the 1993 election. Only two Conservatives were elected in all Canada and the party lost its status as an official party in the House of Commons. Many blamed Mulroney's failures and his personal unpopularity for the most unprecedented disaster in Canadian political history.
Post-Political Career
Brian Mulroney has been senior partner at the law firm Norton Rose Fulbright (formerly Ogilvy Renault) since 1993. In June 1997, the federal Liberal government apologized to Mulroney for the false accusations that he had committed fraud in the Airbus scandal.
In 1998, Mulroney became chairman of Forbes Global Business and Finance, the English-language international edition of Forbes magazine, and he was invested as a Companion of the Order of Canada.
A director on several corporate boards, in 2014 Mulroney was named chairman of Quebecor Inc., a Montréal-based media company.
Honours and Awards
Privy Council (1984)
Companion, Order of Canada (1998)
Grand Officer, National Order of Quebec (2002)
Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service (2003)
Order of Kniaz (King) Yaroslav the Wise, First Class, Ukraine (2007)
Grand Cordon, Order of the Rising Sun, Japan (2011)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, Memorial University of Newfoundland (1980)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, University of Western Ontario (2007)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, Concordia University(2005)
Mulroney remembers Margaret Thatcher: An Iron Lady
Mulroney remembers Thatcher: An Iron Lady, indeed
Brian Mulroney remembers the 'commanding' force of Margaret Thatche
Canadian conservatives eulogize Margaret Thatcher
Brian Mulroney on Thatcher: ‘The world has lost one of its giants’
Mulroney remembers Thatcher: An Iron Lady, indeed
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Prime Minister Brian Mulroney welcomes British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to the Economic Summit at Toronto City Hall in this June 19, 1988 file photo.
FRED CHARTRAND/THE CANADIAN PRESS
BRIAN MULRONEY CONTRIBUTED TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL
PUBLISHED APRIL 9, 2013 UPDATED MARCH 26, 2017
In a friendship that extended over 30 years, I argued passionately with Margaret Thatcher, I fought with her, and I won and lost battles with her.
But at the same time, I loved Margaret Thatcher.
If you admired strength and vision, if you respected a political colleague who could endure the most powerful blows and never flinch, if you respected a leader who stood on principle no matter how politically painful was its defence – you had to love Margaret Thatcher.
I remember most vividly the end of her time in office. We were together at a high-level summit in Paris, in November of 1990, on the very weekend of the caucus revolt that removed her from office. I was stunned that after winning three strong majorities she could be turfed out in such a manner – and indeed, so was she. She would not have come to the meeting if she had understood how serious was the conspiracy against her.
Margaret and I had a complicated friendship. I admired her position on most issues, and we supported each other at international meetings on issues as diverse as bringing Mikhail Gorbachev into the circle of the G7, on free trade and on expanding NATO to broaden and deepen the boundaries of democratic Europe. But on one issue we clashed, repeatedly.
Mrs. Thatcher could not see the importance, the inevitability even, of the end of a system as patently cruel as apartheid. We had our most difficult conversations about it for more than five years, including an especially intense one-on-one at Mirabel Airport. The photo of the two of us makes clear how wrenching was our exchange. Margaret left office before the astonishing transformation that was Nelson Mandela's arrival on the world stage, and I avoided renewing our debates on the subject after that. She certainly wasn't for the turning, as she said, but we remained friends. I know she suspected me of being what she would call "a wet" – not sufficiently hardline by her standards.
She came to visit in her retirement years, spending one glorious weekend with my family and me at the prime minister's residence at Harrington Lake. We talked and laughed and shared memories of the grand battles we had fought and won together until well into the evening. We had other fine holidays together in South Hampton in New York and in Palm Beach in her retirement years.
Margaret was careful not to interfere in other countries' domestic politics, sensitive to how difficult such meddling would be for a fellow leader – most of the time. ... However, when she came to Ottawa in the midst of our free-trade debate, to my amusement and the horror of many colleagues, critics and reporters, she used part of her speech to the House of Commons to laud not only the free-trade agreement and but our government for having attempted it. She gave me an "aren't I wicked?" smile as she sat down.
It was only two years later though that she was attempting to maintain the same confident zeal in a tough negotiation. We were together at the then-new Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Margaret drove her security policy views backed by her usual intensely detailed homework. In all my public life, I only met one other leader who prepared so meticulously for important meetings – Peter Lougheed.
