Mao Zedong remembered: China's multi-faceted deep-thinking leader
毛主席在天安門城樓上 為 李敦白 在毛語錄上 簽名, 1968
1949年在蘇聯 任報紙編輯的李敦白被指控為間諜,並組織了一個國際間諜網。約瑟夫·斯大林 說他是美帝國主義派來破壞中國革命的間諜,要求毛澤東逮捕李敦白。李敦白於是被投入監獄,有一年時間都被關在終年不見陽光的獄室裏。李敦白回憶說:獄卒對他用藥,讓他一直焦慮暴躁、無法入睡。“他們以為你會崩潰,然後招供,”他說。“我崩潰了,可我沒什麽好招供的。所以場麵有點尷尬。”[4] 期間第一任中國妻子與他離婚。1955年斯大林 死後,李敦白獲得平反,他才被釋放。在中央人民廣播電台 擔任外國專家,與王玉琳結識,1956年結婚。
文化大革命 期間,表現得非常激進。1967年他成為有約70名成員的白求恩-延安造反團頭目,並在中國國際廣播電台 掌權。同年4月8日《人民日報 》發表了他的文章《中國文化大革命打開了通向共產主義的航道》。4月10日,他作為外國人代表在清華大學 批鬥王光美 。他還批鬥了當時居住在北京的一些其他外國人,包括馬海德 (George Hatem)。
1967年9月,中國國際廣播電台和很多外國人所住的友誼賓館出現針對李敦白的大字報,將他劃為“五一六分子 ”。
1968年2月, 李敦白和白求恩-延安造反團的許多成員如愛潑斯坦 和丘茉莉 夫婦等被逮捕。他的妻子王玉琳則被派往五七幹校 。
1973年在押的外國人基本都被釋放,但李敦白仍然被視為王力 、關鋒 和戚本禹 分子繼續關押。1977年11月他才被釋放並平反。1979年回到美國度假,並曾為《紐約時報》撰文講述自己的第一印象。1979年《紐約時報》也曾報道過他引人入勝的故事。
1980年,李敦白攜家人徹底地離開了中國。最初,他寄居在姐姐家,靠妻子織毛衣、教中文和中國烹調勉強維持生活。
現和妻子王玉琳居住在美國華盛頓州 福克斯島,他們有三子一女。他一麵在太平洋路德大學 做中國研究,一麵經營自己的中國事務谘詢公司“Rittenberg & Associates”。他的兒子小悉尼·裏滕伯格(Sidney Rittenberg Jr.)作為商業顧問曾在2002年與習近平 一起,介入美國柏克德公司 和其他一些外國投資者在福建的一個發電廠投資項目。
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Sidney Rittenberg met Mao Zedong in the early 1970s
US citizen Sidney Rittenberg spent 35 years in China at a time of momentous upheaval, personally befriending Mao Zedong and other veteran Chinese revolutionary leaders as they seized power from the Kuomintang from 1945 onwards. Here he reveals his unique perspective on the civil war, the early days of Communism and Mao's philosophy.
Like everything else in China, Mao's role today is a study in paradox. He is both more and less than the ginormous portrait that dominates the centre of Beijing's Tiananmen Square - and which will not be coming down anytime soon.
More, because Mao is the George Washington figure, the founder of the People's Republic of China, the great unifier of his ancient, far-flung and multifarious people.
Less, because Chinese youth today, including young Party members, typically know nothing about his writings, his doctrine, his great successes and monstrous errors.
Xi Jinping and his new leading team have warned that Soviet-style de-Maoification could lead to great confusion and weakening of the present regime - a regime whose stability they consider essential for leading China down the thorny path of reform.
At the same time, they make no bones about the catastrophic latter-day Maoist adventures like the "Great Leap Forward" of the late 1950s and the (anti-) Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. Those megalomaniacal social experiments cost tens of millions of innocent lives.
Unlike Stalin, Mao sentenced no-one and certainly did not intend to create a terrible famine.
But he did know full well that he was engaged in huge social experiments, which disrupted the lives of multitudes - and that he himself was not sure what the outcome would be.
He confessed as much to the left-wing American writer Anna Louise Strong in 1958, when she was about to write a book acclaiming Mao's Great Leap Forward.
"Wait another five years before you write it," he told her, explaining that he was not sure yet what the outcome would be.
So is Xi reviving Maoism? Or, was disgraced former party boss in Chongqing, Bo Xilai?
At the same time, they make no bones about the catastrophic latter-day Maoist adventures like the "Great Leap Forward" of the late 1950s and the (anti-) Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. Those megalomaniacal social experiments cost tens of millions of innocent lives.
Unlike Stalin, Mao sentenced no-one and certainly did not intend to create a terrible famine.