During the discussions, she maintained her confident, even jaunty air, but late that night before a formal dinner at Versailles she turned to me and said, "Brian, I need a friend to talk to. As I said in my diary note later, "I was overwhelmed by the sadness in her eyes and by her loneliness..." I shared with her the story of John Diefenbaker and his similarly painful defeat. We chatted about the vagaries of political life. Then Mila and I escorted her into the room.
This was a side of Margaret I had never seen, and that she did not permit the world to see, then or later. Margaret Thatcher was never going to go quietly – and she did not. Setting up a large foundation devoted to her political values, writing a two-volume memoir and offering advice to leaders in private – and sometimes with her typically razor-sharp acuity – in public.
I was pleased to have a chance to share memories with her and then share them with those gathered at the memorial for Ronald Reagan in 2004. Our last time together was over lunch at Claridge's in London. Margaret was almost as sharp in her judgments of people and events as the first time I met her 30 years earlier.
It is always tempting for one generation to regard the leaders of the generations that follow with some condescension. But I believe I am safe in saying that at a crucial chapter in her country's history, without Margaret Thatcher's resolute leadership, the United Kingdom would have suffered far more deeply.
And I am confident in saying that, at an equally crucial moment in global history – the collapse of communism and the reunification of Europe – the world was blessed to have had leaders of the stature of Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, the first George Bush and Helmut Kohl, to lead us through that fateful transition. I feel blessed to have known and worked many late nights with each of them – and most blessed of all to have had that privilege with Margaret Thatcher, an Iron Lady indeed.
Brian Mulroney was Prime Minister of Canada from 1984 to1993.
Brian Mulroney remembers the 'commanding' force of Margaret Thatcher
Brian Mulroney says his old friend Margaret Thatcher was commanding and fierce in her political battles, but also a dear and thoughtful friend.
Margaret Thatcher leads the way as Ronald Reagan, Brian Mulroney and Helmut Kohl follow her into a courtyard at Hart House in Toronto in June 1988.
By SUSAN DELACOURTStar Columnist
Mon., April 8, 2013
OTTAWA—Former prime minister Brian Mulroney last saw Margaret Thatcher about a year and a half ago, when he took her to lunch at Claridge’s in London.
Though suffering from dementia, she still remembered her old friend and conservative ally from the 1980s, and as always, she called him “Brawn.”
Toward the end of the lunch, Thatcher said: “Brawn, I’m sorry. I’m going to have to leave because I have to go home and make tea for Denis.”
Thatcher had brought Lord Charles Powell, her former foreign adviser, along to the lunch and he gently reminded her that Sir Denis had passed away in 2003.
Mulroney wasn’t sure what to say. “She looked at me, she didn’t say anything, and then, very softly, she said: ‘Yes, of course I remember. But you know Brawn, I still have to go home and make tea.’”
Mulroney took her arm and escorted her out through the opulent lobby at Claridge’s. Instantly recognized by the crowds, resplendent in a maroon suit and diamond jewelry, Thatcher was applauded as she made her exit with her old Canadian friend.
On learning of her death on Monday, Mulroney had a flood of recollections about his dealings with Thatcher, whom he said will be remembered as a “commanding figure in history.”
There were many times when they stood shoulder to shoulder with U.S. president Ronald Reagan — the three of them known as a powerful, conservative triumvirate on the world stage in the 1980s. Mulroney credits Thatcher for blazing the conservative trail with her election in 1979 — proving that it was possible, indeed necessary, to repudiate the social-welfare-state policies of the 1970s.
“I would say that her agenda had a very significant influence, not only on Canada and the United States, but elsewhere,” Mulroney said, citing his own record in reversing the legacy of Liberal rule under Pierre Trudeau, and how Thatcher’s example had emboldened him to do so.
Even so, he said, Thatcher always saw him as a little soft when it came to conservatism. “Margaret thought I was too progressive and not conservative enough,” he laughed.
And then there were the battles, too — in particular, a large blowup between Mulroney and Thatcher in 1986 over the issue of sanctions against apartheid in South Africa. Mulroney was for them, Thatcher was adamantly opposed.
“That was not a polite skirmish,” Mulroney said. That was the only fundamental disagreement on policy that we had.”
At one point, during a tense meeting at Mirabel airport near Montreal, Mulroney said he had to shout at her: “Margaret. I am not a member of your government. I am the prime minister of a sovereign nation . . . . If you want somebody to follow you, go get someone from your own government.”
There were no lingering hard feelings over that row, though, Mulroney said, and the two went on to build a deep and enduring friendship that lasted well beyond Thatcher’s 1990 ouster as prime minister. Mulroney was actually with her at a global conference in Paris as the Conservative forces in London were massing to unseat her. Mulroney wrote extensively in his memoirs of her sad but stoic demeanour in the face of the caucus uprising that was brewing back at home. Indeed, when she returned, Thatcher was removed as leader.
Mulroney continued to see her throughout the years, sometimes on long-weekend vacations he and his wife Mila took with Nancy Reagan and the Thatchers.
“In private, she was a gentle, kind, thoughtful, polite, hugely enjoyable person,” he said. “She was a truly wonderful human being.”
Brian Mulroney on Thatcher: ‘The world has lost one of its giants’
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U.S. President Ronald Reagan, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney chat at a G7 leaders' summit on June 20, 1988. HANS DERYK
The world today has lost one of its giants. Margaret Thatcher was the most transformative leader of her country since Churchill. She played a crucial role in the successful navigation of the end of the Cold War and the launch of a new era.
Mila and I share with her family and friends around the world deep sadness at her passing. Margaret was an inspiration to a generation of leaders around the world, with her courage, her conviction and her ability to stand up to dictatorship and to lead her country in war. The Britain she took charge of in 1979 was a country burdened with illness, social and economic. By the time of her departure more than a decade later Britain was a confident winner again.