But he did know full well that he was engaged in huge social experiments, which disrupted the lives of multitudes - and that he himself was not sure what the outcome would be.
He confessed as much to the left-wing American writer Anna Louise Strong in 1958, when she was about to write a book acclaiming Mao's Great Leap Forward.
"Wait another five years before you write it," he told her, explaining that he was not sure yet what the outcome would be.
So is Xi reviving Maoism? Or, was disgraced former party boss in Chongqing, Bo Xilai?
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Historians in China and abroad will continue to study Mao's role for centuries
The answer is "No", in both cases.
Bo was simply using demagogic egalitarian slogans to catch the fancy of the poor.
As for Xi, his reform policies run directly counter to Maoist economics, but he makes adroit use of Maoist dialectic logic to analyse China's problems and their putative solutions, and he argues for acknowledging the positive achievements of Mao's leadership.
Which leads us to the really interesting point - almost universally overlooked by Western scholars, with a few honourable exceptions, like Cambridge's Peter Nolan: Mao's analytic/synthetic philosophy is China's genuine secret weapon, although much neglected even in China today.
Take the scene when I arrived in China, September 1945.
Two rival parties, Kuomintang (KMT) Nationalists and Chinese Communists, were drawing up their armed forces, preparing to contend for power in a bloody civil war.
On the Nationalist side were well-fed, well-trained troops with air support, tank divisions, heavy artillery, motorised transportation - and out-numbering the Communists manyfold.
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Mao - a multi-talented figure who gave rise to acts of great goodness and great badness - is not likely to be cast aside by the Chinese people
They controlled all major lines of communication, all major cities outside of Manchuria. They enjoyed enormous support in arms and money from the USA. Their superiority seemed absolute.
On the Communist side? In November 1946 I hiked 40km (miles) out from Yanan to meet the Communists' crack 359th Brigade, whose commander, Wang Zhen, was a friend.
The 359th had been on the legendary Long March and had forged a path all the way to southern Guangdong Province to support the building of an American airbase there in World War Two.
Meeting them as they marched towards Yanan, I was appalled by what I saw.
They were a rag-tag and bob-tailed crowd. Most of them looked like teenagers.
A few in each squad wore baste shoes, most tramped along in self-woven grass sandals. Of the 10 men in a squad, five or six would have captured Japanese rifles; the rest carried knotty clubs or red-tasseled spears.
My heart sank at the sight: How could they possibly win?
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Mao's analytic/synthetic philosophy is China's genuine secret weapon, although much neglected even in China today
Yet, they did win, and quite handily at that. Why? Because of a superior, more scientific way of thinking, which led to ingenious and highly popular policies (like land reform) and to versatile tactics that clobbered the stodgy KMT officer corps.
Mao always described himself to visitors as a "primary school teacher". He was, in fact, probably the largest-scale teacher of philosophy in human history. Among his main tenets were:
Seek truth from facts. Investigate and study the facts on your specific task or locality, and base your policy and actions on that. Do not start from preconceived "truth" and amass the facts to prove yourself right, neglecting facts that cast doubt on your conclusions. In 1947 I translated a set of 40 Articles on how to carry out the land reform. Article 40 was written personally by Mao, with his big wolf-hair writing brush. It said, if any land reform workers disagree with the 40 Articles, and want to sabotage them, the most effective means of sabotage is to carry them out in your village exactly as they are written here. Do not study your local circumstances, do not adapt the decisions to local needs, do not change a thing - and they will surely fail. "No investigation, no right to speak," said Mao.
"One divides into two." Everything is many-sided, everything is in flux, nothing is pure and simple. Not analysing, not probing, assuming that "what you see is what you get" is a recipe for over-simplification and disaster. A KMT commander may be bitterly anti-Communist, but his co-ed daughter may be in the student movement and able to influence him, he may be seriously disgruntled with Chiang Kai-Shek, his secretary may be a secret Communist, He is a complex, many-sided man. Find his buttons, and push them.
The enemy far out-numbers and out-guns you? Then, only fight him in small increments, in local situations where you out-number and out-advantage him - never fight when victory is not certain. Your overall strategic position at the beginning is defensive, but each individual battle must be offensive, in order to change the balance of forces and win the war.
The Mass Line "From the masses and to the masses". The leading team should be a processing plant, gathering data on the needs and demands of people at the grass roots, formulating policies to meet those needs, returning to the grassroots to monitor the implementation of the decisions, and making the appropriate revisions. This should be a continuous "down-up-down" process of leadership. Restoring attention to this process has been a major effort of the Xi Jinping team.
Historians in China and abroad will continue to study Mao's role for centuries, but this multi-talented figure with the great good and great bad he gave rise to, is not likely to be cast aside by the Chinese people.