I was privileged to work with Margaret, with Ronald Reagan and with Helmut Kohl, François Mitterrand as we attempted to persuade first European colleagues and then the world that the death of the Soviet Union meant an entirely new set of relationships in the world. Those leaders found the path to a new future for Germany, for Europe and for the world. It was an achievement in which Margaret was a driving force.
Like every great leader, with strong convictions and a bold vision, she made enemies. Some Canadians were unconvinced by her approach. But in a series of visits to Canada she won many friends here. By her final visit in 1988 she was recognized as the founder of modern Conservatism, a leader who had dragged her country from the brink of economic and social crisis, and a beacon of strong principled leadership to the world.
Read more about: Brian Mulroney, Quebec, Margaret Thatcher
加拿大前總理馬丁·布賴恩·馬爾羅尼
http://www.baike.com/wiki/%E9%A9%AC%E4%B8%81%C2%B7%E5%B8%83%E8%
馬丁·布賴恩·馬爾羅尼（Martin Brian Mulroney）（1939年3月20日－），是第23任加拿大總理。他的任期從1984年9月17日到1993年6月25日。
馬爾羅尼出身於魁北克省貝科莫一個愛爾蘭裔家庭，青年時期曾就讀於聖弗朗西斯·格紮維埃大學。在那裏他參加了保守黨，並與當時的保守黨領袖約翰·迪芬貝克建立了聯係。大學畢業後，馬爾羅尼進入魁北克城的拉瓦爾大學法學院，被迫重操法語，因而熟練掌握了加拿大的兩種主要語言。他曾任魁北克北岸與拉布拉多鐵路公司董事和總經理、聯合省保險公司董事，並在加拿大帝國商業銀行、漢納煤炭公司、標準廣播公司等企業任職。1965年馬爾羅尼成為蒙特利爾市一位頗負盛名的律師。1973年他同比他小13歲，出身於南斯拉夫移民家庭的米拉結婚，婚後生育了3個子女。
1977年後，馬爾羅尼曆任加拿大鐵礦公司總裁、董事兼總經理，加拿大帝國商業銀行及其他12家公司董事等職。
總理
1983年馬爾羅尼複出從政，並當選為進步保守黨新領袖，並通過補缺入選眾議院。
在1984年9月的大選中，進步保守黨獲得211個議會席位，達到加拿大國會曆史上的空前絕對多數，取得超過三分之二的席次，自由黨議席大減至40店，結束自由黨長達二十年的執政。1984年9月17日，45歲的馬爾羅尼成為加拿大第18任總理。新的保守黨政府強調民族和解，承認魁北克省的特殊性，於1987年6月與10省政府達成有關承認魁北克省特殊社會地位的米奇湖修憲協議。1988年1月2日馬爾羅尼總理和羅納德·裏根總統分別簽署加、美自由貿易協定，後更支持北美自由貿易協議。
1988年10月1日馬爾羅尼宣布解散議會。11月21日加拿大舉行第三十四屆聯邦大選，馬爾羅尼成功連任總理，但保守黨總席次下降至169席。
修憲受挫及下台
1990年6月米奇湖修憲協議因未能在規定的3年內獲得全部10省議會的批準而宣告夭折。魁北克省法裔的獨立情緒隨之再度高漲。馬爾羅尼與10省2地區和土著人代表經過馬拉鬆式的艱苦談判，終於在1992年8月達成一項新的修憲協議。為保證該協議在聯邦和各省議會順利通過，馬爾羅尼決定以全國公民投票方式對該決議進行表決，結果因55％的選民投票反對而遭否決。這是繼1990年米奇湖協議夭折後，馬爾羅尼政府在修憲問題上再次受挫。
隨後的民意測驗結果表明，馬爾羅尼的選民支持率降至12％，遠遠落在自由黨領袖的後麵，保守黨的選民支持率也隻有19％。為使保守黨在1993年秋天的大選中獲勝，馬爾羅尼於1993年2月宣布辭職。6月，加拿大國防部長金·坎貝爾在執政的保守黨領袖選舉的第二輪投票中獲勝，當選為該黨的新領袖，並接替前領袖馬爾羅尼出任政府總理，成為加拿大第一位擔當此任的女性。9月8日，坎貝爾宣布解散議會，定於10月25日舉行聯邦大選。選舉結果自由黨大獲全勝。
經曆/馬丁·布賴恩·馬爾羅尼 編輯
1965年馬爾羅尼成為蒙特利爾市一位頗負盛名的律師。1973年他同比他小13歲，出身於南斯拉夫移民家庭的米拉結婚，婚後生育了3個子女。
1977年後，馬爾羅尼曆任加拿大鐵礦公司總裁、董事兼總經理，加拿大帝國商業銀行及其他12家公司董事等職。
1983年馬爾羅尼複出從政，並當選為進步保守黨新領袖，並通過補缺入選眾議院。
在1984年9月的大選中，保守黨獲得211個議會席位，達到加拿大曆史上的空前多數，同年9月17日，45歲的馬爾羅尼成為加拿大第十八位總理。
新政府強調民族和解，承認魁北克省的特殊性，於1987年6月與10省政府達成有關承認魁北克省特殊社會地位的米奇湖修憲協議。
1988年1月2日馬爾羅尼總理和裏根總統分別簽署加、美自由貿易協定。
1988年秋，馬爾羅尼在西北地區的一個土著民族社區內簽署了一份曆史性協議，給予1.5萬名居住在馬更些河盆地的甸尼(dene)和梅蒂族部落以西北地區1萬平方公裏土地的擁有權，包括地下權在內。馬爾羅尼說：“這份原則性條約，一旦徹底執行，將會在生長於斯的人民和服務於他們的政府之間建立起一個新的、更密切、更健康的關係。”
1988年10月1日馬爾羅尼宣布解散議會。11月21日加拿大舉行第三十四屆聯邦大選，馬爾羅尼連任總理。
1989年1月30日，馬爾羅尼總理宣布改組內閣，並成立了由總理任主席的政府開支審查委員會，以控製政府開支，減少財政赤字。
1、同經濟、貿易領域的開放政策相配合，加拿大在馬爾羅尼時代更積極地參與了國際事務。
2、1988年加拿大在國際事務中值得自豪的另一件事是得到在安理會中為期兩年的理事國席位。自1948年聯合國成立以來，加拿大先後4次被選為安理會非常任理事國，大約每10年一次。
3、對於當時一些重大的國際問題，加拿大政府的態度是明朗的。如在美國對尼加拉瓜實行禁運後，加拿大不僅繼續同尼加拉瓜保持經貿聯係，而且同意把尼加拉瓜原設在美國的貿易辦事處遷往加拿大。
4、除了積極參與維持世界和平外，加拿大還熱衷於改善自然環境和人權狀況。1988年9月29日，馬爾羅尼在聯合國大會的致詞中說：“當今世界正麵臨一場空前嚴重的環境危機。大自然亦向我們發出緊急警告：假使我們再不密切注意這個問題，它將會給我們帶來災難。這個危機的訊號有目共睹：林木短缺，表土瘠化，廣泛的土地沙漠化，魚類數量劇降，大批海狗在北海死亡和白鯨被衝上聖勞倫斯河畔等等。還有人說，人類的生存已經受到直接威脅。”1989年3月，馬爾羅尼總理參加了在海牙舉行的最高級會議，也是世界曆史上第一次針對自然環境問題而舉行的各國首腦會議。他號召世界各國為保障全人類的生存權利，共同起來防止大氣汙染和減輕溫室效應。
5、80年代初，加拿大外事機構發生了很大變化。 1981年4月，國外移民計劃的管理責任與加拿大雇傭和移民委員會班子一起移交到外交部。
6、外事機構的調整是與加拿大政府施政重心的轉移和加拿大國際地位變化密切相關的。經過半個世紀的發展，加拿大由一個不具備外交權利的自治領發展為一個在世界上有廣泛影響的泱泱大國。
7、在發展同其他國家的關係方麵，加拿大一方麵穩定了它與美國和英聯邦國家的關係，另一方麵也努力加強同亞太國家之間的聯係。
8、發展與穩定同英聯邦各國的關係，仍然是加拿大對外政策的一個重要方麵。加拿大在英聯邦中的政策目標是：加強團結，為國際和平與發展做出貢獻；加強作為實用性合作圈子的自身發展。同美國的關係是加拿大對外關係的重心。美、加兩國依然是軍事盟國，對北約承擔著義務。1986年3月，馬爾羅尼總理訪問了美國，兩國簽署了共同治理酸雨汙染的協議，續簽了《北美航空航天防禦司令部協定》。
9、1985年，加拿大出口商品的78％銷往美國，占其國民生產總值的24％，同時也進口了占美國出口總額22％的商品。加美互惠貿易協定簽訂以後，兩國的經濟關係更為密切。約翰·布什當選總統後，首先出訪了加拿大，與馬爾羅尼總理商討了諸如酸雨及加美自由貿易協定的履行等問題。1989年以來，兩國在政治上的見解更趨一致，並加強了協商合作。馬爾羅尼總理與布什總統除保持著裏根時期建立的兩國領導人年度磋商外，還進行了一些非定期會晤。
10、為了在國際政治中發揮積極作用及促進對外貿易與合作，加拿大還加強了同第三世界國家的關係，中國便是其中之一。1986年5月，加拿大總理馬爾羅尼訪問了中國。1989年5月，中國萬裏委員長訪問了加拿大。1989年5月，在中國舉辦了以“共享未來”為主題的加中友好月。內容包括教育、文化、體育、經濟開發和貿易促進等領域的20多項活動。馬爾羅尼總理為此專門發表了電視致詞。加中友好月所舉辦的各項活動，反映了中加關係已經在相當廣泛的領域內獲得發展。在兩國建交20周年之際，雙方可以充滿信心地總結過去的友誼與合作，展望未來的發展前景，以期真正實現友好月的口號：共享未來。
競爭激烈！又一知名人士參選安省保守黨黨領 www.bcbay.com | 2018-01-28
多倫多市長競選人Doug Ford稱，他正在考慮競選安省進步保守黨的領導人。
CP24得到消息稱，福特今天正在會晤可能的金主、工作人員和支持者。福特稱，他最早周一就能得到回音。
福特宣布競爭黨領的背景是，Patrick Brown 因不當性舉動指控而辭職黨領，雖然Brown 本人強烈否認指控。
保守黨的金融批評人士Vic Fedeli 被選為過渡期領導人，但是在3月以前保守黨的行政機構會投票舉辦領導人競選，選出新的黨魁。
其他有望參選的人包括Christine Elliot，他在上次黨魁競選中得票數位列第二。前總理馬爾羅尼(Brian Mulroney，第23任加拿大總理)的女兒Caroline Mulroney也會參與競選。
Fedeli 也稱自己有意競選永久黨魁職務。
這並非福特第一次考慮競選保守黨領導。在2014年，福特就曾表示自己考慮參加2015年競選，但是最終決定放棄競選。
Brown辭職後，Forum Research發布的民調顯示，12%的參與者表示他們會支持Christine Elliot，11%的參與者表示會支持福特作為下任黨魁。
